ماهنامه مثلث شماره 17

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/‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻫﻢ‪ 19 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫¯ˆ‪| ] Á{ ʸ¯Âe Á €ÀÅZ] ¶j» Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪|¿Â‹Ê» dÌuÔ‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY ¹YÁ|Ì»Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Á€] ¥Z^Ì·Z« ¶j» É{€§ d¼‡ Ä‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪½{Y{ ÉY ‚m ÉYÃZq ½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫]‪|Àf‹Y|¿ {Y„¿É|¼uY Ä‬‬ ‫]‪ʸ § ÉZʼnÁ Y €Ì£ ÊËZʼnÁ Z‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y ½ZËY€´·ÂY ½M Y Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭﯾﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫‪:¹Ô¯ Z^ˁ ©{Z‬‬ ‫‪|‡Ê» Z¼‹ d]¿ {Á ZË €Ë{ !Ê«€e ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ 5 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 148 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‡‪:ʬWZ§|Ì ‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÅ ½Z^¸— sԏY‬‬ ‫‪d‹Y{d‡Á{ʼ‹ZÅÉZ«M‬‬ ‫{‪{‹ÉÁZˆ»Ê]Y‬‬ ‫‪: |Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê»ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫{{‬ ‫‡€»‪ÄËZ‬‬ ‫{‪½YY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪Z¿.|ÀÀ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀ˂³‬‬ ‫‪cYÁ‬‬ ‫‪{Z‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪†¿Z‬‬ ‫¯‪º‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ]Y€v‬‬ ‫‹‪Ä^WZ‬‬ ‫‪\¸¬e‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪µZnÀm‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‡€‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉYÁ‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Y{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪ɇÂ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ 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‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮیﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮیﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪½Z‹{Ây88‬‬ ‫»‪¹€fv‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫¿œ€‬ ‫‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫§‪ļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪:·ÂmM‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭیﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮیﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮیﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮیﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮیﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪½Z‹{Ây88‬‬ ‫»‪¹€fv‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫¿œ€‬ ‫‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫§‪ļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪:·ÂmM‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭیﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮیﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮیﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|À^ˀ§MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮیﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|À^ˀ§MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪:ʌŸ€» ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫§€‪ɁÁ€Ìa ɇ Ä] Y‬‬ ‫‪Y €e¹Â¸œ» ½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍیﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺗﺎ ﻭﻧﻭﺁ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦﺮﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥﻘﻮ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ«ﺗﻘ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦﺍﺯ«ﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻌ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﻴ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﺷ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﺩﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻭ‬ ‫ﻞﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ»‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﺍ»‬ ‫ﭘﭼﻧﺴﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻋﯽ‪IS SN: 20 08-528‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ ‪1‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘ ‪MO‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪SALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻭ‬ ‫ﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫»‪ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY€m‬‬ ‫{§‪Z»YY Z‬‬ ‫{‪{€Ì´]]Ã|Ë‬‬ ‫´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪Y½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫¯‪|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€ yYY€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫{‪Ád·Á‬‬ ‫»‪Ád·Á{½ZÌ‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌ»Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫]‪Ö]Ö‬‬ ‫{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊË‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ|‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺳﺳﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫{‬ ‫{ ﭘﭘﺮ‬ ‫{‪|‹Á€ ¨ ] ½ ZŒ ¼ ¸Ì§|¿Y{Y‬‬ ‫{‪Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]]‪|¿Â »ZYÌ]Z» ÕY| °¿Z‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪: Âa‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪Âa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Á MZŀ°¨ À‹ÁÊ°‬‬ ‫{‪: Ã‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â̇ŻÄ‬‬ ‫¿^‪Ä]|ËZ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻴﺒ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﯾﻴﺰی ﻃﺒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺎﯾﻴﺰی‬ ‫ﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭﭘﺎﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪﺳ ﭘ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺎﺷ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽﻭﻤﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽﻭﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﮐﻏ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻄﻴ‬ ‫ﻤﻪﺤ‬ ‫ﻫﺗﻌﻣﭘ‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe ʼ¿ Z° ˀ » M: ɁY€y‬‬ ‫]‪|ÀÅY yÊ»ZŠֈ̸ ´¿YÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗ ﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ؛ﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ ﺚ‬ ‫ﺮﺿﺎ‪ S‬ﺳ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬ﻋ‪. IR‬ﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻧﺍﷲ‬ ‫‪ISSN : 200-528‬‬ ‫ﻤﯽ ‪8‬‬ ‫‪MO‬ﻠﻴ ‪1‬‬ ‫‪ALAS‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺪی‬ ‫ﺪی‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺴﻰﻡ‬ ‫ﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﺎﻼ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺎﻴ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒ‬ ‫ﺳﺒ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﻮﺮﻗ‬ ‫ﺷﺗ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﻕﻓﺗﻤﻓ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻒﻣﺤﺧ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻭ‬ ‫ﺻ‬ ‫ﮕﯽ‪،‬ﻤ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬ﻄ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻞﺩﻟ ﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻴ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺎﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﻼﯾﯽﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻓ‬ ‫ﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﯽﺟﻤ‬ ‫ﺏ‬ ‫ﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻃﺪﺳ‬ ‫ﺮﺗﻀﯽﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﻮﺎﺷ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻫ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪﺪﺍ ﻟﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻣ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﻤ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻣﺍﺤﺣ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ ﺤﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘ ﻢ ‪5/‬ﻣ ﻬ ﺮ ‪148 / 1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼﻡﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﻣﻏ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺤ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠ ﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﻧﺠ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮ ﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﯽﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣ ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫¼‪¿Zz‬‬ ‫¯€‪¬Å{{ʼË‬‬ ‫‪‹¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ʸŸ, É|Æ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫«‪, ¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,ʸÌ‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪,»ŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫»‪,Z¼ ‬‬ ‫»‪« €«Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪Z]|¼v‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫»‪Ê^m|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪»»€|Ì‬‬ ‫»‪f¯{n‬‬ ‫»‪€|Ìn‬‬ ‫{¯‪f‬‬ ‫»‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê»ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ {‬ ‫ﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺗﺤﺮﻮ ﯾ‬ ‫ﺍﻥﻥﻭ ﺗﺤ‬ ‫ﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮ ﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﯾﺍﻣﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪﭘﻴﻪ ﺍﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺑﻮﻄ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﺖﻭ ﺭﮔﺍﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻞﻭ ﻭ ﮔ ﻔ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫‪1000‬ﻣﺎﻠ ﻴ‬ ‫‪ 116 /13 88‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ /‬ﺗﺗﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎ ﻝ ﺍ ﻭ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﻔﺘﻢ ‪29 /‬ﺷ ﻬ ﺮ ﯾ ﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫¾‬ ‫»® §‪Ì·Z‬‬ ‫»®‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫»‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê»ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ {‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫¯€{‪¹‬‬ ‫¯€€{{‬ ‫¯€{‬ ‫»‪€¯ ¹Z‬‬ ‫‪¹Z‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫‪¹Z»Y‬‬ ‫‪Z» [Zf¯ {YÁ ¾» Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY€] É{ZˁÉZłÌq‬‬ ‫‪łÌq‬‬ ‫‚‪Å‬‬ ‫‪łÌq‬‬ ‫‪Ìq‬‬ ‫‪{Y{{ÁkÁ½{Âyc€ˆu‬‬ ‫ˆ€€‪c‬‬ ‫‪ˆu‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌ‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫ﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪W‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﮑ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺼﻄﻔﯽﻣﻠ‪Á‬ﻣ‬ ‫€{‪É‬‬ ‫ﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‪Á‬‬ ‫ﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺍﻟﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤ‬ ‫{‪°Å‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬ﻣﻣ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴ‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫ﻻﺩی‪،‬ﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻦﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫‪ˆu‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Á MZŀ° ¨ À‹Á Ê°‬‬ ‫{‪: Ã‬‬ ‫{‪Ã{Ã‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬ﺭ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬ﺩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾ ﮑ‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﻭﺁ‬ ‫یﺳ‬ ‫ﺖﻫﻪﺎی‬ ‫ﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾ‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺭﭼ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫ﭘ‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪:ʇZ§ ¾Ë|·YµÔm‬‬ ‫‪cY€]Zz» ¶¯€Ë|» Z] ³ Á d¨³‬‬ ‫{‪««Y‚´f»|y» d·Á‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭی ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪IS SN : 2008‬‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻋﯽ ‪- 52 8 1‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫‪MOS‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘ‬ ‫‪ALAS‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺖﻭﻩﺗﺎ‪. IR‬ﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ ﺳ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ‬ ‫§€‪ZË©Y‬‬ ‫]‪©Y€§ Z‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z»º£º£‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪mZ»Y‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫{ §‪Z‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â »Z Ì]Y Z » ÕY| °¿Z‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸ ﮑ ﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺯﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ ﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ ﺚ ؛‬ ‫‪: YÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZ f¨ ³Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾ ﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻧ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﺑ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﻂﺗ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥﻣﻨﺩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺗ«ﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥﺯ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻠ ﺍﺷ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩﻭ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻪ‬ ‫ﭗ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ»‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻞﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﻧﺴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﭼ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫»‪ºË{€¯Ö‬‬ ‫‪Ö»{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﯾﻴﺰیﺒ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰی‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﻃ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻣ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﻪﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬ‬ ‫ﯽﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺭ‬ ‫ﺸﮕﺎﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎ‬ ‫ﺰﺩﮔﭼ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﮔ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺩ ﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﻏﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﻭ‬ ‫ﻌﻄﻴ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺳ‬ ‫ﺪﯽﻩ‬ ‫ﻰ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﻡ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻼ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺒﺤﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎ ﻧﻘ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﮐ‬ ‫ﺷﻴ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻤ‬ ‫ﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﻓ‬ ‫ﺯﯾ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺷﺒﺳ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻓﺗ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩﺧ‬ ‫ﻕﻤ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻔﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺤ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺣﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮕﺩﺟ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬ﻴﻟﺣﺑﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻌﯽﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻋﺍﺗﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﺪﺑ‬ ‫ﻼﯾﺮﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻤﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻃ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺪﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺠ‬ ‫ﻣﺴ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺪﺍ ﻟ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﻣ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﻋﺒ‬ ‫ﺍﻣ ﻣﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺭﺿﺪﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺤﺩ ﻓﺴﺎ ﻉ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﺎﺎﻣﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺖﻭیﻭ ‪8‬ﮔ ﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻔ ﮔﺘ ﻔﻫ‬ ‫ﻧﻧﺎﺎﺩﺭﮔ‬ ‫‪| ÀÅY y Ê» ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ֈ ̸ ´¿ Y : ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪: Âa‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ ´€ ‪Âa‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪ISS N : 200 8 -528‬‬ ‫‪1 MOS‬‬ ‫ﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ ﻴﻨ‬ ‫‪ALAS‬ﺿﺎ ﺳ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻴﺮی‪.،‬ﻠ‬ ‫ﺷﻬ ‪IR‬ﻋ‬ ‫ﻌﺪﺍﷲﻧﺼ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫|‪{ €Ì´ Ã‬‬ ‫‪]Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫‪Ë{Z¿Y Y¿½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫€‪½ Y €Ë Y |ÌÀ¯ [Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y €y‬‬ ‫‪yYY€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫{‪Ád·Á‬‬ ‫»‪Ád·Á{½ZÌ‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌ»Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫¼‪Õ{Z‬‬ ‫‪Ö]fŸY‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫‪: ʼÌÅ Y€]Y¹Ô‡Ó dnu‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÃ|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﯽﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﻫﺎی ﺍ‬ ‫ﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥﺳ‬ ‫ﺸ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﮐﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﮐ‬ ‫ﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯیﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﮔﺸﺖﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺪﺍﻈﺎﺑﻪﻣ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖﺍﻧ ﻧﺘ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ ﺑ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞﮐﭼ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZ ųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨ ³‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣ ﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﺎﺷﻤﯽﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﻴﻦﻣ ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺭﻓﻣ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺩﮐ‬ ‫ﻋ‬ ‫‪« Á€f»e à Z] { ÉY Ã| ¿Á €a‬‬ ‫¿¼‪| ¿YÂe Ê‬‬ ‫‪Z° ˀ »M ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪MOSA LAS. IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2 008‬‬ ‫‪-528 1‬‬ ‫‪Ó Âa Z {¯   §º ¸Ì§ ¾ ˀ y M‬‬ ‫‪{ ÂÀ¯‹ Ê‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¼¶»‪ Â‬‬ ‫‪Ƽ m‬‬ ‫‪Ÿ {†Y„ÌW‬‬ ‫|‪¿ É‬‬ ‫€‪ºÅ É‬‬ ‫‪¼ uY‬‬ ‫»‪Æ ˜¶j‬‬ ‫»‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺚ؛ ﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ ﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎی ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺩی‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﯾﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭیﻭﻓﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫{¯‪Ê¿Zz¼‹ ʸŸ , ¥Z^Ì·Z« €«Z] |¼v» €f‬‬ ‫{¯‪½Z¬Å{ ¾Ìˆu ,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y ¾ˆv» €f‬‬ ‫»‪ʼˀ¯É|Æ» , Z¼ »Ê^m |Ìn‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW Z“ Á É{€°Å{ ʸŸ ,ÊËԟ ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪+48‬‬ ‫‪ZÅÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫‪|¿|¿Z» ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫¿‪{€Ì´]]ÃÃ|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪|Ë{Z ¿ Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍ ﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑ ﺴﺘﮕﯽ ﺁﺧ ﺮﯾﻦ ﻣﻴ ﺮﺍﺙ ﺷ ﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔ ﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﯽ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣ ﺮﯾ ﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄ ﺍﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪|¿YÂeʼ¿ Z°Ë€»M: ɁY€y‬‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺮﻭ ﯾ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺴ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻏ‬ ‫ﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬ﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﻟﮏﻣ‬ ‫ﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﯽ‪،‬ﻋ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﮐﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎﺍ ﮐﻒ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺠ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‡‪Á  Z^ » µZ‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫¯ ‪Ê ]Ô ¬ ¿YÄ ¿Z y  Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﻭﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫دﺭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑ دﺭ‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€adŒa‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫ﻔﺤﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫‪ 116 /13 88‬ﺻ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺷﺸﻢ ‪22 /‬ﺷ ﻬ ﺮ ﯾﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﺗ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻪ‬ ‫ﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ ﺗﻫ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎیﻭﺛ‬ ‫ﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﺎﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻭﻭﺁﺤﻣ ﻮﺁﻣﺮﯾﻻﺮﮑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺮﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﺍ ﯾﻣ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻪ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻭﺭ ﺍﮔﮔﻮﻮ‬ ‫ﻞﻭ ﮔ ﻔﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴ‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺤ ﺗﻠ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ /‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪29‬ﺷ ﻬ ﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪116 /1 388‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫ ﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺗﻘ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﺍﻻ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺣﺠ ﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫¿^‪½Â̇ŻÄ]Ä]|ËZ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫{‪|‹Á€¨]½ZŒ¼¸Ì§|¿Y‬‬ ‫{{‪YY‬‬ ‫{‪Y‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎی ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫¿^‪½Â̇Ż Ä] |ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ºË{€¯Ö» {Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﮐﺸﯽ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭی ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﭼﺎی ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫{‪ÁMZŀ°¨À‹Á:Ê°¼¿Ã‬‬ ‫{‪ÃÃ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺵ|‪:‬‬ ‫‪Ì¿Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﯽﺩﺭ‪Ây‬ﻭﺭﺯ‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬ﻭﺳﺳﻭ»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﯾ‬ ‫‪ ¾ËY‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺭﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫{‬ ‫{ ﭘﭘﺮ‬ ‫‪: |Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê»ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ {‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪|¿Â »ZÌ]Y‬‬ ‫]]‪Z» ÕY| °¿Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊË‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪ZË ©Y€§ Z] Ä¿Z» º£‬‬ ‫{§‪ÉY€mZ» Y Z‬‬ ‫»® §‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺎﯾﻴﺰی‬ ‫ﯾﻴﺰی‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﺭ ﻏ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿ ﭘﻭﻫ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻬﺮﻩﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺭﺍﻋﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺰﺩﮔﯽﻭﺍﻗ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﭼﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺮﺑﺑﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻏ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮐ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻄﻴ‬ ‫ﻤﻪﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﻣﭘﺗﻌﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻓ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ISS N : 200-58 28 1 MOS ALAS.