ماهنامه مثلث شماره 10

‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺁﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ 19 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ! ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ‪:‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮑﺪﺍﺭىﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ Ÿ¸‪É|¿€»Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺍو‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮ ﺭﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﯿ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥ ﺳوﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻓﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎىوﺭﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎىﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﮐ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻝﻝﻥﺭو‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ‪2 0‬ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺪﯾﺮﯾ ﺍو‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦﺯﻣﺎﻧ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍ و‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰﺭﺍﺯﮐﺸ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺖﺭﺍﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ و‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰو‬ ‫ﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤوﺍﻟﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺍﺳﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮ ‪،‬ﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺷﻮ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﻓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻥﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺖ؛ﺪ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤى‬ ‫ﺭ وﺯﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻰﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ ﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬ﯾﺰ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮﻥوىﻫﺎى وﺭ‬ ‫ﺘﻮ ﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩىﻣﻓﺪ ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎىوﺳﺎ ى‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧوﺍﻗ ﻊﭘ ﯿﺮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸ ﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎى ﺯﯾﺎﺩى ﺭوﺑﻪ ﺭ وﺷ ﺪﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﻤ ﺘﺮﯾﻦﺁ ﻥﮐﺎﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻟﻤ ﭙﯿ ﮏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ d·Á{  {ÊfˀË|» |Ë|mĬ ¸u‬‬ ‫“€‪Ê »Z£‬‬ ‫‪{Y„-Y‬‬ ‫‪¿{€°ËÁ‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫¼|‪É‬‬ ‫‰ ‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪uY½Y€v‬‬ ‫‪ Y‚³‬‬ ‫‡‪€Ì¾Ì‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫»‪̤Á] eZŀ|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿|‪^yÉ‬‬ ‫‪Ã,ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¨‪Yʀ¶ÅZ‬‬ ‫‪ԇY‬‬ ‫»‪Àˆv‬‬ ‫‪̸vÄ eÉÉZ¨ ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪»Zm‬‬ ‫¯‪ ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪à Z‬‬ ‫‪f‡Y‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪Y|eŒÅ‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩ ﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻠ ﻘﻪ ﻣ‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ d·Á { { Êfˀ Ë|» |Ë|m Ĭ ¸u‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫ‬ ‫ﺣﻠ ﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺩ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻠ ﻘﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺩ ﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫ ﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺗﺘﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺯ‬ ‫ﺣ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺍ ﻟﻮﺍﻮ ﻟﺍﺎﻘ ﺳ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺑﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺷﺷﻴﻴﺪﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺭ‬ ‫ﺪ ﻱ ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﺣﺣﻤ ﺪ ﻭﻣ ﻬ‬ ‫ﺨﺎ ﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺲ ﺍ ﺯﺍ ﺘﺍﻧ ﺑ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﭘ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎ ﺎﻩ ﻣﺘ ﻤﻬ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍ ﮔﺩ‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ [Zzf¿Y Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﮑﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪Z] h¸j» ÄËÁÉZÅ ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﻟﺍ ﻘﺎﺳ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤ ﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎ ﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍ ﻧﺍﺯ ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﮔ ﻔ ﺘﺎ ﺭﻫ ﻳﺎ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﺑﻪﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ‬‬ ‫‪YÁ [Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﺁﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ --‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ --‬ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﮑﺮﻱ ‪ --‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ --‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ --‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﻥﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ --‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ --‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ --‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪-h¸j» Z] ³ Á d¨³ { {Z¼fŸY ÉY Y €ÀÅZ] ÊÀÌ] ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫»‪¹|¬»ÊuZ^» Z“€»Ô£  ¾°Å¯ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‡‪ŠÀ»¾ËM {YÂm  Ê»€¯Y º›Z¯|Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Z̨‡ÂË ×Yc‚Ÿ  \Ì°‹ ¼u‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì»Y w€ÅZ‹ ÊŁԻ |¼v»  ʇ|¬» É{ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ʠ̨‹ }¿  ɀ°Œeʼ‹ZÅ É|Æ‬‬ ‫»‪Âˆ¿ZÆm Z“|¼v»  ½Z¼Ë€¿ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y ʸŸ  ÊfËY|Å ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫†‪:‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫¾Ÿ‬ ‫‪°‬‬ ‫†‪ZW:‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫¾«Ÿ‬ ‫‪°‬‬ ‫†‪ZW:‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫¾«Ÿ‬ ‫‪°‬‬ ‫»‪dÌ «YÁ Y ÁZe ­{ -h¸j‬‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﺑﻃﻮﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻮﺑ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄ‬ ‫ﻲﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﻓﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ‪،‬ﻓ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭ ﻧﺭﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ ﻮﻛ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﺍﺳﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ ﺍﺳﻤ‬ ‫ﺣ ﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫ﺧﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻱﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭ ﺯﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺪﻱﺍ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻳﺰﺩﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬ﻳ‬ ‫ﻢ ﺮﺍﺰ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴ‪،‬ﻴ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺭﺍﺑﻟﻮﺍ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺴﻦﻤﺑﺍ ﮑ‬ ‫ﺣﻘ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺤﺍ‬ ‫ﺤ ﻟﻮﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﺤﻣ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣ ﺑﺍ‪،‬ﻧﺘ‬ ‫ﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﭙﻮ ﺪﻛ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺴﻲﻮﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺳﺷ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﻴ ﭙﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻋﺒ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻮﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﻱﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻬ ﺩﻛﻛﺩﻋ ﻋ‬ ‫ﺣ ﺩﻤ ﺩﻛﺪﻛﺘ ﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍ‬ ‫{‪ºÅ{d·Á‬‬ ‫{«^‪d·Á{µZ‬‬ ‫‪µZ^ ½ZËY€´·Â‬‬ ‫‪« { ½Z‬‬ ‫‪YÁZe‬‬ ‫‪ËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪ŠËYMÁZ e‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪Z§/É‬‬ ‫…‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪Z§/É‬‬ ‫…‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪Ä¿Z¼³:‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪Ä¿Z¼³:‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﺑﺎ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺧﻪﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|À]Z‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‪|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‡¼‪§ ¶ÌŸZ‬‬ ‫{‪Ë‬‬ ‫‡¼‪¶ÌŸZ‬‬ ‫»‪¦n¿{Â‬‬ ‫¿‪Y¦n‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y  ³Á‬‬ ‫‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫{‪Z]» ³Á‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﺠﺐﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺠﺐﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺎﺝﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺭﺋﻮ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺋﻮﻓﺍ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻲﺍﺑﻮ ﻟﺍﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻳﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﺍﺭﻦﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﻱﻭ ﻣﺒﻨ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻞﺭﻫ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺍز ﺩﻱ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻱﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺍ مﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺍضﻧﺭﮋﺋ‪:‬ﻴ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺑ ‪:‬ﻲﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾ‬ ‫اﯾﺖﺍﻋ‬ ‫ﺑﺍ‬ ‫‡‪ÊÀ °‬‬ ‫‪cÂ‬‬ ‫‡‪c°‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤‬‬ ‫€‪Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫‪,²‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫§‪§Yz‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫€‪‡Z°Ë‬‬ ‫‪€{ZXeZX‬‬ ‫§€‪eZÅ‬‬ ‫€{‪e½Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y‬‬ ‫]‪»M{Z‬‬ ‫€‪³Á½Y‬‬ ‫¯‪€³Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪³ Z¯v]Z ]] ³Á‬‬ ‫‪³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨ ³‬‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺘﺼ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﺍﻗﻱﭙﻣ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺭﺯﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺯﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺯﺍﭘﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﻒﺑﻴﺯﺍ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﻒﻭﺩﻭﺭﺯﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻲﺳﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻛ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤ‪4‬‬ ‫ﻲﺪﻩﺍﻳﺳﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﺟ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲﺍﺮﺍﻭﻱﺭﮔ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻗ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫€‪ÊÀË|·Y‬‬ ‫‡‪c°‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Âfˆ¿Z¤‬‬ ‫‡‪°‡ ,²‬‬ ‫{§‬ ‫§‪Yz‬‬ ‫‡‪,²‬‬ ‫‪{ZZ°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫§€‪€Å‬‬ ‫€{‪eZXe½Y‬‬ ‫‪Z]€eZ‬‬ ‫‪ ³Á‬‬ ‫€‪½Y‬‬ ‫¯‪Xe ³Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪v]½Y{Z]€³Z‬‬ ‫‪³Á ¯d¨³ Z] ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫{‪Å Å‬‬ ‫‪º‬‬ ‫{‪{ d·Á‬‬ ‫^‪d·Á { µZ‬‬ ‫{« ^‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ { ½Z‬‬ ‫‪½ZËYËY€´€ ·Â´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪Y ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪Á Ze ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ŠËY M‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫€‪ÊÀ±‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÌ]ÀÌq]Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫¿¼‪»Ê‬‬ ‫¸¼‪Z½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪eĬÌ‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫‪Y«{½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫»ˆ‪,‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀ16‬‬ ‫^‪̵Z‬‬ ‫‪]Z ¯-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫{‪«Ä‬‬ ‫‪š§Z‬‬ ‫‪¯ÊËZm‬‬ ‫€‪½Y‬‬ ‫‪u Y|y‬‬ ‫]€ ‡‪ËY ž“» Ê‬‬ ‫¿‪{Â]€ e[Â^ v» ÊËY{ ºÌe:¹ Z¿Â °‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﻣﻪﺜ ﻠ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺘﻫﻔﻫﻔﺘ ﻣﻧﺎﻪ‬ ‫ﺧ ﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺏ‬ ‫ﻔﻫﻫﻔﺘ ﺘﻪ ﻮ‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺑﺎﻪﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫]‪::Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z h¸j‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪] ¸j» ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ã„Ë ÁÉZÅ ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d ¨³‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫Ÿ €‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻲﻭﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻲﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻦﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴ‬ ‫ﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻢﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﺍﺍﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺴﻦﻟﻘﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘ ﺍﺑﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛ ﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻱﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻛﺩ‬ ‫ﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺩ ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺠﺐﻧ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫‪Y‬ﺎﻳﻴ‬ ‫‪Ì‬ﺿﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪¿ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ ﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺮﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﮕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﺝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺴ‪YÂ‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻮ‬ ‫ﻝﻋﺮ‬ ‫‪ËZ‬‬ ‫‪y‬‬ ‫ﺍﷲﺍﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬ﺳ‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺪﺍﻥﻕﺪ‪Å‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺳ‪،‬‬ ‫‪Z‬ﺍﺳﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﻝﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫‪ f‬ﺁﺍ»ﺍﺋ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁ¨‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫ﺤﺳ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻲ‬ ‫]‪Z‬ﻳﻟﻮﺑﺍ‪³‬ﺎﻘ‬ ‫‪ ]¼‹¾ËY‬ﺍﺍﺑﻮ‪Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪¾ ËY‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S .IR‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä»Z¿ Ä f¨Å Z] [ÂyÄ f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪{ÉZ‬‬ ‫‹‪Y„ €¿ ^ ¯YY¿°‬‬ ‫‪|̌ ¼m‬‬ ‫‪ Ê‬‬ ‫‪‰‹Â»Zy‬‬ ‫¼‪Á €§½Z‬‬ ‫‪Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪ʬ ÀÌ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻲﺩﮋﻲ‬ ‫ﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻲﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻋﻣ ﻧﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻴﺘ‬ ‫ﻨﻴﺘﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﺯﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻉﻟﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮﺍﻃﺑﺎﻃﺎﻟ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮﺑﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻱﺭﺍﻭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻭﻧ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﻞﭘ‬ ‫ﺘﻈﺎﺭﻴ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﭘﻣ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﻧﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﺗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﺩ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳ‬ ‫ﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳ‬ ‫ﺒﻮ‬ ‫ﺒﻮﺍﻳ‬ ‫ﻂﺯﻳ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭ ﻧﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻣ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥﺎ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥﺘﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻦ؛‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﺎ‬ ‫ﻱﺍﭘ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﺑ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z]ÃZ´f‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ ´f‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪‹ Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪Y{ Z]]®ËÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë]{É‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪Yd¨³‬‬ ‫‪]{ É YÃ|¿Á€ a‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪: h¸j» ÄËÁÉZÅ ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻟﻴﻮﺎ ﻟﻮ ﻔﺎﻤﮔﻧﺩ ﺕ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺨﻔﻲﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺨ‬ ‫ﺼﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﺍﺘﻣ ﭙ ﺑﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﭘﺍﺎ ﺩ ﻧﻗ‬ ‫ﻙ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺮﺯﻪ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺯﺍ ﭘ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺨﻬﻴ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺷ ﺍ ﻧﺮﺩﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺭ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻑﺯﺍﺭﺗﺗﺑ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮﻭﺩﺯﺍﺎﺮﺩﻭ؛‬ ‫ﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﻳ‬ ‫ﻲﺭﺘ ﻤﻬ‬ ‫ﺷﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﺎ ﺍﻣﻩﺑﺎﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺎﺩﺩ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍ ﺍﺮ ﺪﺍﻩﮔ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻩ‬ ‫ﮑﻗﺟﺮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﺩﻗﻠ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﻧﭘﻭ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﭘ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺮ ﺭ‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺱﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﺱﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä̋Zu€aÄ»Z‬‬ ‫‰‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫¼‪{dZ‬‬ ‫†|»‬ ‫‡‪Ì‬‬ ‫‪yÌWd‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‪·Á‬‬ ‫·‪ ÄZeÀZÌ]ZÁ¯d‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¿‪½YÁ€½Z‬‬ ‫‪{ËYĘ]Y‬‬ ‫ ‪Y‬‬ ‫·‪¹ZÆ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Z^y‬‬ ‫‪À»Â‬‬ ‫¿‪Âa€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌÆ·Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZzf§Y‬‬ ‫‪Y ¾Ìˆv»Ô£‬‬ ‫¼|“‪Z‬‬ ‫€‹‪»{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÀÅ‬‬ ‫¼|·‪Ä‬‬ ‫»‪Óv‬‬ ‫»‪§v‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊÊ]Y‬‬ 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»18/ µ ÁY ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪/ µ ÁYµ Z‡Ê¸Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫¿‪, ɀ ^y Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì ¸veÁ ~̨Àe Y| ] º Å{ÄÀ Ì]Z ¯½Â»Y€ ÌaÊ¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪:Z] h¸j» Ä ËÁ ÉZ ųÁd¨ ³‬‬ ‫‪à {Y‬‬ ‫‪É{Á‬‬ ‫‪¹€y‬‬ ‫{‪É|ÁY‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‚{‪Ê¿Y‬‬ ‫‡€‪u‬‬ ‫‪¼uY‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆv·Y‬‬ ‫‪ºË,ºÌ‬‬ ‫“ ‪Z‬‬ ‫¬‪‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ °u‬‬ ‫¼|‪]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪·Y,ɀf¿Ô‬‬ ‫»‪ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫»‪]Yv‬‬ ‫‹‪,É| Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ʈÌ‬‬ ‫‪Âb‬‬ ‫^‪Ây‡Z‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫¯‪€f‬‬ ‫¸‪Ÿ Ê‬‬ ‫»‪Æ‬‬ ‫‪{ ŸÁ €f‬‬ ‫‪| ¼uY‬‬ ‫{¯‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫¿‪{Â] €e[Â^ v» ÊËY{ º Ìe : ¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺩﻭ ‪/‬م‪ 25‬ﻣ ﺮﺩ ﺍﺩ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔ ‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱﺗ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺋﺎ‬ ‫ﻗ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻋ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺋﻗ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻋ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺋﻗ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻋ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪OSALA.IRS‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪©Zv‡YµM ÊÌvË  Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»LÔ‬‬ ‫‪½Z”» { Z¼Ì‡ - Z°Ë€»M Á ½Y€ËY Ę]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪‰Á |Ë|m †ÌW - ÄÀÌ]Z¯ { ½Z‬‬ ‫|‪:ÊÃ‬‬ ‫‪¼‹ZÀËMº‬‬ ‫»‪Å Ì¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪|3¼v‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫¨‪8Ä »v‬‬ ‫€{‬ ‫¼¸‪‰ °‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‡‪½ Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Ÿ €ÉY‬‬ ‫‪] Ã| Á¿ € a‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡‪ Z] »³ ¹ÁdZœ¿½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪¨³‬‬ ‫‪½ Z»Âe 1000/ Ä v¨ 100/13 88{ Y{€ » 18 /µÁY ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve É‬‬ ‫‪, ^y‬‬ ‫‪€ Ä»Z¿Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve Á ~̨Àe  Y | ] ºÅ{ Ä ÀÌ ]Z ¯ ½Â»Y€ Ìa Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ d·Á{ µZ^ « { ½ZËY€ ´·Â Y ÁZe ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿|‪{ Y‬‬ ‫‪¾ f‹Y~³‬‬ ‫·‪d‬‬ ‫»‪dÁ̹{Ÿ|À‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫»Œ€‪Á‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ZÀĀ]«Ô‬‬ ‫‪¯»Zu‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫Œ‪ÊÀÊÊËZ‬‬ ‫€‪^»y‬‬ ‫»Œ‬ ‫‹|‬ ‫‪ɀ^Å‬‬ ‫]‪] ÉÁ¡Ô‬‬ ‫‪»|e‬‬ ‫]‪YÄ‬‬ ‫‪€ ´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪Y¶ºœ ‬‬ ‫‪Â:É‬‬ ‫‪Ì·{ƁÉ‬‬ ‫»¬‪¼»YY€¹Z‬‬ ‫†‪‚mZÅ‬‬ ‫‹‪Ì‬‬ ‫‪Å ¶°Œe‬‬ ‫‪Ä]¹ÌW‬‬ ‫¿„‪Ä:{Y‬‬ ‫»‪Z°‬‬ ‫‪»Z¿×Y‬‬ ‫‘ ]‪Ä‬‬ ‫¼|‪:É‬‬ ‫‪ÊÊ]Y‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ËZ‬‬ ‫‪Y€ËMuY‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪f‬‬ ‫‪eÂ] Y‬‬ ‫€‪±‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫¯‪ÊÀq]Z‬‬ ‫‪»Ì]Ze‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫{«‪ʹĬÌ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪¿Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¼¿Ô‬‬ ‫‪Y½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪,ÄÀ‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫^‪µZ‬‬ ‫¯‪Ì]Z‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·Â‬‬ ‫¯‪« Ä‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪š§Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫‪½Y€Ë‬‬ ‫‪aÂeu Y|y‬‬ ‫] €‡‪Y ž“»Ê‬‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ‬ 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,ɀi¯¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫{‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ , ʨn¿ ÁÓ‬‬ ‫»˜¨‪Z^—ʼ‹ZÅÊ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ÂaʇÁ{€§ µ{Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻢ ﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﺎﻧﻴ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﻈﺮ‪3‬‬ ‫‪8‬ﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺤﺤﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻣ‬ ‫ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻥﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺑﺮﺑﺍﻱﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺪﻩﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮﭘ ﻧﻭﺮﻭﻧ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻈﺎﻡﮔﻣ ﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻥﺖﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻥﻧ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﺯﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻱ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭﻝ ﺷ‪ /‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺩ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ‬ ‫‪Ê¿ Ä¿Z ¼³‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕﺮ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻕﺍ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﮋﺍﺩﻣﻧﮋ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻨﻴﺘﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺴﺭﻧﻋﻛ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻛ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﭘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣ‬ ‫ﺎﻡﻣ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﻃ ﻟﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻱﻟﺒﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻈ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕﺍﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎ‬ ‫ﺕﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺑﺎﻣﺍ‬ ‫ﻱﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺭﺍﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻲﻫﺍ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﭘ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠ‬ ‫ﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻞﭘﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﭘﺮﻧﺪﻭﻩﻧﺪ ﻩ ﺗﺍﻌ ﻧﺍﻧﺘﻈﺑ‬ ‫ﭘ‬ 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‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻲﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻥﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ؛ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﺗﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﺑﺮﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎ ﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﻪﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫‪25‬ﺮﺩ ﺍﺩ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ‪/‬ﻪ ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ م ‪ /‬ﻣ‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩ ﻱﻡ‬ ‫ﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺩ‬ ‫ﻲﻭ ﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻦﻤﺩﺍﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ ﻧﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺴﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﺤ ﻳﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬ﻳ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻴ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺭﻮﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱﺍﺪﺭﺍﺑﮑ‬ ‫ﻦ‪،‬ﻤﺑ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﺤﻣ‬ ‫ﺤﺘ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬ﻛ ﻣﻧ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻴﺴ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺘﺮ ﺎﺒﻋ ﭙ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻛﻋﺩ ﻋ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻛﺩﺘ ﺘﺮﺩﻛﻠ‬ ‫‪25‬ﺮﺩﺍ ﺩ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ‪ /‬ﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩﺩﻭ م ‪ /‬ﻣ‬ ‫{‪ÃZ´f‹‹Y‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‬‬ ‫]‪Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪Z] ® Ë ÃZ‬‬ ‫{]®‬ ‫‪Ë ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€ a‬‬ ‫ﺧﺩﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻱﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭ ﺯﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺰ ﺩﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻢﺍﺮ‬ ‫ﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﺳ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬ﻳ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎﻴ ﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢﻟ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮑﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﻮ‬ ‫ﻱﻘﺎﺍﺑﺳﺑ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴﻦﻤﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺎﻘ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﺮﺑﻮ ﻟﺍ‬ ‫ﺤﺍ‬ ‫ﻱﺤ ﻟﻮﺑﻣ‬ ‫ﻼﺘ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﻧﻣﺍ‬ ‫ﺪ ﻣ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬ﻛ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻮﺭﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﺭﺷﺷ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ ﭙﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻋﺒ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺎﻮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣ ﻛﺩﻋﻬ ﺩﻛ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺩ ﻭﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺣﻤ ﻛ‬ ‫ﻻﺩﺍﻧﺯ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻴﺿﻭﺘﺍﺭ ﺍﺎﻳﻴﻧ‬ ‫ﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﻧ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻨﺘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻮﺮﻨﻣ‬ ‫ﮕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﺝ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺴ ﻣﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻋﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺧﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‪،‬ﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻫ ﻴ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﺘ ﺳﺍﻓﻴﺎﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁ ﺍﺋﻝﺁﻝﻮﺭﺭﺋﻮﻓﻣ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﻟﻮﺑﺍ ﻘﺎﺎﻘ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺷ ﺍﺍﺑﻮﻤﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳ ﻦ‬ ‫‪³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤‬‬ ‫‡‪ÊÀ°‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‡‪c°‬‬ ‫€‪Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫{‪§Y,²,‬‬ ‫§‪z‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‪‡€eZX‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫€‪‡Z °Ë‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫€{‪e Z½Y‬‬ ‫‪Z]»M‬‬ ‫€‪Xe½Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á³Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫]‪v‬‬ ‫‪½Z ]¯Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫]‪¯ Z‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW Z] ³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ» ¹Zœ¿ ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪4Äv‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪100 /1388‬‬ ‫‪1000 /‬‬ ‫‪-h¸j» Z] ³ Á d¨³ { {Z¼fŸY ÉY Y €ÀÅZ] ÊÀÌ] ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ م‪ /‬ﺍﻭ ﻝ ﺷﻬ ﺮﯾﻮﺭ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪- h‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﻝ»‪¸j‬ﺍﻭ‪/‬ﻝ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪Z]Z] ³ ³‬‬ ‫¨‪d‬‬ ‫‪Ád¨³‬‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬ﺗ‪/ ³‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Z¼f‬ﺮ{{‬ ‫‪YÉY‬ﻪﺧﺒ‪¼fZ‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‪ŸÉY‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ‬ ‫]‪Y Y€ÀÅ ÀÅZ]Z] ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫Š‪ÊÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ì] Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫ﻲﻱ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻗ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﮕﻛ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻲﺻﺎﻮﻴﺛ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ ﺮﺍﻬﻴ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﺎﻕﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻋ‬ ‫ﺳﻠ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺳ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻲﺯﻣﻴ‪-‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻋﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻱﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺮ ﻋ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺸ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻛﻦﻛﻼ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻲﻬﻤ‬ ‫ﻴﺴ‬ ‫ﻋ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﻲﺮ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ﺮگ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺎﻣﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﮋ‬ ‫ﻲﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻲﺩﻧ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻣﻋ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺭﻴﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺘ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﭘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺖﻣ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻨﻴ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺩﺎﺍﻣﮔ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒ‬ ‫ﻧﻈ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕﺩﻃﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻣﻨﺑﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﻱﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﻩﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿ‬ ‫ﻲﺍﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﺨ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﭘ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻧﺍﺮ‬ ‫ﻞﺭﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻣﻞﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻭﻧﺪﺗﻌﻩ ﺍﺎﻧﺘﻈ‬ ‫ﭘ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﻲﻮﺑ‬ ‫ﻬﺮﭘ‬ ‫ﻌﻘﻲﻃ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻲﺑﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻲﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔ‬ ‫ﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔ‬ ‫ﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺮ‬ ‫ﻮﺛ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻛﻞﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎ ﻮﻛﺯ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﻴﺪ ﻋﺗ‬ ‫ﻛﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﺣ ﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ veÁ ~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫]‪~̨À e YY| ‬‬ ‫{‪  ]º Å‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪Å {Ä ÀÄÀÌ‬‬ ‫¯‪Ì]Z ]Z‬‬ ‫€‪¯ ½Â»Y‬‬ ‫¿‪½Â» Y€ aÌÌa Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÊÄ¿ ¿Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Z ¼³¼³‬‬ ‫»‪::Z]Z h¸j‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪] ¸j »Ã„ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪à „ËÁ ÉZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ ųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ ¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫]‪::Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z] h¸j‬‬ ‫‪h ¸j » ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ ųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d ¨³‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ‪8 8‬‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫‪::Z]Z ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪] ZË Å³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d ¨³‬‬ ‫‪5 4‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ ´f‬‬ ‫]‪´f‹‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫{]‪Y{ Z] ®Ë ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫ﺷ‪/‬ﻝﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ‪18‬ﻣ ﺮﺩﺍ ﺩ ‪100 /138 8‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎ ﻝ ﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ‪/‬ﻝ‪ 18‬ﻣ ﺮﺩﺍ ﺩ‪100 /138 8‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ ¸ve‬‬ ‫‪veÁ ~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Ì ¨À eY‬‬ ‫~‬ ‫]‪ Y | ‬‬ ‫{‪  ]ºÅ‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪ºÅ {Ä ÀÄÀ‬‬ ‫¯‪Ì ]ZÌ]Z‬‬ ‫€‪¯ ½Â»Y‬‬ ‫¿‪½ » Y€ aÌ aÊ‬‬ ‫‪ʿā ¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪Z ¼³‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫{‪º Å{d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫^‪d·Á{ µZ^ «{µZ‬‬ ‫´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪« {·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪½ZË ÃZY€e´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪ŠËYM ÁZ e ŠËY M‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼Ÿ ÉY€] ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫ ‡‪É{Z]MʸŸ Z] µ Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﺑﻪﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪É{Z]MʸŸ Z] µZ‡ 4‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭم ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z] ®Ë ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ ‪:‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪ /‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪4 4‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‪4‬ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺯﺑ ﺪﻧﻪﺯ ﮔ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﮕﺎ ﻲﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻧﺴ ﺴ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺎ ﻧﻟ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻋ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺼ ﻄﻔ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻓ ﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭ ﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺪﻩﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﻢﺁﻳﻨ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺎﻧﻴ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺪ‪3‬‬ ‫ﻲﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺤﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻣ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﻔ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﺯ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ ‫ﻠﮑﺩ‬ ‫ﻥﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﮑﻭﻤ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺮﻋ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﭘﺮ ﻧﻭﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻮﺑﺎﻣﺎﮔﻮﺑﺎﻡﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺖﻭﻧﻭﮔﻈ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﺵﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﮑﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﮑﻠ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺯﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺮﻋ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻭﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺪﺋﻴﺪﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺭ‬ ‫ﻬﻨ‬ ‫ﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻈﺎﻣ ﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺖﻭﻭﻈ‬ ‫ﺯﻣ ﻧ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻥﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﺳﺎﺎ‬ ‫‪5 4‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺜ ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻪﻣ ﻠ‬ ‫ﺏﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺘﻪ ﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔ‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388 ÂˀƋ 8 /¹ZÆq ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺪﻩﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺪ‪ 3‬ﻫ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺤﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻣ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﻔ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩ ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺐﺩ‬ ‫ﺐﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻴ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺎﻳ‬ ‫ﺠﺘﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﮕﺎﺝ ﺮﺍﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻨﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻋﺮﺴﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺣﻮ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﺳﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺍﺳ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺤﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﻝﻮﺭﻣ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺋﻮﻓﺍﺋ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻲﺁﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﺳ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻤﻟﺍ ﻟﻳﻮﺑﺍﻳﺤﻴﻴﺎﻘ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺷ ﺍﺍﺑﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳ ﻦ‬ ‫¨‪44Äv‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÊ]Ó Ä] †¸n» :Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫¿‪|Å{ʼ¿ ÉY º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫¨‪ Äv‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﮑﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﺎﺩﻧﻤﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻲﺎ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻤﮔﻪﻧ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻔ‬ ‫ﺼﻣﻟﻴﻮﺎﻮﺩ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺩﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺍﻗ ﭙﺨ‬ ‫ﻱﭙ‬ ‫ﻙﺭﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻦﺍﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺩﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺮﻫ‬ ‫ﻤﻲﺍﺯﺎﻬﭘﻴﺩﺍﭘ‬ ‫ﺨ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ؛ﺍ؛ﻭﺑﺭﻭﺭﺑﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺩ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻴﻒﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﻳﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺳﺭﺍ ﻛ‬ ‫ﻲﺭ‪4‬ﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﮑﺮ ﺍﺑﻩ‬ ‫ﻱﮔﺎﺩﮔﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺍﻳﻳ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺪﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺟﺟﺮﺭﻤﻩﻠﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻲﻋ‬ ‫ﺪﺩﻗﻋ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﺖﺮﻧﻭ‬ ‫ﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺸﺭﺳﭘ‬ ‫ﺮﭘﺑﭘ ﺑ ﭘ‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡ :ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê» €Ì̤e Y Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë €]Y€] { 1‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÀ¯Ê» ÊËZ¼À³‚] d·Á{ ÉZÅÄ¿Z‡ Êf«Á‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫§‪:·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪ÉY€] Ê^m º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d ¹€fv» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫»‪:ʼ‹ZÅ |¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM €œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪17 À¼¿ ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪:É|¿ÂyM …Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â» Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪:Z] h¸j» ÄËÁ ÉZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ ‪:‬ﻦ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﮑ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻋ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫{‪¦Ì¸ve Á ~̨Àe Y | ] ºÅ‬‬ ‫¯‪ºÅ{ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀÌ]Z¯½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺱﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺱﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻗﺎ ﺎﺋ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪزﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫ﺱﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰوﺩﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﺮﺭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴ‬ ‫ﭽﮕﺎ ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺍﻧﯿﺣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﯾﺦﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮوﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻰﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﯾﻦﻓﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪﺍوﺳﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺭوﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﯿﺒﺎﻝ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺍ ﺳﯿﻮ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎىوﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾ ﺮوﺍ ﻓ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻥو‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫ﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺘوﺭ‪.‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺩ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻪوﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ ﺍﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰو‬ ‫ﯿﻦ ﻝ‬ ‫وﺍﻟ ﯿﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻥﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ و‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺳﯿﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻥﻓﺪ ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺭ‬ ‫ﻝﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻣﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺯى ﺭ‬ ‫ﺭوﺍﺳ ﻣﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ ﺍ ﺳ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى ‪.