‬‬ ‫ﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ ﻨﻌﻠﯽ ﺷﻬ ‪IR‬‬ ‫»‬ ‫¯‪|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€yY‬‬ ‫‪Y €ÀÅ‬‬ ‫{‪€ÀÅÁ d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪:d·Á‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪Âa‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫¼‪½ ZÌ»Õ{Z‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫]‪fŸYÖ]Ö‬‬ ‫{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪116/1 388‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ ‪22 /‬ﺷﻬ ﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ ﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻗ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻴ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻴﻨ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺑ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮐ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻧی‬ ‫ﯽﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷ‬ ‫ﺑﭼ‬ ‫» „‪ZÀ¯{ : ½Zˀ n‹½Z³‬‬ ‫«‬ ‫ﺁﺑ ﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ زﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﻥﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳ ﻼ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﺣﺠ ﺖ‬ ‫´‪|̋Z Â‬‬ ‫‪] z ‡ZažËZ « Á‬‬ ‫{½]€‪ºË Y‬‬ ‫‪{Â]ZËÁ‬‬ ‫‪Z‡|a‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫»‪¦Ë€v e ÉZm Ä:] Z Ì¿\nf À‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅY y Ê»ZŠֈ̸ ´ ¿YÖ‬‬ ‫] ] ‪: À¼Æ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺯﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ؛ ﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZ ÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÃ|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟؟‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ ﺁ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻔﺮ ﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺳ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪﺳ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﺧ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍیﺍﺮﺍﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻌﻮﯾ‬ ‫ﯽﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎﺯﻧﮐﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﯾ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺩ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪: Z]ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﺷﻤﯽﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩﺍ‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻌ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌ‬ ‫ﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﺭﻓ‬ ‫ﮐﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣ ﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺭ ﯾﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣ ﺤ ﺴﻴ ﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺎدﺮﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎد‬ ‫دﮐﺘ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺑﺎ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻲﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﺭﻭدﺭ‬ ‫دﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪ISSN : 2008-5 28 1 MOSALAS. IR‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ ﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔ ﺤﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬ ﺮ ﯾ ﻮﺭ ‪116 /1 388‬‬ ‫ﺮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭﻝ ﺷ‪/‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨ ﺠﻢ‪15 /‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﺒﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻮﻥ ﺗﺤ‬ ‫ﯾﺮﺍﻥﺮﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻮﺍ ﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﮔ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﮔ ﻔ ﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﺤ ﻠ ﻴ ﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫‪1000‬ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 116 /1 388‬ﺻ ﻔﺤﻪ ‪ /‬ﺗ‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﻬﺮ ﯾ ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﻔﺘﻢ ‪ /‬ﺷ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗ‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪: Z] ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪﻴﻎ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊﺗ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻣ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻌﻴﺪﻓﺎﺋ‬ ‫ﻬﺪیﺩﺭﻓﺑﻬ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﺪ ﺳ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩیﻭﻣ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺠ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی ﺁ‬ ‫ﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻠ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺑ‪-‬ﻋ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗ‬ ‫ﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﻣ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻮﻧﺪی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻭﻴﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ ﺚ؛ ﻋ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺧ «‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ISSN‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺍی ﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪: 20‬ﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝﻪﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴ ﺘ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‪08‬‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻧﻪ»‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-528‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ ‪1‬ﺳﺁ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽﻩ‬ ‫ﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪MO‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺸﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ALAS.IR‬ﺑﺰ‪S‬‬ ‫ﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﻴﻞﮐﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺤﻠ‬ ‫ﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﺳﻣﺗ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣ ﮑﻴﻢ ‪ -‬ﻋ ﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫ ﺎﺷﻤ ﯽ ‪-‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫{]‪ɇ» Á ʼ‹ZŠĘ]Y ÃZ‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﯽ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎی ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﯽﮐﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍی ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫]‪²¿ Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪d‡ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣ ﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬ﻓ ﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣ ﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫»‪:Ê^Ì^u Ê^¿ |¼v‬‬ ‫‪ºˆË{Y„¿É|¼uY {ÂmÁ‬‬ ‫‪¹Y|¿ µÂ^« Y‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ‪ 8/‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺎ ‪ :‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 3‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰدﻫﻢ‪ 24/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩیﻗﻮ ﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩیﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻮﻣ ﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫‹‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼ Ê‬‬ ‫‪m¼ÌÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪Y€]YºÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ÔɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪‡ÓYdnu‬‬ ‫»˜‬ ‫‪Ó aZ¯{  §º¸Ì§ ¾Ë€y M‬‬ ‫»‪|À¯ Ê»¶¼ Ÿ {Y„¿ É|¼ uY¶j‬‬ ‫‪Á€fe à Z] {ÉYà |¿Á €a‬‬ ‫¯‪Ê ]Ô¬¿YÄ ¿Zy Z‬‬ ‫{‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ ´€‪Á Âa‬‬ 3 ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧـﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸـﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣـﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺸـﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴـﺖ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻫﻔﺘﻪﭘﻴﺶﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦﺍَﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﺪﻭﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ‪18.........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪20..........................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 15‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪21...................................................‬‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺻﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪22................................‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯﺷﺮﻕ‪25..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪27..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪29.........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪30......................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪31.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪32............................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪32....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪33...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪43......‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪44.................‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪45 ...............................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺪ‪46................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪47.....................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺳﻬﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪48.....................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪49............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪62...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‪64..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪65..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪67............................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ‪70........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪71..................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺧﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪72.......................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ‪34...............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ‪36....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ‪38...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪40....................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪42.............................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 19‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ؟‪52..................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪54..................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪56...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ‪57......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪58...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ‪60..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎپ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﭘــﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‪74.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪76......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﮔﺮﻭﻩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯﻛﻪﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﺯﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻚﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ‪،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﻫﺮﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰﻳﻚﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻣﻬﻢﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﺎﻫﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻰﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪79......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟‪80.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪81...................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪84.....................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺗﺎﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻚ‪86......................................................‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪87..............‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺣﺞ‪90........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ‪91....................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱِ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ‪92........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ‪93.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪94.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ‪96... ..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‪97..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒــﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ« ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ؛ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻧــﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎ ﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 76‬ﺗﺎ ‪80‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨــﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻣــﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﺘﻦ‪/‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،76‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺿﻌﻴــﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1384‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ‪ /‬ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻥ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺥ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 76‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 80‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻴﻆ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﻠﻊ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫)‪ (1320 - 1380‬ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1320‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1332‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻒ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1332‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1342‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻗﺸــﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ‪/‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ - 1342‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ‪ -1357‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺸــﺮﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪1000‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻗﺸــﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴــﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﻗﺸــﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ -‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ - 1368‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌــﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1368‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 70‬ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺮﺕ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ‪/‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻃﻊ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺳــﻨﺖ ‪ /‬ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧــﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺖ‪ /‬ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‪ /‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺰﻫﻮﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺒﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻨﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺭﭘﻮﺭﺍﺗﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﻳﻨﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ /‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ /‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻤــﺮﺵ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺿﻌﻴــﻒ ﺑــﻜﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺿﻌﻴــﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴــﻞ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‪/‬ﻏﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻠــﺚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ -‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ‪ -‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺽ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ -‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻦﺳــﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ‪ -‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﻨــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫»ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ« )‪ (Polity‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺴــﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺴــﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺻﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ 96‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ«‪» ،‬ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﻛﺮﺩﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ« ﻭ »ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﺩﻣــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﺧﻴﺮﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺭﺍﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﻛﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ‪ .2‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ )ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠــﻰ( ‪ .3‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ‪ .4‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ‪ .5‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷــﺌﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ :‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻓﻜﺮﻯﻭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﻬﺎﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪».‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ]ﺍﺳﺖ[ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ژﺍﭘﻦﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎﺭﺍﻣﺒﺘﻼﺑﻮﺩﻭﺑﻌﺪﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﺷﺪﻭﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻛﺮﺩﻭﺷﺪﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻛﻪﺍﻻﻥﺻﻨﻌﺖﺍﻭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﺑﺎﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ )ﻣﻠـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ(‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺗﺤــﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺍﻻ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ »ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺼﻤﻮﺍ ﺑﺤﺒﻞﺍﷲ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻮﺍ«‬‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﺖ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧــﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ]ﺑﺮﺍﻯ[‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻗﺴﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﺭﺳــﻠﻨﺎ ﺭﺳــﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻨﺎﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺴﻂ«‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺷــﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺥﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ 8 ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻣﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﻛﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻐﺸــﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﺑﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻐﺸــﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﺯﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻇﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬ﺁﺭﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ‪ 2‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ‪ 8‬ﻗﺒﻀﻪﺍﻱ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺪﺍﻓﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺩﺯﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ 11 ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﭼﺎﻭﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﭗ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﭗ ‪2009‬ﺩﺭ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﺍژ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﺮﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﭗ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 500 .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ‪ 80‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ 13 ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﺤﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻲﺑﺼﻴﺮﺗﻲ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺼﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ‪ ...‬ﻭﺍﷲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳــﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ؟«‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳــﺘﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺎ »ﭘﺮﻭﻳــﺰ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﻲ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺵ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳــﺘﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻛــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﮕﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺴــﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﭙﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﮕﻞ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﻣﻼﻳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻛﺴــﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 23‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ‪،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﺷﻨﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺜﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ـ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤــﻪ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺜــﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺜﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺜﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺜﺮ ﭘﺮﻏﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ ﻋﺎﺟﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺜﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺜﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺜﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻤﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻲﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﻛﻪ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ‪ 84‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﺴﻦﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺑﻖﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺟﺰﻭﻧﻔﺮﺍﺗﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡﺍﻣﺎﺍﮔﺮﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻣﻦﺭﺍﻗﺎﺑﻞﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻡﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺗﻴﻢﻧﻴﺰﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺯﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕﺍﻭﺳﺖﺧﻴﻠﻲﻣﺸﺨﺺﻧﻴﺴﺖﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪﺩﺭﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﺑﺮﺳﺮﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺑﺎﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﻛﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ 16 16 ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻃﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﺪﻭﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴــﺶ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻟﻲﭼﺎﭘﻠﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﻋﺼــﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫»ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻛﻴﻮ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺎ« ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌــﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﭘﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻳــﻚ ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍژﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1970‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ‪ 10‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﻏﺮﺑﻲﺑﻪﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻭﺗﺮﻗﻲﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻏﻢﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟــﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺳــﻴﺎﺣﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫)ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴــﻼﺩﻱ( ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗــﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 795‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 385‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪) 1404‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ( ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘــﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 70‬ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ )‪ 2/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ(‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 285‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺸــﻨﺞ ﭘﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﺧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒــﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ -‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺸــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﻋﺼــﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﻘﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔــﺮﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺛــﺮﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻋﺼﺮﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ 96 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻓﺮﺍﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1960‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻠﻈﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻠﻲﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪-‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﻫﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴــﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﺟــﻲ« ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻊﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﺟﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﺟﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﻙﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺷﻮﻙﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻔﺖﺧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﻭژ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﻭژ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﺑﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠــﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﺘﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺘﻮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﮓ ﺷــﻴﺎﺋﻮﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﻮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ )ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ( ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺗﻴﺘﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﻮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2020‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮ ﻃﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ 120 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲ ﻏﻮﻃﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﺷــﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1980‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،1980‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻲ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺑﺸــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺘــﻮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﺟﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺧﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻴﻼ ﻃﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳـﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳـﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﺎﺧﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴـﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ‪ G20‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻟﺮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 32‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 32‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 135‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ 49 .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻚﺟﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮓ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 4/5‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺗﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻇﺮﻑ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺷــﺪﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ 145‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 180‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ 168‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃــﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1356‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳـﻬﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳـﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻳﻚﺳﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺰﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ‪ 34‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺸــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﺶ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺷـﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻱ ﺷـﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻟﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕــﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺗﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻲﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ؛ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺸــﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ‪ 4/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 5/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﺎﻍ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪ 6/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻧﮓﺷﻴﺎﺋﻮ ﭘﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺎﺋﻮﺋﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻓــﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ )ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ‪ 44‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻀﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻫــﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔــﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﺩﻡ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﻮﻧﺪﺍ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﻧﮓﺷﻴﺎﺋﻮ ﭘﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱژﺍﭘﻦ‪،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦﺭﺍﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﺟﻠﺐﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪ 100‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﭘﺎﻥ )ژﺍﭘﻦ( ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ )ﻛﻴﻜﻮﻛﻮ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻜﻴﻦ ﺁﻻﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ( ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺒﻘﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻴﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻨﺜــﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻧﻴــﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﮔــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲﻣﺜﺒﺖﺑﺎﺗﻤﺪﻥﻭﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﭼﻨــﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻛﻪﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲﻭﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺑﺎﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 100‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪-‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲژﺍﭘﻦﻛﻪﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺑﺨﺸﻲﺍﺯﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜــﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺴﻴﭙﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺴــﻴﭙﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ) ﻣﺎﺩﻱ _ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ( ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺴﻴﭙﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ) ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ( ﻭ ﻣﺮﺋﻲ ) ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ( ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪-‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺑﺎﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﺭﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﻨﺪﻱﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪:‬ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲﻳﺎﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻴﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻮ ﮔﺎﻭﺍ )‪(1603-1867‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪ 250‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻇﻦ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴــﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﻗــﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫــﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻨﺘﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺧﻼﻕﻛﻨﻔﺴﻴﻮﺳﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱﺗﺎﻳﺸﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (1912- 1926‬ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻭﻃﻦﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﺍﻳﺒﺎﺗﺴﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﺍﭘــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ ) ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖﻛﺸــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖﻛﺸــﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍ(‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺷﻲ ) ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ( ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺑﻮ ﻫﻴﺮﻭ ﺳــﺎﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺷﻮﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺗﺎ ﺁﺗﺴﻮﺗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﺎﺗﻮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﭽﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ )‪ (1931 - 1945‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ژﺍﭘﻦ )ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺯﺍ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻇﻦ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻭﻧﻮ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ژﺍﭘﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻃﻦﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﻮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟــﻮژﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻫﺎﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺒﻪﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺠﻲ )‪(1868 -1912‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻻﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴــﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ؛ ﺳـﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻬﻮﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻱﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻣﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ»ﭘﻠﻪ«ﻧﻴﺰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱﻻﺗﻴﻦﺑﺎﻓﻘﺮ‪،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻭﻓﺤﺸﺎﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻪﻧﺮﻡﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﭼﻴﺰﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺟﻤﻊ‪ 10‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺟﻬﺎﻥﺟﺎﻱﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻭﭼﻨﺪﻱﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖﺩﺍﺋﻢﺩﺭﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭﺕﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﺰ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﻮﺩﻭژﺍﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟــﺬﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ‪ 20‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1985‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻌﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﻋــﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻠﻜﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﻳﻮﺩﻭژﺍﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥﺧﺮﺍﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻜﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗــﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺥﻃﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥﻧﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﮕﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻚﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻜﺴــﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌـﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻼﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴــﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳــﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﭼﻬﻞﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻚﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻚﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻟﻮﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻠﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﭘﻴﺸـﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈـﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴـﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺯﻳـﻞ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣـﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳـﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫)ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ( ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺴـﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢﺍﻻﻳﺎﻡ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺳـﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﺶ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞﺯﺍ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭘﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻫﺸـﺖ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﭼﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺩﺑﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﭼﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻲﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﺪﻱﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺯﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺯﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺐ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻟﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻲﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻓﻘﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻴﮋ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻘـﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﺪﻭ« ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺒﻪﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳـﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣـﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 24‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪39‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫‪37‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ‪35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷــﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫـﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼـﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺘـﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸـﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻐﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 21‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ‪ 18‬ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳـﺖ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻠﻲ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 13‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒــﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ‪ 38‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 58‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ 52 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 74‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 73‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪﺑﺎﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﻫﻨﺪﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺜﺎﻝﺑــﺮﺍﻱﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫــﺎﻱﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ‪ 52‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﻦﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﻫﻨﺪﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪23‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ 42‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 32‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ 35،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒﻭﻛﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲﻫﻨﺪﻭ‪ 38‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﻫﻨﺪﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ـ ‪27 ،2004‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺑﺎ ‪35‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ 31‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻘــﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 8/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺸـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸـﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴـﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﮓ ﺷﻴﺎﺋﻮ ﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷـﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴـﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﺘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺟﺰﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ؛ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺎﺋﻮ ﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺴﻴﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 40‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿــﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻡﺑﻪﮔﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﮓﺷﻴﺎﺋﻮﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺋﻮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻧﮓ ﺷﻴﺎﺋﻮﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﻠﺨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸـﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺁﺷــﻴﻞ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻦﻛﻴﺎﻧﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷــﺼﺖ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻦﻛﻴﺎﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﺷــﻨﻪ ﺁﺷــﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻱ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣــﻞ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ )ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ(‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﻴــﻖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺼﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ )ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ( ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣــﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻘﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫)ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ( ﻭ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ )ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﺜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕــﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ )ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ -‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻰﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺩﺑﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ‪ 4 ،3‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻨﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰﻭﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺑﺎﺍﻭﻭﺗﺸﻜﻞﻣﺠﻤﻊﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪-‬ﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵﻫﻴﭻﻧﻘﻄﻪﺟﺬﺍﺑﻰﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ–ﺗﺎﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺞ ﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ‪،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺭﺍﺣﻮﻝﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍﻭﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ( ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ – ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺰﺭگﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ – ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ – ﺑﻪﺑﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪﭼﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻋﻼﻗﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻮﻝﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻱ ﻏﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻫــﻲ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻃﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻨﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻄﺮﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻨﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻫﺮﺍﻡ ﺛﻼﺛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺜﻲﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﻮﻙ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﺧﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﺎﺳــﻨﺞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 270‬ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻕ ﻛﻮﭘﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫــﺎﻱ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﻪﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 74‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﻨﺎﻳــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭼﭗ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠــﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ – ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ – ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺭﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﻣﺮﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺷﺪﻥﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺭﺍﺳﺖﺳﻨﺘﻰﺍﺯﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻬﻤﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺗﻌﻠﻖﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺘﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﺮﺍﻯﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺭﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺁﻭﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺭﺍﺳﺖﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘــﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓــﻞ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻨﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺑﻌﺪﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻴــﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤــﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺻﻒ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﺶ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻫــﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﭘﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺴـﻦ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗـﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ »ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡﺗﺼﻮﻳﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻛﺴــﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 247‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ‪ 188‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﻗﺮﺹ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 23‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺯﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 23‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 53‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻐﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 53‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 23‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﮔﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻰﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯﻯﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﻰﺭﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳــﺰﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭼﻴﻨــﺶ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻃﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻂﻣﺸــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 290‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻉ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﺞ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ )ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤـﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﺑﻴﻐـﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛـﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺳـﻼ ﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴـﻦ ﻋﻀـﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘـﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻴـﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣـﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﻤﻘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺿﺮﺭﻱ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫـﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﻧﻘـﺪﻱ ﺑـﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿــﺎ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛــﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟«‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻮﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴـﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻲﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟـﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺑﺮﺳـﺮﺍﺻﻮﻝﻧﻴﺴﺖﺑﻠﻜﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﺍﺟﺮﺍﻭﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓـﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﻟـﺖﻭﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺩﻭﻟـﺖﺭﻭﻱﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺳـﺖﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﻭ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺗﺎﺣﺪﻱﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺩﻳﺪﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻛﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﺷﻴﺐﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﻻﻳﺤﻪﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺑﺎﺷﺪﻳﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱﺣﺎﺻﻞﺍﺯﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﻻﻳﺤﻪﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺷﻮﺩﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺁﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﺯﺁﻥﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯﺍﺯﻣﺠﻠﺲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻫﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﮋﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻀــﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧــﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 40‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻑ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴــﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺠــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﻓــﻮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺪﺍﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺼﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺑﺎ ‪ 103‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳـﻄﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ‪ 220‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 30‬ﻳــﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﭙﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠـﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲﺩﺭﺳﻄﺤﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﭼـﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑـﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ »ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻫﺎ« ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ« ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴـﻒ ﺍﺻﻠـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧـﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻨﻄﻖ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺧــﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ »ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻮﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺮﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣـﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤـﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻳـﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻣـﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨـﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﻜـﺮﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟـﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴـﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳـﺒﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗـﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻔﻜـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕـﺮﺍ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗـﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻮﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴـﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴـﻦ ﻋﻀـﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﺸـﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠـﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴـﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟــﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 220‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 220‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴــﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈــﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔـﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻤـﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠـﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬـﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻔـﺎﺭ ﺍﺳـﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺸـﺘﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺳﻨﺠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺳــﻨﺠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﻨﺠﻴﻢ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺳﻨﺠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻴﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺣﻖﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺣــﻖ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓـﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕـﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ »ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ« ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻋﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟـﻒ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣـﺪ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴـﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 300‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗــﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋــﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 320‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ »ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ« ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ‪ 54‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥﻛﺪﺍﻡﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﭘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ 100‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺴــﻨﺠﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺟﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻋــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘــﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ژﺭﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺷﻔﻴﻖ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﻫﺮﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺻﺤــﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑــﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒــﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻄﻖ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻌﺮﻩ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻌﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻳﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻐــﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 9‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜــﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻲﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﮔﻢﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻳﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂﻛﺸــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1383‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺸــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ ﭘﻠﻰﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﺶ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺨــﺶ ‪ ،20:30‬ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺏﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒــﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﭼﺸﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻒ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻰ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺸﺘﻌﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻰ ‪ 20:30‬ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،88‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﮔﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭﻧﺎﻳﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻼﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺠـﺪﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻳﻚﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺟﺪﻱﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚﺯﻧﮓﺧﻄﺮﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻲﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺴـﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫـﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﻧﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﻜﻠـﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺘﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1404‬ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻗﺒــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘــﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺁﺷــﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﺧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺭﻛﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻـﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼـﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻼﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺳﻬﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐــﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺁﮔﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺒﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺳــﻬﻮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺳــﻬﻮﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺳﻬﻮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜــﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﺼﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺷــﺶ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻳــﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴــﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 8‬ﺷﺐ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 9‬ﺷﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻮءﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﻣﺤﻜﻲﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺍﻋﻼﻡﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ )ﺟﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ( ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻔﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪20:30‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﭘﺮﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻠﻒ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﮔﻬﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺻﺪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺸﻴﺮﻱﺭﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ‪ 29‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕــﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﭘﻨﺞﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ 50 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 19‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤــﻰ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺻﺪﺍﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻐــﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ 200‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﻊﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺗﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ »ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ »ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،1999‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ »ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،2007‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1995‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﻳﻤﻨﺲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1979‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ‪ -1357-‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺴﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ ‪19/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‪ S -300‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ‪ S -300‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ‪ S -300‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻇــﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ‪ 300-s‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻗﻮﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻗﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ‪ 4-5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺸﻤﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺣﺖﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪«.