‬وﺭﯾﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻪ ﻥوىﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﯿﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎىﻓﺪ ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺎى‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺎﺩﭘﯿﺮﻫﺭو‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎىﺯﯾﺎﺩى ﺭ وﺑﻪﺭ و ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪﻣﻬﻤ ﺘﺮﯾﻦﺁ ﻥ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﮐﻪﺭﺍﻧوﺍﻗ ﻊ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﺯ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭ ﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻭ ﮔ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫﻞﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺭﺟﺎﻣﺻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﻩﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺗﺎﺯ‬ ‫“€‪Ê»Z£‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿-‬‬ ‫Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪YZÅ‬‬ ‫‪{€°ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪‰Y‚³‬‬ ‫]‪» Ä‬‬ ‫|‡‪½ Y€¾Ì‬‬ ‫‪€Ì‬‬ ‫‪̤v]Áe Zŀ^y‬‬ ‫‪ÀÆ »,ZÅ‬‬ ‫¨‪ÉYÃԀƒYÅZ‬‬ ‫¿|‪É‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¶‬ ‫»‪ÊÀˆv‬‬ ‫‪‡Y ̸v‬‬ ‫‪Ä ¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪e»ZmÉZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¨ ‬‬ ‫‪à Ze‬‬ ‫]€¯|‪Y‬‬ ‫‪f‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ŒÅ‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ؛ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻭﺤﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻲﻣﺒﺮﻫ ﺎ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺍ ﺧ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣ ﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﺻﺗ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻩﺪﺍ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺸ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ؛ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻦﻭﺤ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺎ‪،‬ﺍ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻞﻫﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺤﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﺻ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﻩﺪﺍ ﺭﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ؛ﻧ ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺵ ﻫﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺤ ﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻭﺗﻐ‬ ‫ﻣﻬ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻞﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﺻ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎﻱﺭﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ 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‫{‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪¯ÊËZm‬‬ ‫]€ ‡‪½Y€e ËY ž“» Ê‬‬ ‫‡‪ZÅÄ//ËZ‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z] ɁZ‬‬ ‫¿‪{ Â]€e[Â^v»ÊËY{ ºÌe: ¹ Z¿Â °‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫‪É |À]Z¶Ì‬‬ ‫{‪É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‪Ë‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫‡¼‪ŸZ‬‬ ‫‡¼‪ŸZ‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫»‪{Y Â‬‬ ‫¿‪YZ]¦n‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪{d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z] ³Á{ d¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪Ê Z¿ nÀ ˆ§ Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪4 µY|m‬‬ ‫‪-{Y„¿€] É|¼uY‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳ ﻢﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﺍ ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎ ﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻥ ﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫{‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺴﻮﻑﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺪﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﻓ ﻴﻠﻋ‬ ‫ﻋ ﺪﺍﻟﺖﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺎﻱﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﻋﻠ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺪﻳ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧ‬ ‫ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋ ﺒﺎﺱﺍﻳﻦ ﺑ ﺷ‬ ‫‪- É{Z]M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪17 Ã‬‬ ‫‪Ê ÉZ‬‬ ‫‪¸Ÿ «M‬‬ ‫ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ ﺱ ﺁ‬ ‫|‪Ä¿Z zf·Y‬‬ ‫‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫§{Ÿ‬ ‫‪{€»€Ì‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ ‪a‬‬ ‫‪- É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪À¼¿Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ «M‬‬ ‫»‪ºª§Â‬‬ ‫‹|‪: Ë‬‬ ‫‪É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫‪Z] ¾ËY‬‬ ‫Ÿ^ ‪…Z‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺎﻱﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫‪: ¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫‪Z¾Ë‬‬ ‫…]‬ ‫Ÿ ^‪Y Z‬‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ ﺱ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡﺑﺮ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻥﺭﺟﺒ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY€]¹€f‬‬ ‫‪Ê^ m‬‬ ‫‪v»½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫¿œ € ‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪18....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‪19........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪25..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪26........................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪28...................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪29...................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪30............................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻧﻜﻦ‪31.....................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪32..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪34.................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪35......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪36............................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ‪ 37......................................................................‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ 40.........................................................................‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﻫﺎﻯ ژﻧﻮ‪42....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺸﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪44....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪45.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻨﻰ؟‪46.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪48.......‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ‪49.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪50................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‪51...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻃﻠﺐ ‪52.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪53..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪56......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ‪57.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪59..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺷﺮﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‪62.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪64..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ‪66............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎ‪68.........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪70.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭ‪72..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪74...........................................................................................‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪76............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‪77.......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ‪78.....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺸﻦ‪80......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪83......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ » ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ«‪84.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪86..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢﺑﺎﺭ‪88..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ« ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺳــﻨﺖ« ﺳــﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؟ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺧﻮﺍﻥِ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪90..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻮﻳﺎﺗﺎﻥ‪92..................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪94......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪95.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪96 ..................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪98............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪99...............................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‪100................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪102......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺘﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﺷ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻦ ﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪104‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫ﻰ ﺮ ﻯ ﺴ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫Ÿ¸ ‪É| €¿ »Z “€Ì‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺗ ﻨﻔ ﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭﺗﺤﺗﺤﻠ ﻴ ﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻌ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻨ ﻪﻨ ﻪﺩ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻣﻮنﮐﮐﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻴ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﮔﻤﻧﺎﻪﻧﺎﺯﺯﻪﻧﻲﭘ ﭘﻴ ﺮﺍ ﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ ﻭﮔ ﻮ ﻫﺎ ﻳ ﻲ ﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻲ ﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﺎﻳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺘﺎ ﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔ ﻔ ﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪ /‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪: :‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎهﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪d¨³Ê‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪¾ËYºË|‹†ÌW‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪Ê»38‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪{€°‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪d¨³Ê‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪¾ËYºË|‹†ÌW‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ 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‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É{Zf«Y‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Z¼Æf‬‬ ‫‪†a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪:†°‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‪…Z§/É|WZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪MOSALAS.IRZ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪,©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪kZu‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪µÂ‡,½Z̧ÂW‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪½Y€v‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪ÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊËY|m‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì‡†Ì·Âb‡€a‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫{‪{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‡‪Ä‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ã|¿Á€aZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¾Ì]Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZ³Y€«Ê¨z‬‬ ‫‪-¥€‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪­€Æ‬‬ ‫»€{‪ʇ€]½Z³‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪4{€°‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É{Zf«Y‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Z¼Æf‬‬ ‫‪†a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪:†°‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‪…Z§/É|WZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪MOSALAS.IRZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪,©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪kZu‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪µÂ‡,½Z̧ÂW‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪½Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫‬ ‫‡‪Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ëd»|y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ʬÀ̸Ÿ:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ʋ»Zy‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊËY|m‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì‡†Ì·Âb‡€a‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫{‪{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‡‪Ä‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ã|¿Á€aZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¾Ì]Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZ³Y€«Ê¨z‬‬ ‫‪-¥€‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪­€Æ‬‬ ‫»€{‪ʇ€]½Z³‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪4{€°‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É{Zf«Y‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Z¼Æf‬‬ ‫‪†a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪:†°‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‪…Z§/É|WZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪MOSALAS.IRZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎهﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎهﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪزﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﺎﻳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﮔﻔ ﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪه ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻜﺲ ﺪﻱ ﺣﺴ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ‪:‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮑﺪﺍﺭﻯﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪--‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪::‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻳ ﻦﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪--‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ --‬ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﮑﺮﻱ ‪--‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ --‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪--‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪--‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻔﺮ ﺪ‬ ‫اﻭﺭﻧ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧ‬ ‫‪4‬ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍ ﻧﻴ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧ ﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳ ﻦﺷﻤ ﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻳ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12::‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎبﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩهﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎب‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩه‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺮﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎم‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻲﺧﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﻭﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮﺍﺯﺍﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSAL AS. ri‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺯﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻲﺧ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧ ﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳ ﻦ ﺷﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻳ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪::‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388 ÂˀƋ 8 /¹ZÆq ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a Ä»Z¿ ®Ë-d»|y d·Á{ ZeZ¯ d·Á{ Y‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫¿¨€|‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪¿ÁMZË‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ‪-‬ﺷﮑﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫»‪Âˆ¿ZÆm Z“|¼v»  ½Z¼Ë€¿ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y ʸŸ  ÊfËY|Å ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪½Z”» { Z¼Ì‡- Z°Ë€»M Á ½Y€ËY Ę]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪‰Á |Ë|m †ÌW - ÄÀÌ]Z¯ { ½Z‬‬ ‫»‪¹|¬»ÊuZ^» Z“€»Ô£  ¾°Å¯ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‡‪ŠÀ»¾ËM {YÂm  Ê»€¯Y º›Z¯|Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Z̨‡ÂË ×Yc‚Ÿ  \Ì°‹ ¼u‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì»Y w€ÅZ‹ ÊŁԻ |¼v»  ʇ|¬» É{ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ʠ̨‹ }¿  ɀ°Œeʼ‹ZÅ É|Æ‬‬ ‫¿‪|Å{ʼ¿ ÉY º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌr»Y{Z] ×Y|‡Y ,½ZˁÂeZ¯ |̼u‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÊ]Ó Ä] †¸n» :Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê» €Ì̤e Y Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388 ÂˀƋ µÁY/ ¹Â‡ ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﮑﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫»‬ ‫«‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ [Zzf¿Y Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫‹‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§YcZ]Zzf¿Y {\¸¬eÄ^WZ‬‬ ‫‹‪½ZÌ]Y€v» Á É{Z]M ʸŸº¯†¿Z‬‬ ‫¿‪{Z‹Y cYÁÄÀ˂³YÊËZÅÄf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z] ®Ë ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪º‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫{‪m¡Y‬‬ ‫|‪½Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫|‪½Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¬f‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫¸‪h‬‬ ‫‹\‬ ‫»‪À‬‬ ‫»‪¬fÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫¸‪j» h‬‬ ‫»‪\‹j‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫¨‪44Äv‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪©Zv‡YµM ÊÌvË  Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»LÔ‬‬ ‫{‪€³{Ó§ Z“|̼u ɀ^À« ‰ÂËY‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm …Z^Ÿ  ¹Ô¯Z^ˁ ©{Z‬‬ ‫‡‪É{Á»ɀ´ˆŸ ÊÀ̈u {Z¼Ÿ|Ì‬‬ ‫§€‪½ZˁÂeZ¯ Z“|̼u |¿ÂÀˆu ½Á|Ë‬‬ ‫‪©{Z É|Æ»  Ê¿Z¼u º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫»‪Âb‡Z^Ÿ ʸŸ  ɸÅ{ ¾Ìˆu Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪ɀ̐¿ ×Y| ‡  ʻԇY ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪ÊËY€Ì» Ê‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪ÊÀ»Â» {Z‹€§ 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-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﮑﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎم ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪهﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪::‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë |¼v» ,ɀi¯¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫{‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ , ʨn¿ ÁÓ‬‬ ‫»˜¨‪Z^—ʼ‹ZÅÊ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ÂaʇÁ{€§ µ{Z‬‬ ‫‪Âa€Ì¿|¼v»- ¹|¬»Ê»Y€³¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫¿€‪ÉZzf§YÄ·Ó - Ê]Y€e ×Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪¹ZÆ·Y¾Ìˆv»Ô£ -[Ânv»Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388{Y{€»  / ¹Á{ ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪-h¸j» Z] ³ Á d¨³ { {Z¼fŸY ÉY Y €ÀÅZ] ÊÀÌ] ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪ɀ̴¿ZÆm ©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪¾Ì¼¿Ê¼Ì¸‡ …Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫‡€»‪.|ÀÀ¯Ê» Äq ‰Á{ ½YY{ÄËZ‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫¨‪ Äv‬‬ ‫‪:YÊYÂy‬‬ ‫¿‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‪ËZÅÊ Zf»Ã‬‬ ‫{ ‪¨³Z]Z¼‹ ¾ ËY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW Z] ³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ» ¹Zœ¿ ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪4Äv‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫»‪:ʼ‹ZÅ |¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM €œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼Ÿ ÉY€] ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ɀi¯ ¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y - ɀf¿Ô¯ ʈÌ‬‬ ‫‪ɁÁ€Æ] ºË€» - Ê«€e Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫]‪ʼ̸‡ ¾Ìˆu - ÁZŒ¯ ¾¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪É{ÓÁY€´ˆŸ ×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»Ô‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê¿Y{‚Ë Z“ - Ê¿Z¼u Ê‬‬ ‫‪·|Ì ‡ ʸŸ -Ã{YÊÌvË µÔm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZˀƋ ʸ À̈u‬‬ ‫{ ‪ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫»‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫`‪W‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ Á ºÆ¿ d·Á{ Z] †¸n» ¶»Z e Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÀ‡ ½ZËY€³d‡YÉZÅZœf¿Y‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫Ÿ^‪:É|¿ÂyM …Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â» Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩه ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎب ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪-‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»‪É|¿€»Z“€Ì¸Ÿ- ÉY|¼f Ë€‹ |¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Z^y Z“|¼v» -ɀ¯Z‹ Ê^fn‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌÆ·YÀŁ -ÊËZ“ Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪{Y„¿É|¼uY Y‬‬ ‫‪±€» ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¯Za ½Z^·Z—€^Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪©Y€ŸÊfÌÀ»Y Z“ÁYÊ‬‬ ‫‪{ d·Á{½Y|¬fÀ»ÉÁ€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪. ½Y€ËY ¹Â‡ ÂeY€aY -¾ÌeÂa€ˆ¼Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪dˆË –Ìv»½Z»Z‡Ä»Z¿Z¯ Ê‬‬ ‫]€‡‪½Â˂˸eÊ¿Zfˆ]ZeÉZŵZˀ‡Ê‬‬ ‫]‪{¿ {Â^¿ Á {Â‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSAL AS . ri‬‬ ‫‪? AE3 >3 E‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪1000 /‬‬ ‫‪100 /1388‬‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋه ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭم ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭ ﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ‪4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺍﺯﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻲﺍ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻣ‬ ‫ﻦﻲ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻳ ﻣ‬ ‫‪: YÌÊË‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¿‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪¿ YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ÂY Ëy‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ»Zf‬‬ ‫‪ZÃ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ãf¨¨³³Z‬‬ ‫‹¼]‪ZZ‬‬ ‫‪] ¾ ËY‬‬ ‫{ ‪ËY‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä»Z¿Äf¨Å Z] [Ây Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮنﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪M OSALAS. ri‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻲﺍ ﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﻣﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻦﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺍ ﻳ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS. ri‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺚﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻳ ﮋ ه ﻣﻣﺜ ﺜﻠ ﻠ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻭﻳ‬ ‫ﻔﮔﮔﻔ ﺖ ﻭﻭﮔﮔﻮﻮﻫﻫ ﺎﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔ ﻮ ﻫ ﺎﻳ ﻲﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎم ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Z ] Ê Ë Z Š³ Ád ¨ ³‬‬ ‫ﺎﻱ ﻭﻭﻳ ﮋ ه ﻣ ﺜ ﺜﻠ ﻠ ﺚ ﺑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﮔ ﺖ ﻭﻭﮔﮔﻮﻮ ﻫ ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻔ‬ ‫‪¦ Ì ¸ve Á ~ Ì ¨À e Y| ] º Å{ ÄÀ Ì ] Z¯½ »Y € ÌaÊ¿Ä¿ Z ¼³‬‬ ‫ﺬ ﻭﺗ ﺗﺤﺤﻠﻴ ﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻨﻔﻴ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻔﻨ‬ ‫ﺪ ﺍ ﺗ ﺗﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌ ﻌ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮن ﮐﮐﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻴ ﻨﻪﻴﻨ ﻪﺩﻫﻫﺩ ﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻴ ﭘﻴﺮﺮﺍ ﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﮔﻤﺎ ﻧﻪﻧﺎ ﻧﺯﺯﻪ ﭘ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔ ﺖ ﻭﮔ ﻮﻫ ﺎﻳ ﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺚﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻭ ﻭ ﻳ ﮋ هﻣﺜﻣﺜ ﻠ ﻠ ﺑ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﮔ ﺖ ﻭﻭﮔﮔ ﻮ ﻫ ﺎ ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻔ‬ ‫‪Z ] h ¸ j » à „Ë Á É Z Å Â ³ Á d ¨³‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠ ﻴ ﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭﺗﺤﻠ‬ ‫ﻢ ﺑﻌﺑﻌ ﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﺩ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻴ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣ ﻣﻮنﮐﮐﺎ ﺑ ﺑﻴ ﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﮔﻤﻤﺎ ﻧﻧﻪ ﻧﺯﺯ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻲ ﺎ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔ ﺖﻭ ﮔ ﻮ ﻫ ﺎﻳ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺮ ﻱ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠ ﻪ ﻛ ﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜ ﺚ«ﺭ ﻪﺷﻤ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻉﻭ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛ ﻥﻣﺠ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻤ ﻦ ﺴ ﻯ ﻰﺳ ﻰ ﺳ ﻼﻝ ﺳ ﺲ ﺣ ﻰ ﻢﺧ‬ ‫ﻦ ﻢ ﺪ ﺪ ﺳ ﺖ ﻯﺸ ﺖ ﻯ ﻯﺴ ﻯ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻮﺩ ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫ ﭻ ﻮﺻ ﻪ ﻱ ﺮ ﻱ ﺴ ﻭﻱ ﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻱﻫ ﺷﻤﻲﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩ ﺷﺖ ﺯﻱ ﺴ ﻭﻱﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺴ ﻭﻱ ﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫ ﭻﻭ ﺖ ﮕﻔ ﻢﺩ ﺭ ﻲ ﺴ ﻭﻱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻞﻃﻼ ﻰ ﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ‪ -‬ﻛﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ -‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ 19 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ! ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔ ﺖ ﻭﮔ ﻮ ﻫﺎ ﻳ ﻲ ﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺐ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻃﻴﻒ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺳﺮ« ﻭ »ﺑﺪﻧﻪ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪» ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 70‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺳــﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،88‬ﺳﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ؛ ‪ -1‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ -3 ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺰ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،70‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ )ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ(‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑــﺮ ﺣﺠــﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،84‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬــﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 88‬ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ )ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ »ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻲ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻼﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤــﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻮﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ )ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻟﻮﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻗﻲ( ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ )ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺒﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ( ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﭙﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﭙﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ« ﻋﻠﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻲﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺘﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻟﺪ ﻻﺳــﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ »ﺯﻭﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫» ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻨﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺳﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪» ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻂ« ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻂ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ )ﻭ ﺍﻧﻚ ﻟﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ( ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺏﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺧﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻭﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﻓﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﺸــﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﺘﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ – ﻏﻮﺍﺻﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 9 ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 450‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ‪ 273‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ‪ 23‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ‪ 67‬ﺍﻡ ﺳــﻮﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﺗﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﻮﻟﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﻮﻟﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 13 ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﻘــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ » ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﺮﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﻃﻼﻳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ‪،2009‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻥﺁﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍﻯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﻳﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻔﺎ ﻭﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺿﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﻧﻘــﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫)ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻟﺠﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 85‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷــﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺶ ﺑﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎﻣﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﺎﺋﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺍﻻﻗﺼﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺴــﻤﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻠﺦ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻗﺼﺎﺭﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ ﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧــﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻏــﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻨــﺪ؛ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺳــﺘﺮﻥﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻭﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷــﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻــﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺷــﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻮﻗــﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗــﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺟﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓــﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻻﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ‪ ،5+1‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ‪ 5+1‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟« ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ژﻧﻮ‪،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴــﺎﺱ ﺣﻀﺮﺗــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﺭﺍﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟــﻼﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﻛﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﺎﺯﺑﺎﻥﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺩﺭﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠــﺚ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ‪ 5+1‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻــﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺗﻨﻬﺎﺩﺭﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻧﻴﺰﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺩﭼﺎﺭﭼﻨﺎﻥﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶﺳﻜﻮﺕﻳﺎﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺷﺪﻧﺪﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻣﺼﻮﻥﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩﻛﻪﻟﺐﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲﺷﺪﻭﻣﺘﻬﻢﺑﻪﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻨﺪﻭﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪﺑﺮﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻛﺸﻴﺪﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪﺗﻴﺘﺮﻳﻚﺧﻴﻠﻲﺍﺯﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮﺷﺪﻛﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﺟﺎﻱﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩﻛﺸﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻭﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖﺍﺯﻃﺮﻑﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺑﺎﻫﻢ‪،‬ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻥﺷﺪﻧﺪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲﻫﻢﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵﺑﻪﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻳﺶﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩﻛﻪﺍﺯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺗﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻛﻨﺪﺑﺎﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸــﻢﮔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻬــﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺎ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﻓﺮﺍﺧﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺗﺎﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﺁﻧﻬﺎﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﮔﺎﻩﺩﺭﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﮔﺎﻩﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵﺟﻮﺍﻥﻛﻪﺗﺎﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﺩﻳﮕﺮﻫﻢﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻟﻲﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻻﻳﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡﻭﺗﺮﻗﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﻫـﻢ ﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﻟﺒـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳـﺪ؛ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸـﺎﺑﻪ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻫـﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﺳـﺨﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺣـﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺰﺍﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺴـﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺁﻥﺩﭼﺎﺭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺟﺪﻱﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﺳــﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺻــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻛﻢ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸــﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺴـﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 100‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ »ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ« ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫــﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ »ﺁﺧــﺮﺵ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؟« ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻨــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ! ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ‪26‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﻫﺎﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗـﻲ! ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺠـﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻳﻜﺴـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﻗــﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ! ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺑﺰﺭگﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺑﺎﺧﻨﺪﻩ(‬ ‫)ﻫــﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ(‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘـﺮ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﻒ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ‪ 38‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ 28 ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺮﻗــﻲ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1352‬ﻭ ﻗﺲﻋﻠﻴﻬﺬﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺧــﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ 13 ،‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻋــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻨــﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺩﻳﻨــﺪﺍﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳــﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺱ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ‪ 23‬ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻝ ﻧﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻳﻚﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺑــﺪﺍ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲﺻــﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﻞ ﺁﺏ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻨﺪ‪ 11 .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ‪ 21‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘــﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ«ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗــﺪﺱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 17 ،1384‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ« ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎ ‪ 27‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ؟ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻱ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ! ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪ؟ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ 3 ،2‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺁﻥ ‪ 17‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﺨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ - 1 :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮ‪ 200 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳــﺮﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﻼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺜﻴــﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴــﺮ! ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺁﻥ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ - 2 .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ! ﺁﻥ ﻫﻔــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻤﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺣــﻮﻝ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 8 ،7‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﺯﺧﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 40 ،30‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﻘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ‪.‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺷــﻜﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻔـﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴـﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻣـﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴـﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﻩ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻋﻴــﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺼــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ....‬ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴــﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻜﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺿﺪ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺘﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 42‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ؟ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳــﺚ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ‪ 40 ،30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻲﭼــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻱﻛﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺨﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﺍﻧــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌـﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﺍﻧـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑـﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘــﺎ؛ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ! ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺲ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ‪ 8 ،7‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜــﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳـﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﻳـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗــﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﺮﺍﺣــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺮﺽﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻲﺳﺮ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻲﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧــﻼﻑ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻏﺘﺮ ﺑﺸــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺮﺽﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﻴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼـﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪:‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣـﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﭘﻤﭙﺎژ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ؛ ﻣــﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤـﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓـﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻧﺴﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗــﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﻱ ﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻞﮔـﺮﺍ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﺍ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣـﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣـﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﺳــﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻧــﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺩﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﻲ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺘـﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻨـﺪﺭﻭ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬـﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨـﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧـﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪ ﺗﻨـﺪﺭﻭ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺛﺎﺑـﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻳﻖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻓﺎﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻼﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁ ﻗــﺎ ﻱ ﺍ ﺣﻤﺪ ﻱ ﻧــﮋ ﺍ ﺩ ﺍ ﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮ ﺩ ﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻳﺸــﺎ ﻥ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫــﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻔــﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪﺍﺵ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﻓـﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳـﺨﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫـﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟـﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻟﻔﻆ »ﺗﻨـﺪﺭﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻗــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻲ ﻳــﺎ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔــﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻛﻠــﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻓــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨـﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷـﻜﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬـﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳـﻲ ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳـﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻳﺤﻴﻮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﻳﺤﻴﻮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦﺭﺍﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺧﻮﺵﺍﺧﻼﻕﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸـﻜﻞ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ – ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳـﻄﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ -‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻠﻘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﮕﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻠﻘﻲﺍﺵ– ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ – ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ -‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺿﺪﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗـﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨـﺎﺡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺷﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺴــﻚ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣـﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﺑـﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻭﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﺑﺎﺯﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﺯﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲﻭﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻝ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕﺭﺍﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻣﺎﻣﺼﺤﻠﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢﺍﻣﺎﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﺭﺍﮔﻮﻝﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻛﺸـﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻋﺸـﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺍﺯﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺩﻭﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰﻭﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻬﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 23‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 8‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 11‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺷــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳــﻮﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷـﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻃﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ( ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨـﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻢ ﻃﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪30‬ﺳﺎﻝﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳـﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴـﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗـﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﮋﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑـﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺣﺎﻣـﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧـﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴـﺖ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﺍﺭﺗﺶﺑﻌﺚﺭﺍﻣﻲﺷﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱﻛﻪﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪،‬ﻓﺎﻭﺭﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺑـﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷـﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀـﺎﻱ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﺸـﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻟﻜـﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷـﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮔﺴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻔــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﻧﻌﻤـﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳـﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰﭘﺪﻳﺪﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺁﻥﺟﻤﻠﻪﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺸــﻘﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺷـﻮﺑﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴـﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺻﺤﺖﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪﺑﻪﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮﻯ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﻳـﺢ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻃــﺮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 64‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺠﻨﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﺥﭘﻮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻬﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺘﺎژ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺩﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﻣﺰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠـﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﺟﺒﻬﻪﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺟﺎﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺧﻂﻭﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ؛ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺱ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴـﻚ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴـﻚ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻞﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻡﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻳﺸـﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺽﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨـﺎﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳـﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬـﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴــﻦﺁﻗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵﺫﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺣﺴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺼﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﻧﮓ ﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨـﺲ ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻫـﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤـﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺣﺴـﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻨﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺽﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖﺍﮔﺮﺑﻴﺖﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﺷﻤﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺍﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﺝﺣﺴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺸــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴﻦﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﭼـﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔـﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧــﻮﺍﺹ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻦ ﺭﻛﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻧﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻧﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺘﺶ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﻗـﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤــﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻗـﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏـﺖ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﭼـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ‪ 15‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳـﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﭼـﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑـﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘـﺖ ﻳـﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳـﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘـﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺟــﺪﻭﻝ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻭﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺿــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻜﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻃــﻊ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﺑــﺖ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺩﻭﻛﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻡﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺟﺪﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺘﺴــﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯﺑﻪﻣﻦﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﻭﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻛﻪﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻯﺁﻥﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺷﺪﻩﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺩﻳﺪﻣﻦﻏﻠﻂﺑﻮﺩﻩﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻃـﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺳـﻮﺩﻭﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺸﻜﻞﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﺣﺎﺩﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﻛﻪﻻﺯﻡﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻤﺒـﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻧـﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳـﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳــﻮﺩﻭﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﻞ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ‪ -24‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪16‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ« ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠــﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻂﻛﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺤــﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟــﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻤﻴﺮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺸــﻘﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭘﻨﺠﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 1‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 2‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺒــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ‪ 95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﺮﻳــﺢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﻙ ﭘﻴــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬ﻋﻀﻮﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻌﺘــﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯﻛﺴﺐﻛﺮﺳﻰﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺑﺎﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺳﻨﺘﻰﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺳـﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔـﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳـﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠـﺐ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻳـﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧـﻰ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ« ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺪ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃـﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫـﻦ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣـﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣــﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺸــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺛﻤﺮﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻــﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺘﺎژﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺣﺴــﺐ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺑﺨﺸـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺒﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧـﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﻰﺭﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺳـﭙﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷـﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛـﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣـﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧـﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺸـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛـﺰﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻣﻲﺭﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍ ﻋﻀـﺎ ﻯ ﺷـﻮ ﺭ ﺍ ﻯ ﻣﺮ ﻛـﺰ ﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣـﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﻫﺪﻑﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳــﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻯ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺴــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﻻﻳﺤﻪﻣﺘﻤﻢﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻭﺩﺭﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﻭﺧﺎﺭﺝﺍﺯﺁﻥﺑﻪﻳﻚﻭﺣﺪﺕﻧﻈﺮﻯﺩﺳﺖﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪﺣﺎﻝﺑﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻟﺖﺗﻮﺟﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﺗﺎﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺿﻠﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ‪ 20‬ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ 9 ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳــﻨﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ‪ 104‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻻ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻼﻓﻰ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭﻋﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻛﻴﺪﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺤﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺰﻣﻲﺟﺪﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼءﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻛﻰ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻛﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻌــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺒــﺎﺱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳــﻨﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺷﺘﻰ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑــﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ »ﺳــﻘﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﻳﺎ« ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺞ ﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺳــﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻬــﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻘﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﮕــﺰﺍﺱ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﻴﻨﺰ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺳــﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﺍﺵ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻘﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻔــﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟــﺮﺕ ﺳــﻘﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳــﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻧــﮓ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳــﺰﺩﻱ )ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻱ( ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰﻭﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻚﮔﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻼﺩ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 97‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪﺵ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎﻭﺩﺭﺩﺭﻙﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺵﻣﻮﺛﺮﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳــﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺩ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺭﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﺎﻯ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﺴــﺐ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻨﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻲ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪54‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳــﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﺎﻯﺑﻰﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺩﻛﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻲ ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ـ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷــﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺩﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴــﻖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 4‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ‪85‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳــﻘﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 115‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺳﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ – ﻗﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﮔﺮﺩﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻘﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘــﺎپ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺳــﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺛﻤﺮ ﺳﻘﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﻫﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻓﻌﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ )ﻋﺞ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒــﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭﻟﻲﻋﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻃﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻠــﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻔﻦﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻥ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭﻟﻲﻋﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ )ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ( ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﮔﺒــﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ «...‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻘﻞﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒــﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻮﺭﺩﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ]ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ[‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣــﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ‪،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺐ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻰ ﻣــﻰﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ]ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ[ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪] .‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ[ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪] .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ[ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 11/5‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺎﺱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗــﺪﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﺧﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺫﻛﺮ »ﻻ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭﻻ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﻻ ﺑﺎﷲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮔﻴﺠﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪] .‬ﭼﺎﻭﺯ[ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﺎ! ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫]ﭼﺎﻭﺯ[ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‪ ].‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ[‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪] .‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ[ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ‪ 8‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺑﺪﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺸــﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ‪،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳــﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻰﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ! ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺶ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳــﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ؟« ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻃﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻨﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱﺍﺵ ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺁژﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﭼﻮﻥﺳﻘﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪،‬ﻫﺪﻑﻏﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻧﻴﺰﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻣﻲﺷﺪﻭﺑﺎﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(ﺑﻪﻻﻳﻪﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩﺑﺮﺍﻱﻭﺣﺪﺕﺣﻮﺯﻩﻭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻭﺣﺘﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺑﺎﻻﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻧﺎﻡﺍﻭﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩﻭﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥﺍﺯﺍﻭﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱﻛﻨﺪﺗﺎﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﻘﺸﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎﺩﺭﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ‪ 128‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻳــﻚ ﺧﻄــﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺄﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺗﻼﻃﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺩ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷــﺎﻛﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺩﺍﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺸﺘﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‪،‬ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴــﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞﺩﻫﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻚ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻲﺍﻥﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻟﺮﻱ ﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺮﻱﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 13‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ‪ CBS‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﻤﻮﺳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﻛﻼﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻃﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﻫﺎﻯ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺒــﺢ ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒــﺮ )‪ 9‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ 10 ،‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ژﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﻼﻯ ﺩﻭﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﮔﻨﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ) 5+1‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 16:45‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺰ؛ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2008‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﻲ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﮔﺌﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺑﻜﻮﻑ؛ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻞ؛ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻟﻴﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺖ؛ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ژﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺩﻳﺒﺮ؛ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑــﺮﺕ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﻔﺮﻱ؛ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ؛ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱﻭﻓﺎ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎ ﮔﺎﻻﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 5+1‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5+1‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 5+1‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ‪ 25‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫)‪ 3‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ژﻧﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ 3000‬ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 19/75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻴﻠــﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺍﻳﺰﻭﺗﻮپﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪19‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫)‪ 27‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 1/5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴــﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻋﻄﻒ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ 45 ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ژﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺘﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖﻛﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪ ‪ 3/1‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ‪1976‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2000‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﻟﺤــﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﺪ ‪ 3/1‬ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ NPT‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ژﻧﻮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 5 +1‬ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺗﺮﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺪﺳﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻓﺮﻭﺵﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﻫﻮﻳﺞﻭﭼﻤﺎﻕﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ 5+1‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺷﻜﺴﺖﺍﻳﻦﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ 151 ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺩﺭژﻧﻮ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻭﺍﻋﻼﻡﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎﻭﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯﻋﻤﻠﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯﺳﻮﺧﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ؟ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؟ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰﺩﺭﺭﻭﻧﺪﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕﺍﺧﻼﻝﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻭ‪....‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 5+1‬ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺸﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳــﻂ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻗﻢ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‪ 46 ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫)ﺷــﻤﺨﺎﻧﻲ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 7) 85‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ (2006‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﺸــﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺁﺫﺭ )‪ 9‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ( ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ‪ 17‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻠﺠﻨﺖﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺮﻟﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2007‬ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2009‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ )‪ (1999-2003‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 4‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 1386‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﺒﻮﺭگ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻛﻼﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ 8 .‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ 2006‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﺞ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻣﻔﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ 13 ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻚﺍﺷﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻛﺘﻴﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 86‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳــﻂ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﻴــﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ )ﺍﻳﻠﻴﻨﻮﻳــﺰ( ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒــﺮﻱ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﭼﭽﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷﻚ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻌــﻲ‪،‬؛ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻚ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ ،86‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺸﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﻔﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ‪ ،87‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷﻚ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ )ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻟﺮﺩﻫﺎ( ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳــﺒﻮﺭگ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺣﺴﻦﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ژﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺖ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﺧــﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺿﺪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻟﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪.‬ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷــﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫‪ ،5+1‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ‪ 1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻴﻚﺯﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫»ﺣﻖ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﮕﺸــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 19‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﺗﻮپ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻔﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻨﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ ،5+1‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺳـﻴﻊ ﺳـﺒﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈـﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﻤـﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠـﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳـﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ 5+1‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ،5+1‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ،8‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5+1‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺟﻮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﮕﻨﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺸﺘﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣــﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻜﺘــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ » ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﺎﻛﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺠــﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ‪ 5+1‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔــﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴــﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮگﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ژﻧــﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺗﻤﻬﻴــﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫــﺎﻯ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺻــﺪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺯ ژﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 5+1‬ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ؛ »ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻭﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﺗﺎﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﻫﻢﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﺷﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﺸﺴﺖژﻧﻮﻧﻴﺰﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﻭﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺑﺎﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎ»ﺭﻭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ«ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒﻛﺮﺩﻥﺍﻳﻦﻧﺸﺴﺖﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡﺑﺮﻧﺰﺩﺭﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺑﺎﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ؛‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰﺑﻮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﺭﺍﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞﺷﺒﻴﻪﺯﺑﺎﻥﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻛﺎﻣﻼﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢﻭﺻﺮﻳﺢﺑﻪﻃﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﻔﺖﻭﻧﻴﻢﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪﺩﺭﺩﺭﻭﻳﻼﻯﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﺩﺭﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯﮔﻨﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ‪،‬ﺷﻌﺎﻉﺧﺒﺮﻯ»ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺭﺳﻤﻰﻭﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢﻳﻚﻣﻘﺎﻡﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﺧﻮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪﻩﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢﺑﺎﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﻓﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺖ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2009‬ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺩﺭﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞﺍﺯﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻟﻐﻮﻣﻨﻊﺣﺎﻛﻢﺑﺮﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯﻋﺎﺩﻯﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥﺩﺭﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺳﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺩﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺑﺎﺻﺤﻪﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦﺑﺮﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺷﮕﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻕﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎﮔﻔﺖﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯﺑﻮﺵﺭﺍﻩﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﻣﺎﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻛﺎﺭﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢﻣﻮﻓﻖﺑﻪﻛﺴﺐﭼﻪﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥﺩﺭﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯﻛﺘﺒﻰﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؛ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥﺧﻮﺩﺣﻴﻦﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻛﺘﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﺸــﺖﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﺮﺩﻥﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰﻣﺤﻜﻢﻭﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰﺑﺎﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ‪ ...‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻻﻫﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 31‬ﻣــﺎﺭﺱ ‪11)2009‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪(88‬ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺟﻼﺱﻻﻫﻪﺑﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻭﻳﮋﻩﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺩﻩﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺳﻪﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ«ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥﺩﺭﻳﻚﻧﺸﺴﺖﺧﺒﺮﻯﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﺒﺮﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﺑﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻟﺒﺮﻭﻙ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﺎﺭﺝﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺯﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﻤﻚﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺳﻪﺗﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕﻟﻮﻳﻨﺴﻮﻥ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖﭘﻠﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ)ﺍﻑﺑﻰﺁﻯ(ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺣﺪﻭﺩﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﺶ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺭﻛﺴﺎﻧﺎﺻﺎﺑﺮﻯ)ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ( ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﺎ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ )ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ( ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﻓﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕژﻧﻮﻳﻚﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻭﻓﺮﺻﺖﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺟﻠﺴﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻤﻊﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﺳﺨﻦﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡﻭﮔﻔﺘﻢﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﺎﺑﻪﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕژﻧﻮﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕژﻧﻮﻳﻚﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻭﻓﺮﺻﺖﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﻳﻚ }ﺑﺎﺏ{ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻞﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺣﻞﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﺴﻴﺮﺣﺮﻛﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﻭﻱﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ»ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ )ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﺶ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻗــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ! ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥﻫﻢﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕﺧﻮﺑﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﻳﻚﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﻤﻴﻦﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﺧﻮﺩﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻴﺰﺧﻮﺑﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺳﻮﺧﺖﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻫﺮﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺳﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺘﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ )ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻟﺪﺍﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ( ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ‪ -‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ -‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،2001‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖﻛﻪﻳﻚﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻼﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻻﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔــﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻼ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ژﻧﻮ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﻓــﺮﺩﻭ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻨﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺿﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳــﻮﻡﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟــﺚ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗــﻰ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺗــﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻴــﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴــﺎﻁ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔــﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪.5+1‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1384‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ‪Joint‬‬ ‫‪ Venture‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪ 5+1‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺳــﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ« ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭﻙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ »ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻴﺸﺪﺍﻭﺭﻯ« ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ – ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ – ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ« ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ – ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ – ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ« ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻓﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ »ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰﻧﺼــﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺷﻮﻛﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ – ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 21‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥﺳﭙﺮﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ‪ 3‬ﻭ ﺳﺠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺪﻑﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﺯﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪« .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡﺍﺳﺖﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺁﻥﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ – ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1387‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﺍﺯﺍﺟﻼﺱﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ‪،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﭼﭽﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺑﺎﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﻛﻤﻚﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺧﺒﺮﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻛﺮﺩﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖﻓﺮﻳﺐﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺍﺳﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯﺁﻧﻜﻪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺍﺯﻋﺎﻣﻞﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﻟﻴﻦﮔﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺁﻧﭽﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭﺳﻄﺢﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﺯﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩﺟﺪﻳﺪﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫»ﺻﻠﺢ ﺳﺮﺩ« ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺻﻠﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻠﺘﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺴﺒﻮﺭگ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺠــﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» .‬ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮﺍﺳﻜﻮﺳﻴﺮﻑ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﺨﻮﻑ« ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ »ﻧﻴﺰﺍﻭﻳﺴﻴﻤﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻳﺘﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻗﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥﺭﻭﺳﻰﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺳﺮﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﻭﺭﻭﻑ« ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ‪ 5+1‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺭﺍﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺨﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧـﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻌـﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳـﻲ ﺳـﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻫـﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸـﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺴـﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻼﻳﻢﺗـﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫـﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻳﻢﺗﺮ ﻳـﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺳـﻬﻞﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧـﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛـﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﮔﺮﺟﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ )ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ( ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ )ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 2‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ(‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﻴﻜﻞ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 7‬ﻳﺎ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟـﻮژﻱ ﺑﺮﺧـﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎﺑـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺑـﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴـﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧــﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺍﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻟﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻜﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 4‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸــﺎء ﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1404‬ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ‪ 4‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 15‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 16‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴـﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴـﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷـﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻟﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻨﺎ ﻓـﻊ ﺍ ﻗﺘﺼﺎ ﺩ ﻱ ﺷـﺎ ﻥ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷـﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗــﻮﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 2004‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺴـﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﺳـﺎﺩﻭﻭﻳﻨﻜﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣـﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺳـﻤﺎ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴـﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼـﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ‪ 5‬ﻳﺎ ‪6‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟــﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ - ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ‪ -‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳــﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺞ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ ....‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺟــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻚﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﻩﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴـﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﺐﮔﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻴﭗ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ‪ 5‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺟﺰﻳﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻼ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺶﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻻﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻃﻲ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺯﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺏﻳﺎﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺘﻤــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 4‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺭﺍﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﻢ ﻋﻤـﺮ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑـﺎ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ »ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﮔـﺮﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﻫـﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﺸـﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳـﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻧـﺎﻡ »ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ« ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﻠﻴـﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﺎ »ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐﺳﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ« ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭﻱﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤـﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣـﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺍ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ‪12 ،10‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﻱﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻛﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻤﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴـﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺴﺒﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﺑﻪﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕﺭﺍﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻳﻢ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﻟـﺢ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺯ ‪ 18‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﻗﺪﺭﺕﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖﻣﺮﺩﻡﻭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺗﺎﺁﺷﺘﻲﻣﻠﻲﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﺍﺋﻴﻜﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2005‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺗﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﺰﺭگﺷﻴﻌﻪﺷﺎﻣﻞﺣﺰﺏﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﻋﻼﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻋﺸــﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺪ ﻓﻴﺎﺽ ﺍﺑﻮﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱﺍﻻﻧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺩﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻨﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻢﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻋﻄﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻗﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿــﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ )ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ( ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻤﻲﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴــﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸــﺖ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﻭﻫﻔﺖﻛﺮﺳﻲ(ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2006‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﺭﺍﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﻬﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴــﻨﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺷــﺒﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻬﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺮﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺒﺼﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺠﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2005‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 2010‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﺠﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﺸﻮﺭﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﺑﺎﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2006‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳــﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻫﺎﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 275‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 128‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻠــﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨــﺪﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 2010‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺸــﻌﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑــﺎﻻﻯ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 2010‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 2005‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 441‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ‪ 126‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻼ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 53‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ )ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ‪ ،‬ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺠﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭼﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦﻫﺎﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 40‬ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺳــﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻟﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻬﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 2003‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2005‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 2005‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ 2005‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ 44 ،‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓــﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑــﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺳــﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺸــﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻨﺼــﺮ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻜﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 2005‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫‪ 53‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰﺑﻪﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻋﺮﺍﻕﻭﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺑﻌﺪﻯﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴــﻪﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴــﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧــﺪﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴــﻪ ﺑﺮﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧــﺪﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑــﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﮔﺸﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ – ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺑﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻫﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻰ ﺍﺟﺒــﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﺮﺍﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ » ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪80‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺠﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﻨﺸــﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮچ ﺑﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫» ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴــﻚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭ ﻭ ﺯ ﻫــﺎ ﻯ ﭘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻧــﻰ ﺣﻀــﻮ ﺭ ﺩ ﻭ ﻟــﺖ ﺍ ﺻﻼ ﺣــﺎ ﺕ ﺩ ﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻣــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺵ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺟﻌــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻔﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 110‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻨﺲﺗﺮﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ –ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ – ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪-‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴـﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷـﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪-‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱﻫﺎﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺣﻀﻮﺭﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪﻳﻚﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡﺷﺎﻣﻞﺳﻪﺑﺎﻧﻚﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺷﺪﻩﻛﻪﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖﺑﻪﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻭﺩﻭﺑﺎﻧﻚﺩﻳﮕﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺩﻭﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴـﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺷـﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪-‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲﺍﺯﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﻋﺪﻡﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﻣﺎﻟﻲﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻓﻌﺎﻝﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺭﺍﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 32‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻼ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻟﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻘﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺮﺳـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺸـﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺷـﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ‪ 3 ،2‬ﻭ ‪ 4‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ 4‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 38‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 270‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ ‪ -‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻳﻚﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻠﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪-‬ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﻫــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺷــﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ »ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻱ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 32/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 900‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻭﻩ – ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫــﻮﺍﺯ – ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭ ‪ 240‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫‪ 336‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 900‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 84/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓــﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺭﺷــﺪ ‪ 32/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻥﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﻮﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ‪ 32‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪85‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﺍﺷﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ؛ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ – ﺭﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ – ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ‪ -‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣــﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧــﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؛ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫‪ 230‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻞﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ -‬ﭘﻞ ﺯﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻭﻩ – ﺳﻠﻔﭽﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ – ﺳﺮﺧﺲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻞﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺘﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺗﻴﺮ ﭘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻞ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪1100‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 1300‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟــﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫــﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫــﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ – ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ – ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﻭ ﭘﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻭﻗــﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻫﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻮﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﻨﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﺷــﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﺣﻤﺘــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ )ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞﺷﺮﻛﺖﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ( ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﻣﻲﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞﻫﻤﺎﻭﺣﺴﻦﺯﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼــﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻮﻓﻖﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺷﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 80‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﻓﺘﺤﻲﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﻨﮓ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﻡﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻡﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻡﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻯ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﻔﺶ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴــﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﺮﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﺼــﻞ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟــﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺧﻼء ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﻓﺪﻝ ‪ -‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪﻛﻪﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺘﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ‪ -‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫـﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺳـﺪ‬ ‫ﺗـﺎ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌـﺎﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘـﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣـﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 145‬ﻗﺎﻧـﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳـﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺼـﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷـﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻫﻨﺪﻱﺭﺍﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺮﻕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺮﻛﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡﺯﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑـﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻈﻴـﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 56‬ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 12‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ‪15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷـﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 9‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨــﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1387‬ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‪ 10‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻚ‪ 10‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﺩﻗﻴﻖﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﭼـﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧـﺞ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﻘﺮﺭﻛﺮﺩﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂﺗﺎﻳﻚﻫﻔﺘﻪﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﻱﺭﻭﻱﺍﻳﻦﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﭙﺲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺭﺍﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻛﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ‪ 13‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧــﺞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮﺍ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫـﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔـﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺸﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﻩﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺗﺮﺍﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺗﻦﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﻔﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻻﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ؟ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪﺧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺵ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳــﺤﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻲﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳﺎﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1386‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺗــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴــﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺠﺎﻉﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ‪ 165‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ »ﺍﺗﺎﻕ« ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﻛﻬﻨﻪ« ﻭ »ﻧﻮ« ﻳﺎ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ‪ ...‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻴﺦﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺪﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣــﺪﻡ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ‪ -‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪ -‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ» ﺁﻧﺘﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻃــﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻰﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﻯﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﻮﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ ﺷﻮﻙ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫‪10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ 88‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺩﺍﻏﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 27‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 27‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﺟﻮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳــﻮﺩﺟﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﻠﻖﮔﻮ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺠﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲﺍﺭﺽ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻭﻫﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﺟﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﺍﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴــﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ )ﻻﺳﺖ(‪ 24 ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ » ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺗﻰﻭﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮﻯ ﻳــﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳــﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻮﺳــﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤــﺎ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﻚ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ« ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺬﻓﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻻ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 29‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2005‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻂ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﺘﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪﻧــﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ )ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸــﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ‪ 14‬ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﭙﻴﻠﺒﺮگ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺱ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﭙﻴﻠﺒﺮگ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻨﻰﺳﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﻭ ﮔﻤﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ‪ 30‬ﻋﺪﺩ ﻭﺭﻗﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻪ ﺗﻜﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻜﺲﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭﻧﺘﻮﺭﺙ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ‪ 4/5‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻧﺘﻮﺭﺙ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺎﻃﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﺮگ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ‪...‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻠﻮﻝ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻴﻠﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 1972‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1978‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 33‬ﭘﺴﺮﺑﭽﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1994‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺳﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﻴﻨﻮﻳﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﻧﺘﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﻴﻨﻮﻳﺰ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻻﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻻﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﻨﺴﻴﻠﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﻻﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ‪)24‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ‪ 13‬ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼــﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺴﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 9‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﻧﺘﻮﺭﺙ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗــﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫــﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﺮﻕ ﺧﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﭼﻜﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺴــﺒﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭﻧﺘﻮﺭﺙ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻓﻴﻠﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑــﻰ ﺭﺍﺙ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺕ ﺭﺗﻨﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺗﻨﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺍﺙ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ‪ 11‬ﻗﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ‪ 10‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ؛ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﺯﻳﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﺘﻤــﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ« ﻭ »ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺋﻴﺐ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺪ ‪ ،3‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ« ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ » ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻼﻝﺁﻭﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺎﭘﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻜﺎﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺯﻟﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﻭﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪...‬ﺑﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺵﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺫﻫﻨﻰﺍﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻛﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻭ ﻏﻴــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻳﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰﺍﺵ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﺕ ﻣــﻲﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺟﺮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺵ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﺒﻬﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺐ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻠﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﮓ ﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺎﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺒﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺋﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﺒﻴﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻼﺵﺑﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺣﺸــﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨــﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻃﻨــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣــﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻧﻘﺾﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻻﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻃﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﮔﺮﺗﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﺗﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﭙﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ » ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ‪ 24‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺨﻜﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺸﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ 24‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻧﻮﻻﻥ )ﺷﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ( ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ )ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﻧﺘﻮﺭﺙ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ( ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻴﺶ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻏﻠﻄﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠــﺐ ﺑﻰﻗﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨــﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺯﻣﻰ ﺑﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﻚ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺵﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬــﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻓــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻜﺎﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﮕﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺟﺲ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺳﻜﻮﭘﻰ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﻣــﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺟﻨﻮﻥﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺬﺍﺕﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﻮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ« ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺧﻂ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻡ ﭘﻜﻴﻦﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ »ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﻨﺞ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﺮ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﭘﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻚ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺶﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻴﺴــﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺯﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻤﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻳﻚﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺨﺸﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ » ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﻦ ﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ‪ Breaking bad‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺸﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ‪ DVD‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻐﺰﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ )ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ( ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﻓﻴﻠﺪ )ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺶ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ(‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻨﻚ )ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﻣﻮﻟﺪﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ )ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺭﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ) .