‬ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ‪ S - 300‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤــﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ‪ S -300‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼــﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑـﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷـﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺻﺪﺍﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺳﻨﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﺗـﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴـﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺗﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳـﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳـﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻼﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑـﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒـﺖ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫـﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳـﻢ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤـﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧـﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓـﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷـﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳـﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻨﺞﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴـﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷـﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷـﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ،5+1‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﻙﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷـﻚﻫﺎﻯ ‪ S -300‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷـﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺳـﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳـﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻙﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺗــﻚ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ! ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷـﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠـﻞ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠـﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈـﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫـﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑـﺮ ﺟﻬـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒـﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫــﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟــﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻼﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴـﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔـﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳـﭙﺲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ‪ S -300‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷـﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻰ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﺎﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﻣﻨﺼﻪﻇﻬﻮﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻣﻬﻢﻭﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻣﻴﺎﻥﺳﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻨﺞﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻗﻄﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰﺩﺭﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻤﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻤﺎﻥﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯﺧﺎﺻﻰﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻛﻪﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻛﺮﺩﻡﻣﺎﺑﻪﻳﻚﺗﺸﻨﺞﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻭﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻣﺎﻥﻧﻴﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﻢﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‪،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﻗﻮﻯﻭﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺍﺯﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯﺭﺍﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 27‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺷــﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1999‬ﺑﻪﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻟﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺪﻟﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺤﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺒﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺪﻟﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ‪27‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ‪ 27‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﺳﻼﻭ ﻛﻼﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻚ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1957‬ﺑﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻫــﺪﻩ ﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1993‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺴﺘﺮﺩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1999‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺴــﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﻴﺴــﺒﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧــﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺮﻣﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍ َﺷـﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺎﻡ ﭘﻨﺠﺸـﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺷـﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘـﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻦﺍ ِﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣـﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪-‬ﻣﺴـﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻧﺪﺭﻯ )ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻯﺯﺑﺎﻥ( ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺑﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ )ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ(‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺶ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ -‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ -‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺴــﺒﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺴــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﭼـﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻓﻌﻼ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷـﺮﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘـﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘـﺎ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙـﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻌﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌــﻼ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﭘﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ‪ -‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ‪ -‬ﻳــﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺵﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺴــﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳـﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺮﺳـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷـﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺒﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺳـﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺷـﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴـﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏـﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺳـﺘﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺎﻟﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣـﻲ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺮﺳـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻣﻨﺠـﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮﻓﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻜﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 27‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺷــﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺷﻨﮕﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﻱﺗــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤــﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺷﻤﺎﭼﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲﭼﻪﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻲﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻳﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻜــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑـﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ‪ 5+1‬ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘـﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛـﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺑـﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳـﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺷـﺨﺼﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴـﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟـﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺘــﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻋﻀﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﭙﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1949‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 19‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ 88/8/22) 2009‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ (88/8/28‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﻴﻔﻴﻚ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﻴﻔﻴﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ »ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ« ﻭ »ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻒﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻻﺳﻜﺎ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺮ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨــﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺘﻮ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺷﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ‪ -‬ﭘﺎﺳﻴﻔﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻔﻜﺎﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ‪ 350‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ژﺍﭘــﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻜﻴــﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫)‪ (Straregic Trust‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﺗﻲ‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﭼﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﮔﻮﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻮﻻﺭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻭﺍژﻩ ‪ Chemerica‬ﺭﺍ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪ 800‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﭘﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ 300 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1965‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑــﻪ ‪ 37/500‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪ :‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫــﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ‪ Fonigan Poleicy‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔــﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﻓﺘﺤﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗــﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣــﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻗﺖﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔــﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﻥﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺗﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،44‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 93‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧــﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤــﻮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﺣﻀﻮﺭﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﺩﺭﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲﻛﻪﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﺑﻪﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﺭﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫــﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺟﺰﻭﻛﺎﺭﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﺩﻭﺍﺻﻞ‪ 44‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻧﻘﺸﻪﺭﺍﻩﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺛﺒــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻗﻄﻊﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﻛﻪﺑﺮﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺳــﺒﻖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺼﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻒ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 86‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷــﻨﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻨﺸــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻢﻓﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺰﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷﻨﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻮﺩﺩﻫﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺘﮕــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺰﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧــﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬــﻢ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻣــﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻇــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮕــﻲ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﭘــﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﺎﻧــﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤــﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺻﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻰ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ‪ 700‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ‪ 15 ،14‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‪ 3500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺴﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 2600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 2300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕــﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻔــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻃــﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺤــﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳــﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﺗﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺻــﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺶ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴــﺖ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 15‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪81/541‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫‪ 190/114‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪31‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ 41/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ‪ 21‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ‪ 16/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪ 4/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲﻫﺎ ‪ 1/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻫــﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄــﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺗﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻜـﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﻣﺤﻤـﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳـﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﭘﺸـﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧـﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜـﻢ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴـﻠﺢ )ﺳـﺎﺗﺎ( ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴـﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸـﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴـﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﺷـﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﻢﺑﺮﺍﻱﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴـﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕـﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳـﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﭘﺸـﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱﻛﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺟﻨﮓﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﻗﻠﻤﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺰﺋﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ‪ 400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺗﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻗﻮﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1360‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ‪ 75‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ 75 .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺮﻳﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺳﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 27‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣـﺎﻻ ﭼـﺮﺍ ‪ 95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱﻛﻪﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 6‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 4‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 8‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ )ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﻨﺪ»‪ «7‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ )ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 5‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ( ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛــﺲ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺎ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ 5‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﭘﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 7‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺳﻬﺎﻡﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺠــﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻓــﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌـﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺻﻞ‪ 44‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ 44‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﭽﺮﺑﺪ؟ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺﺣﺎﺿﺮﺩﺭﺁﻥﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥﺑﺨﺶﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﻣﺎﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﺭﺍﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺩﻋﺎ‪،‬ﻭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢﺷﻤﺎﺳﺮﺟﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻭﺯﻱﺩﺭﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻫﻢﻣﺪﻳﺮﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪﻭﻫﻢﻣﺎﻟﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﺑﻮﺩﻭﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﺭﺯﺵﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻝﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥﺩﺭﺑﺨﺶﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﺍﺯﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡﺩﺭﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺮﻛﺰﭼﺸﻢﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺐ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻼﻏــﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 5‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪5‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﻲﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧــﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺣﻔــﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨـﺪ »ﺝ« ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴـﺪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷـﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨـﺪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋـﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋـﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺳـﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺪ »ﺝ« ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ .‬ﺑﻨــﺪ »ﺍﻟﻒ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ »ﺝ« ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻨﺪ »ﺝ« ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﺿﻌــﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﺧﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻠﺪﻳﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻠﻪﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻭﺍﮔـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺷـﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺧﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺪ »ﺝ« ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺪ »ﺝ« ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻧﮓﻭﺑﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻠﻲ »ﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﺯ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠــﻲ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﺁﻥﻭﻗــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ‪ 70‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺷــﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺯﻭﺍﻳــﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺛﻤــﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎپ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫»ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻻﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗــﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳــﻦ ﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ« ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ »ﻟﻄﻔﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎپ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﺍﻥﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘــﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﭘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ« ﺍﮔــﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫»ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﺩﻯﺑــﺮگ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻘــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 28‬ﻭ ‪ 29‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻪﺷــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﺩﻯﺑﺮگ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻛﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺭﻛﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﻛﻴــﺪﻩ« ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺎپ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺭﻛﻴﺪﻩ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻘــﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴــﻼﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺎپ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮ »ﺍﻳﺮﺝ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ‪ 28‬ﻭ ‪ 29‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺳﺎﻝ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻰ ﺑﻰﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺾ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺶ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ »ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻛﻼﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 19‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺛﺮ »ﺗﻮ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻼﻩﺩﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ« ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‬ ‫»ﺻﺎﺩﻗــﻰ« ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﭘﻴﭻﻭﺧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛــﺲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﭗﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘــﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺻﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭻﻭﺧﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺝﻣﻴﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻬﺮﺍﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻬﺮﺍﺳــﺒﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﻯ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺳــﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﻴﺶ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫»‪ «team work‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻤﻊﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ – ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎپ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ – ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﭼـﻮﻥ »ﻛﺎﻣﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰﺷـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺝﭘـﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﺰ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﺮﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ« ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺶ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪» :‬ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼـﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﻞ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ« ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺟﺐﭘﻮﺭ« ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭ‪+‬ﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﻚﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ‪ 11‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ‪ 11‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻨﻒ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻨﻒ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﺹ ﻋﻀـﻮ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷـﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ؟ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ »ﺷـﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪» :‬ﻧﻴﻨــﻒ« ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ »ﻧﻴﻨﻒ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ« ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻼء ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﻨﻒ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠـﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﻨﻒ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﻨﻒ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﻨﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ »ﺷﺎﺩﻣﻬﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﻠﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻻﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﺝ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠـﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬـﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ »ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻤﺎژ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﺸﺎﻥ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺟﺐﭘﻮﺭ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ« ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﻰ« ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﭙﺮ ﺑﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺭﺟﺐﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻀــﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺁﻣــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ‪ 4-5‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﺩﻯﺑﺮگ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻰﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘــﺎپ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ 10 :‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ »ﺷﺎﺩﻣﻬﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﻠﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠـﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﺸـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻓﺴــﺦ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﺳــﻌﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﭼﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 700‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﭙﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺎﭘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎپ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻰ ‪،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻜﻮﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﻬﻠﻢ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷـﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺴـﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌـﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴـﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺯﻭﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻨﻒ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﺩﻯﺑﺮگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻣﺎﻳــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺟﻜﺴــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ – ﺳــﻪ ﺷﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳـﻚ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺣﺮﻛـﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﭙﺴﻰ ﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻴﭗﻫﺎپ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻴﻜﺎ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴـﭻ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻖﻫـﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷـﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺶ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﺩﻯﺑﺮگ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻮﻟﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﺩﻯﺑـﺮگ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸـﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻪﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﭗ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺰﻳﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ؛ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ‪ 3-4‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻨﮓ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻧﺎﺯ‪ :‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﺩﻯﺑﺮگ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ »ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﺎ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺷـﻤﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻣﺶ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧــﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻛﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﺩﻯﺑﺮگ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺮﻳــﺲ ﺩﻯﺑﺮگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳــﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺶ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻧﮕﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ؟ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﻟﺤـﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ – ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﭘــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻟﭗﺗﺎپ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺘﻠﺰ!‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ‪ 2-3‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫــﺎ‪ Frontman‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻮﺯﺩ! ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺯﺩﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨــﻲ! ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ )ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲﻣﺎﻥ( ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪» ،‬ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ« ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻣﺂﺑﺎﻧﻪ؟! ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ؟! ﺍﺻﻼ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ژﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻮﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍ ﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻣﺂﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﺷﻮﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺘﻠﺰ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ؟! ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴــﻼﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭙﻲﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺘﻠﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺘﻠﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳﺘﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺷﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ«! ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ )ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ( ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺘﻠــﺰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ »ﺍﻣﻴﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺘﻠــﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻟﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻳــﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﻨﻚﻓﻠﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﻠﻤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺗﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﺘﻠﺰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻨﻚﻓﻠﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﮔﻴﻠﻤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﻠﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ )ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ(‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻚ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻟﻌﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺸــﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺑﺨﺶﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲﭘﻮﺭ )ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯ( ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺳــﻨﺠﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺟــﺰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻠﻮﺯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻣﻨﻜﻮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺳﻢﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﭘﻴﻮﻻﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺎپ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﮔﺮﻭﻩﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥﻫﺰﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ »ﻣﻬﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ«ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺘﻠﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ؟! ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡﻳﻚﺍﺯﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥﺍﺯﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ »‪،«LoveMe do‬‬ ‫»‪ «Please,Please me» ،«She Loves you‬ﻭ‪ ...‬ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺘﻠﺰ‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﺪﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲﺗﺮ«ﺍﺳﺖ؟!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﻠﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ ،70‬ﻛﻢﻛــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ »ﺗﻴﻦﺍﻳﺠــﺮﻱ« )ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭﻟﺮﺯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺘﻠــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠــﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻦﺍﻳﺠﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ(! ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﻴــﺮ »‪،«God» ،«Imagine‬‬ ‫»‪ « WorkingClass Hero‬ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳــﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﮕﻞ ﺁﺧﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ« )ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ( ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ)ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ(ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖﻫﻨﺮﻣﺎﻫﺮﭼﻪﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻭﻧﻔﻲﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﺍﺯﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﭘﻴﺶﺗﺎﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﻨﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ)ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ‪،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﻭ‪(...‬ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺳﻢﺑﻮﺩﻩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲﺁﻣﺪﻩﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥﺧﻮﺩﺵﺭﺍﻧﻔﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻦﺧﻮﺑﻢﻭﻗﺒﻞﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭپ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻣﻨﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻮژﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ«)!( ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫)ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪...‬؟!( ﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﭘﺮﺕ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﺸﺖﺑﺎﻣﻴﻢ! ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ »ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ« ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﻨﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ!‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺟﺐﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺣــﺲ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻣــﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻄﻔــﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺘﻤــﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ »ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪9‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﺩﻯﺑﺮگ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡﻛﻪﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺳﻨﺘﻰﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﻮﻡ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ »ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ« ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿــﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯﺭﻫﺎﻛﺮﺩﻥ»ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ»ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ«ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﻦﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢﺻﻨﻔﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ – ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎپ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﺷــﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﺩﻯﺑﺮگ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺑﻰﺧﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺢ ﻛﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻟﻨﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﮔﻠﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻠﻮﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻯﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺎﺝﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺷﻨﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻰ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺟﺐﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻜﻴﺞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳــﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﺪﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻮﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺗﻴﭗ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻔﺶ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﻰ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ – ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﭙﻮﺯﻳﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻣـﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠـﻰ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻰ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺧﺎﻧـﻪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟـﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﻛﺴــﺐ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻄﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻭﺵﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔــﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪/‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 5‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺵﻣﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻜﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻯ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﺎﻭﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻦ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻬـﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺵﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺵﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ 10 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻦ‪ 11 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﺷﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺻﺪﺭﺁﻧﻬﺎﺷﺨﺺﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻫﻨﺮﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ( ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﻧﻮﻟﻮگ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻃـﺮﻑ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴـﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎء ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻭﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﻭﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺟــﺰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶﺍﺵ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ )ﺗﺸﺘﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻳﻚﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﻨﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺐ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳــﺘﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺭﺍﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣـﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍﺍﺯﺻﻨﻒﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ 6 .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳـﻴﺖ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﻄـﺮﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﺒـﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎﺩﺭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﭼﻪﮔﺬﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺐ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ – ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪ 60‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﮔﻨﻴﺲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻙﺷﺎپ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺯﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ – ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻚ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀـﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ‬ ‫‪ 34‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪22‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ‪ 2100‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺸﺨﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺻﻨﻒ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨــﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳــﻬﻢﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢﺍﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ‪ 1‬ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻛﻪﺷﻤﺎﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡﺑﻪﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﺧﺎﺻﻰﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻧﻬﺎﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻓﻌﻠﻰﺭﺍﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻭﺍﺻﻼﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﻇﺎﻫﺮﺵﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﻛﺎﻣﻼﻫﻢﺻﻨﻔﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺍﺯﺣﺪﻭﺩﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶﻛﻪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻞﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﭼﻨﺪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩﻭﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺻﻨﻒﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥﻛﻪﺍﺯﻣﺎﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﻰﺍﺯﻫﺮﺻﻨﻒﺩﺭﺟﻠﺴﻪﻣﺠﻤﻊﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻣﻮﻇﻔﻨﺪﺑﻪﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﻭﺍﻋﻀﺎﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺻﻨﻒﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪.‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺮﺍﻯﺑﻪﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰﺭﺍﺑﻪﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺑﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩﻫﻢﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺩﻭﺟﻠﺴﻪﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰﻛﻪﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ 200‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩﻫﻢﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﭼﻮﻥﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺍﻳﻦﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﭘﺲﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩﺭﻭﺯﻃﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻯﺩﺭﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯﻧﻔﺮﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻰﻫﻢﻣﺎﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﻓﺮﺩﻯﺭﺍﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻤﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ »ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨــﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺧﺸﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ« ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ »‪ «300‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻛﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻨــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎ ﭘﺲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻒ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺮگﺁﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻓﻬﻤﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺟﺪﻯﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ )ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭘﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ( ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺑﻄﻰﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﻭﺭﺍﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺻﻨﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻓﻬﻤﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﻣﺮگﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﻤﻚﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ؛ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢﺭﺍﻯﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻓﺶ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮء ﻳﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ! »ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳــﻜﻮﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 27‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1388‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‪ 300‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ 45‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺗﺎﺯﻩﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺻﺪﻭﺭﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﺳﺎﺧﺖﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥﺑﻮﺩﻥﻳﺎﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻭﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺷﺪﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥﺍﻳﻦﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯﺑﻪﺟﻮﺍﺩﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺍﻣﻮﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻛﻪﻫﻨﻮﺯﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ )ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺴــﻮﺍﺭﻯ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 45‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪﺁﺷﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻃﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻐﻠﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺍﻟﻬﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺗﺎﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣــﺮﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺘــﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮﺭﻭﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﺩﺭ»ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‪:2‬ﺭﻭﺯﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ«ﻳﺎﻫﻨﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻧﻴﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﺖ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ« ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ »ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡﻭﺭﻃﻪ« )‪(2003‬‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧــﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ« )‪ (2005‬ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ »ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﺗﻼﺵﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﻳﻦﻭﻗﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 237‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺳﻮﻡﺟﺪﻭﻝﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦﺁﺛﺎﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭﺷﺎﻳﻊﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱﻓﻴﻠﻢ)ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﻭ‪(...‬ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻊﻭﺟﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪).‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ»ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ»ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﻜﺲ«ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻟﻐﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪-1:‬ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﻨﺪﻭ‪:‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪﻳﻚﺭﻭﺡﺭﻫﺎﺷﺪﻩﻳﺎﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥﺑﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪-2،‬ﺗﺠﺴﻢﻳﺎﭘﻴﻜﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺮﺻﻔﺖﻳﺎﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ -3 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ(‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻜﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻭﺭﺍ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻛﻬﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻭﺣﺸــﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻭﺭﺍ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻭﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻭﻱﻫﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻗﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻕﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻭﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻬﻤﮕﻴﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺷﺪﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻧــﺪﻭﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ژﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‪/‬ﻧﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻭﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺟﺴــﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻦ »ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ« ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺗــﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣــﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻥﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ‬ ‫»ﺿﺒﻂ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ« )‪ (Capture Motion‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ« ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗــﻮﺭ ‪ «2‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲﺍﺵ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺟﻜﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ( ﺣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺳــﺒﺰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻭﺗﺎﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻭﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﻗﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪-‬ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﻭﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎ ِﺭﺟﻴﻚﻭﻧﻴﺘﺮﻱﺗﻮﺳﻂﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺟﺎﻥﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺑﺎﺯﻱﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ »ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺑﻲﻋﻴﺐﻭﻧﻘﺺﻣﻴﻤﻴﻚﭼﻬﺮﻩﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﺴﮕﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﮔﺎﻟﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻣﻴﻤﻴﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺗﻼﺵﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻭﻟﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ»ﺿﺒﻂﻣﻴﻤﻴﻚﭼﻬﺮﻩ«ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻔــﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳــﻚ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ« ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫• ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ژﻭﺋﻦ‪ 2005‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺭﻳﭙﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻴﻤــﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ »ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‪ «880‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ »ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ« )‪ ،2011‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ(‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺍﺯﻳﻚﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻱ)ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﻮﺳﻂﻭﻳﻨﺲﭘ ِﻴﺲ(ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻟﻴﮕﺎﺗﻮ( ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻮﺍﺭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﮕﻮﺭﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﻮﺭ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ »ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ« )‪ (1986‬ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺳﻴﮕﻮﺭﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﮕﻮﺭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫• ﺟﻴﻤــﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺎﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻚ«‬ ‫)‪ (1997‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1999‬ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻱ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﭼﻬﻞﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫»ﺿﺒﻂ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ« )‪ ( Capture Motion‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﮔﺎﻟﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﻭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ« )‪(2002‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﺟﻒﺑﻮﺷـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺮﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻠﻜﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ »ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﺍﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪/‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳـﮋﻩ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧـﻮﻭﻝ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﻙ‬ ‫)ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺼـﻮﺭ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺒﺎﺏﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳـﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺡﺑﺨﺸـﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪» .‬ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻧﭽﺎﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ« )ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ(‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮ« ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻳﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﻜﺲ« ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﻜﺲ« ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﻜــﺲ« ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻱ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﻜـﺲ« ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﻴﻚ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺵ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﺰﺍﺱ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺨﻨـﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﺎﺭﻩ »ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻭﺭﺍ« ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺣﺴـﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻭﺯ«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻭﻝﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﺵ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘـﺮﻭژﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳـﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠـﺐ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ« ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺘﻤﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻳﺪﺭﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧــﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺭﻭ ﻓﻴﻮﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ :‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻫﻮﺭﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮ ﺁﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﻔﻮﺁ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻮﻛﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻣﺒﺮگ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣِﻴﺰ ﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺑﻴﺌﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻮﺭﺍ ﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻢ ﻭﻭﺭﺛﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ )ﺟﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﮕﻮﺭﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﻮﺭ )ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺴﺘﻴﻦ( ﻭ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻳﮕﺰ )ﺗﺮﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻛﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺒﻴﺴﻲ )ﺳِ ﻠﻔﺮﻳﺞ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ 166 ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮ‪:‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ 88 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫»ﺣﺞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻫﺮﻳﻚﺑﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪﺑﺎﺗﻜﺒﻴﺮﻩﺍﻻﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥﺷﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩﺣﻼﻝﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺞﻭﻋﻤﺮﻩﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﺍﺣﺮﺍﻡﻭﻟﺒﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺳــﺘﻦ ﻣﺆﻣﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺫﺍﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻨﮕﻼﺥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﺝ ﻣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺪﻭﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ‪ /192‬ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 53‬ـ ‪(65‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﺯ ﻋﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﺑﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﺒﻮﻉ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﺍﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺻﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻻ ﺗﻘﺘﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺃﻧﺘﻢ ﺣﺮﻡ« ﻣﺎﺋﺪﻩ‪ 95/‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻟ ِﻴﺒﻠﻮﻧﻜﻢ ﺍﷲ ﺑ ِﺸﻲ ٍء ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻣﺎﺣﻜﻢ« ﻣﺎﺋﺪﻩ‪.94/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻀﺒــﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺞ‪،‬ﻭﺣﻲﻣﻤﺜﻞﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚﺁﻥﺑﺎﻭﺣﻲﺗﺠﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﻪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ)ﻉ(ﻧﻴﺰﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚﺣﺞﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ)ﻉ( ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺴﻚ )ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ( ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪» :‬ﻟﻜﻞ ﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻌﻠﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﻜﺎً« ﺣﺞ‪ .67/‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻟﻜﻞ ﺟﻌﻠﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﻢ ﺷِ ﺮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﺟﺎ« ﻣﺎﺋﺪﻩ‪.48/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ)ﻉ( ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨــﺎﻱ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺭِﻧﺎ ﻣَﻨﺎﺳِ ﻜﻨﺎ« ﺑﻘﺮﻩ‪ .128/‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ؛ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‪» :‬ﺃَﻗِﻢ ﺍﻟﺼَ ﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﻲ ﻏﺴﻖِ ﺍﻟ ّﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﺮ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺘﻬﺠﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِﺪﻟﻮﻙ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻓِﻠﻪ ﻟﻚ« ﺇﺳﺮﺍء‪ 78/‬ـ ‪ .79‬ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺳــﻮﻝ ﺑﻠ ِﻎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺰﻝ ﺍﻟﻴﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺑﻚ ﻓﺎﻥ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻔﻌﻞ ﻓﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﷲ ﻳﻌِﺼﻤﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ« ﻣﺎﺋﺪﻩ‪ 67/‬ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻭ ﺟﻌﻠﻨﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﺋ ِﻤﻪ ﻳﻬﺪﻭﻥ ﺑ ِﺎﻣﺮِﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺣﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻢ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺇﻳﺘﺎء ﺍﻟﺰﻛﻮﻩ« ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎء‪.73/‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺞ )ﻃﻮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ (...‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻪ ‪(163/8‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻮﺍ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺼِ ﻴﺎﻡ« ﺑﻘﺮﻩ‪183/‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺜﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻋﻴﻨﻲﻧﺎﺯﻝﺷﺪ‪.‬ﮔﻮﺍﻩﺍﻳﻦﺳﺨﻦﺟﻤﻠﻪ»ﻭﺍﺭِﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﻜﻨﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺮﻩ‪ 128/‬ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﺼﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖﺗﺎﺫﻫﻦﺍﺯﺭﺍﻩﺗﺼﻮﺭﻭﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖﺁﻥﺭﺍﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱﺍ ِﺷﻬﺎﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺍﺳﺖ؛ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪﺩﺭﺁﻳﻪﺷﺮﻳﻔﻪ»ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚﻧﺮﻱﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﻣﻠﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻮﺍﺕﻭﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻮﻥﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻗﻨﻴﻦ«ﺍﻧﻌﺎﻡ‪ 75/‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ » :‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺰﻭﺟﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ)ﻉ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺣﺞ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ! ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺴــﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﺣﺮﺍﻡﻣﻬﻴﺎﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﺩﻭﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺳﭙﺲﺑﻪﺍﻣﺮﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺣﺞﺷﺪﻧﺪﻭﺁﻧﺎﻥﺭﺍﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﺗﺎﻟﺒﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻔﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﻫﺮﺩﻭﺗﻜﺒﻴﺮﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺪﻛﺮﺩﻭﺁﻥﺩﻭﻧﻴﺰﺣﻤﺪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞﺧﺪﺍﻱﺭﺍﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪﮔﻔﺖﻭﺁﻥﺩﻭﻧﻴﺰﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﻭﺍﻭﺧﺪﺍﺭﺍﺛﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﺁﻥﺩﻭﻧﻴﺰﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞﺟﻠﻮﺁﻣﺪﻭﺁﻥﺩﻭﻧﻴﺰﺟﻠﻮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻋﺰﻭﺟﻞ ﺛﻨﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻼﻡ ﺣﺠﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺩﺍﺩﺗﺎﺣﺠﺮﺍﻻﺳﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﺳﺘﻼﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﻫﻔﺖﺑﺎﺭﺁﻥﺩﻭﺭﺍﺑﻪﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻌﺒﻪﻃﻮﺍﻑﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺳﭙﺲﺑﺎﺁﻥﺩﻭﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ)ﻉ(ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻭﺩﻭﺭﻛﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩ‪)«.‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻪ‪(163/8‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﻉ( ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ)ﻉ( ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ)ﺹ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪) .‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫‪ 160/8‬ـ ‪ (171‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ... :‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :...‬ﺍﻥ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞﺍﻟﻲﺁﺩﻡ‪،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‪...:‬ﺍﻥﺍﷲﺍﺭﺳﻠﻨﻲﺍﻟﻴﻚﻻﻋﻠﻤﻚﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻄﻬﺮ ﺑﻬﺎ‪) «...‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻪ ‪(160/8‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻃﻮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻦ ﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻡ‪ :‬ﻓﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻡ!‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺮﺍﻻﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻱ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺭﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺃﺗﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﻛﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺇﻻ ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﻗﺪ ﺳﺒﻘﻨﻲ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻳﻠﺘﺰﻣﻪ‪) «.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪(419/9‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬ﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﻛﻌﺒﻪﺑﺮﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺩﻳﻦﻧﻴﺰﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻻﻳﺰﺍﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﻗﺎﺋﻤﺎﻣﺎﻗﺎﻣﺖﺍﻟﻜﻌﺒﻪ‪)«.‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻪ‪(14/8‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻪ »ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻜﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ« ﻣﺎﺋﺪﻩ‪97/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻔﺎﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ـ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ـ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻃﻮﺍﻑ ﺑــﺮ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻟ ِﻴﻬﻠﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻠﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ« ﺍﻧﻔﺎﻝ‪.42/‬‬ ‫ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﮕﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺳـﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ژﺭﻓﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞﻧﻮﻋﻲﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ»ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ«ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝﺣﺪﻭﺩﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢﺍﺳﺖﻭﺗﻤﺎﺱﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺑﺎﻃﻴﻒﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﻲﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻬﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺘﺮگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺐ ﻧﻴﺘﺰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻛﺲﺷﻠﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﭘﻨﻬﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻠﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷــﻼﻳﺮﻣﺎﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺭﺗﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﺭﺍﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻠﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺗﺰﻳﻨﮕﺮ )ﺑﻨﺪﻳﻜﺖ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘــﺎپ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻔﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﻧﻨﺒﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺘــﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻠﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻠﺒﻴﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﮔﺎﺭﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺘﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﻧﻬﺎﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺧﺲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻟﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻮﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺁﺧﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺥ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﺭﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻣﻮﻟﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧــﺶ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﺎﺳــﻴﺮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﺯﻭﺋﻠﻪ )ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺗﻲ ﺳــﻮﻝ( ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻳﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ژﺭﻑﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﻮﺭﻛﻬﺎﻳﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻭﺭﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﮔﻦﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲﻣﺂﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻮﻣﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻴﺴﺘﻤﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﺭﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ »ﮔﺴﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﻧﻖﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ‪،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻭﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱﻋﻠﻢﻭﺍﭘﻴﺴﺘﻤﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻧﻴﺰﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺭﻭﺍﺝﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺩﻭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻮﺭﮔﻦﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ – ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺘﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻣﺴﻴﺢﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺸــﺮﻱ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ )ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺘﺄﻟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴـﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﻟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻧﻬﺎﻓﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺂﻻ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩﻭﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉﺗﻌﻠﻖﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹﻧﺴﻞﺟﻮﺍﻥﺍﺯﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﻊﺑﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻒﺑﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﮔﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭙﻨﻮﺗﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺷــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻮﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﻻﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﭻﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻜﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﻣﺂﺏ »ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ« )‪( NewAge‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ« )ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ(ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻭﻟﻲﺩﺭﻋﻮﺽﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ)‪(Spintuality‬ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ »ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺱﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫»ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺩﺭﺱﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ »ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﭘﻰﺁﻟﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸــﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ »ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ« ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﻮﻃﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮﻃﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑــﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ )ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺫﻫــﻦ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻔﻆ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻆ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻆ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻴــﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺴــﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻆ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ؛ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ«ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺳﺨﻦﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻦﺩﺭﺁﻏﺎﺯﺳﺨﻦﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﻤﻞ«ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﺗﺎﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﻟﻴﺮﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺋﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻠﻮﻃﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻛﻮﺋﻴﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫)ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ( ﺁﻛﻮﺋﻴﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﻚ ﺗﺎﮔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﻟﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺳﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺏ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺪﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫)ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ( ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ »ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﺴﻴﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣــﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴــﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍ ُﺑﮋﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍ ُﺑﮋﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍ ُﺑﮋﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍ ُﺑﮋﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ؛ ﺍ ُﺑﮋﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﻰء ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻰ ‪ object‬ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍ ُﺑﮋﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍ ُﺑﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍ ِﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻄﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ )ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺽ(‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺣﺮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴــﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺗــﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ« )‪ (role balancing‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻨﺠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﻮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮔﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻙﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﮋﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ُﺑﮋﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺲﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪» .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻓﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ )‪ ( Me‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻔﻌﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻠــﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ Me‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺮﺍ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍ َﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗــﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎژﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴــﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﭽﻴــﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰﻳﻜــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳــﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻠﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﭘﺮﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ »ﺩﺍﺭﺍ« ﻭ »ﻧﺪﺍﺭ« ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺣﺘﻤﻲﺑﺸــﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﺍﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺴــﻤﺎﺭﻙ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1917‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 1917‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﻔﻠﺴــﻒ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ 1935‬ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻡﺍﻓــﺰﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1941‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﺣــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻼﺩﻟﻔﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1944‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ )ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ( ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ )ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ( ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1357‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﻘﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ .(29‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ژﺭﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ )ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 40‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ )ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺒﺨﺸــﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﻘﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣــﻊ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺋﻬﻴﭻ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﻘــﺮ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﻭﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻋﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻫﺮﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﻮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﻮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻛﻬﻦ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1789‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﺮگ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔــﺬﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺷﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﮕﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﻣﻮﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻠﺒــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄــﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 1789‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪﺷــﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺭﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷــﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺫﻫﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺸــﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ )ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﻠﻢﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠــﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 300‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﻜﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﻮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣــﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺟﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﻔﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻳﺜﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻴﺮﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴـﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺸـﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺻﻒﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﺭﻳـﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴـﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﻳﺜﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﻛﻨـﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺜﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺷـﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺸـﺘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻔﺴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰﺍﺵ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻓــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻴــﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻪﺍﻟﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺲ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷـﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﻭﺭﻗﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻂ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺘﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺿﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﻦ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ! ﻣﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒﺷﻤﺎﺍﺯﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢﺗﺎﺣﺪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳـﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺳـﺨﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷـﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺑﻴـﻦﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺳـﺨﺖ ﺑﻰﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯﻫﺮﺩﻭﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻟﻮﻳﻜﻰﺩﺭﺧﻠﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼءﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻘﻞﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﭼﻪﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺫﻛﺮﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﻋﻘﻞﻣﺜﻞﺩﻳﺪﻥﻭﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ! ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢﻣﺤﺾﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﻋﻘﻞﺭﺍﻛﻨﺎﺭﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩﻣﺜﻞﻣﺮﺩﻩﺩﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﺍﻣﺸﺐﻣﻦﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﻮﺩﻭﻓﻨﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺍﺯﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻢ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰﺑﻪﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﻋﻘﻞﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺍﺳﺖﻭﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺑﻪﻓﻨﺎﻯﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺯﻭﺭﮔﻔﺖﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﻢﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﻘﻞﺍﻫﻞﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻫﻢﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﺎﻋﻘﻞﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺘﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻧﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻠﻂ ﻧﻤﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﻴﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﺳـﻨﺖ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻪ »ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻟﺮﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻯ‪ «...‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰﻣﺂﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻗﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﺶ ﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻫﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﺵ‪/‬ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺳﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺵ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺣﺸــﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻢ‪/‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻢ‪/‬ﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪/‬ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪/‬ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻔﻢ‪/‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻨﻢ ‪/‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺡ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ‪/‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ‪/‬ﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭﻯ‪/‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺊ ﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻰ‪/‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪/‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ‬