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﺰﺭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ!( ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﻛﺖ ﺗﺎﺝﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻨﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻰ ﺑﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺮﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺐ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﭼﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﻴﭽﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪) .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﺐ ﺷــﻜﺎﺭﭼﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﻴﭽﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﭽﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ (.‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﺁﺑﺮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﻣﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﻡ ﭘﻜﻴﻦﭘﺎ«ﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺭﺑﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻯﺑﻰﻛﻮﭘﺮ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡﺑﻠﻴﻚﻭﻳﻚﺍﻓﺴﺮﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥﺍﻑﺑﻰﺁﻯﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡﺍﻟﻜﺲﻣﺎﻫﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺒﻼﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺶ ﺩﻓﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺍﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺗﻰ ﺑﮓ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﭙﺰﺷﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪(.‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪:‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻧﺠﺎﺕﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﺎﻥﺑﻪﺟﺰﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰﺩﺭﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻠﻪ!ﺍﺳﻤﺶﺳﻮﻧﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻓﺼﻞﺳﻮﻡﻭﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺍﻳﻦﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‪ 13‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞﺷﺎﻕﺗﺮﻳﻦﻭﻋﺮﻕﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺗﺎﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﭘﺨﺶﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺰﻩﺍﻳﻦﻓﺼﻞﺑﻠﻴﻚﺷﻜﻢﮔﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﻳﻚﺯﻳﺮﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭﻯﻛﺜﻴﻒﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﻭﻣﺪﺍﻡﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻦﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﻓﺮﺍﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ)ﺩﺭﻓﺼﻞﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ(‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻰ ﺑﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﮔﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰﻫﻤﺴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻥﻫﺎﻳﺖﻭﻗﺘﻰﺗﻰﺑﮓﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﺭﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻏﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﭼﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ؟« ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺁﻧﻬﺎﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﮔﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰﻛﺴﻰﺭﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻯﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺭ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ« ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻨﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻔﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻴــﺰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺲﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻛﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﺨﺘﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺲ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﺨﺘﻨﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻻگ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ!‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ»ﻓﺮﺍﺯﺍﺯﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ » ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺭﻳﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻑﺑﻰﺁﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﻯﺳﻮﻧﺎ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮگ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻨﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﻮﺭﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﻐــﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﭘﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﻭﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﺭﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﻝﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ ﻭﺭﻭﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺧﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﺘﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﻀﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻣﻨﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﻮﺭﺳــﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﻖﺍﻟﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻓﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻨﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﻮﺭﺳــﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﻭﻟﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺵﺗﻴﭗ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺭﺳﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺗﺮﺍﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻓﻴﻠﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﻧﺘﻮﺭﺙ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘــﺮ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠــﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵﺗﻴﭗ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺭﻳﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺭﻳﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺰﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﺲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ )ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ( ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻰ ﺑﮓ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺘﻮﺭﺙ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻋﺸﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠــﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻜﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺴــﺘﮕﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻦ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﺦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺭﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴــﺮﺑﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﻼﻓﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺵ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺴﻮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﻭ ﺳﻮﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺋﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﻻﺳﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﻢﺳﻠﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺒﻬﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻮﺭﻳﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔــﺮﺩﺵ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺯﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﻜﺒــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻐــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺳــﻮﻛﺮﻩ ﭘﺴﺮﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ ﻫﻜﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻮﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 16‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻜﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻛﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻳــﻜﻞ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﻠﻮﻏﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﭙﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻼﻓﻰ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻛﺮﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻻﺳــﻜﻮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﮓ ﻭﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻰ ﺑﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻧﭙﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻰ ﺑــﮓ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﻴﺚ ﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳــﻨﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻓﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻰ ﺑﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻔﺘــﺪ ﺩﻟﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟــﻮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺑﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﺴــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻠﻔﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺳــﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﮓ ﻭﻝ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺜﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫــﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺵ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻰ ﺑﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﻨﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻰ ﺑﮓ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﺪﻙ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺧــﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻧﭙﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻧﭙﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﺭﻣﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺷــﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺭﻳﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﻮﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻔﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻔﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻔﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻼﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻰ ﺑﮓ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻰ ﺑﮓ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺪﻟــﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻼﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺴﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝ ﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺪﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﭘﺎﭘﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺟﻰ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻠﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻰﻧﻮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻛﻤﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻰ ﻧﻮﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴــﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻰ ﻧــﻮﺕ ﻳــﻚ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳــﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻰﻧﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻼﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺷﺮﻣﺴــﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻰ ﻧﻮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳــﻰ ﻧﻮﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﺨﺘﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻑﺑﻰﺁﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﻓﻴﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻻﻏﺮ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﻰ ﻣــﺰﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖﻛﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺣﻤــﻼﺕ ﻋﺼﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻓﻴﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﺵ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻠﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻴﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺶﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪﻭﺑﺮﺍﻯﺁﺯﺍﺭﺍﻭﺍﺯﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻴﻚ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻴﻚ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﻛﺎﺭﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻠﻴﻚﻧﻤﻮﺩﺑﺎﺭﺯﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚﺍﺳﺖ؛ﻓﺮﺩﻯﻣﻜﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭘﻮﻝﭘﺮﺳﺖﻭﺑﻰﺭﺣﻢﻛﻪﺍﺯﺁﺯﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺵﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻠﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﺳــﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺑﻠﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺍﻭﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻓﺼﻞﺳﻮﻡﺑﻪﺑﻌﺪﺑﺎﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺑﻠﻴﻚﺁﺷﻨﺎﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﻓﺼﻞﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺑﻠﻴﻚﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻞ ﻛﻠﺮﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﻞ ﺁﺩﻟﺴﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﺮﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﺮﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﺮﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﻴﺚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﺘﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﺮﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺩﺑﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺭﺙ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻓﻴﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺎﻳــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻰﺍﺭﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗــﺐ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻣﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﻻﺱ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﺧﺮﺩﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ )ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ( ﻭ ﺩﺍﻻﺱ )ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ( ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﻫﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﻗﺒﻞﺍﺯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺷﺮﻭﻉﺷﻮﺩﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻧﺎﺷﻲﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺑﺎﺷﻬﺮﺕﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﭘﺎﺭﺍﺗﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻔﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻠﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﻭﻳﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺴــﺘﻠﺮ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯﺗﺮﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡﺣﻮﻝﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍﻭﺷﻜﻞﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺑﻪﺩﺍﻡﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻﺑﻪﺟﺮﻡﻗﺘﻞﺩﺭﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﺩﻯﺳﻮﻧﺎﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻖﻧﻘﺸﻪﺍﻯﻛﻪﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞﺍﻭﺭﺍﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻠﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞﺳﻮﻡﻣﺸﺨﺺﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻭﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎﻛﻴﺴﺖﻭﭼﻪﻧﻘﺸﻰﺩﺭﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻯ ﺳﻮﻧﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪﺍﻭﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰﺍﺳﺖﻭﻟﻰﺑﻪﻣﺮﻭﺭﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺍﺯﻭﻱﭘﻴﺶﭼﺸﻢﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻻﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻛﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰﻓﺼﻞﺳﻮﻡﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﻓﺼﻞﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﮔﺮﭼﻦﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻝﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺫﻛﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻓﺮﺍﺭﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 365‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺎﺣﺸــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ‪ DVD‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ 135‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ » ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷـﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷـﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻞ ﺷﻴﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺟﺮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡﺍﻳﻦﺍﻳﺪﻩﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰﺍﺳﺖﻭﻟﻰﺧﻴﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻛﺴﻰﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻣﻦﺑﺮﺍﻯﻛﺎﺭﺭﻭﻯﭼﻨﻴﻦﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯﺑﺎﺩﻭﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺗﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺩﻭﻡﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﻛﺎﻣﻼﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﺍﺯﭘﺲﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ)‪ (LOST‬ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻭﺗﻨﻬﺎﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ 24‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻨﻰﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ 14‬ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﺍﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﻓﺎﻛﺲﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺭﺍﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻨﻰﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻠﺒﺮگ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻠﺒﺮگ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ 3‬ﺗﺎ‪ 4‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﮔﺸﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ)‪(LOST‬ﺭﻭﻯﺁﻧﺘﻦﺭﻓﺖﻭﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺭﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻨﻰﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺍﺯﻗﺒﻞﺗﻤﺎﻡﻓﺼﻞﺍﻭﻝﺭﺍﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪﻳﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰﺭﺍﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻓﻴﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﻛﺲﺭﻳﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ﻣﺜﻼﻭﻗﺘﻰﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﻭﻝﻓﺼﻞﺍﻭﻝﺭﺍﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪﻛﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﻳﻚﻟﻮﻟﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪﺩﺭﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥﻧﺼﺐﺷﺪﻩﻭﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰﺭﺍﺑﻪﻫﻢﺑﺰﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻰ ﺑﮓ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴــﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1987‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪( .‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶﺍﻳﻦﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎﻣﺜﻞﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦﻭﺟﺎﻥﻛﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!ﻭﻗﺘﻰﺷﻤﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺑﺰﺭگ«ﺭﺍﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥﺟﺎﻟﺐﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻠﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺳﻮﺍﺭﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻭﺳﻮﻣﻰﺳﻮﺍﺭﻗﻄﺎﺭ‪.‬ﻳﻚﻧﻔﺮﻫﻢﺍﺯﻗﺎﻳﻖﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺑﻪﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﺗﺎﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺭﺍﻩﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﺶﺭﻗﻢﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰﻣﺎﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥﺍﻳﺪﻩﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢﻛﺎﻣﻼﺑﻪﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢﻭﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢﺍﻳﺪﻩﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺧﺎﺻﻰﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪.HBO‬ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻚﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺍﺳﺖﻧﻪﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻫﺮﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪﺷﺐﭘﺎﻯﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪﻭﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪﺗﺎﻛﺎﺭﺧﻮﺑﻰﺍﺯﺁﺏﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪﻭﻟﻰﺁﺧﺮﻛﺎﺭﺳﺮﺗﺎﻥﺭﺍﻣﻰﺧﺎﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪﺁﻳﺎﺍﺻﻼﻛﺴﻰﭼﻨﻴﻦﭼﻴﺰﻯﺭﺍﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ؟ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻋﺎﻟﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑـﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻓﻴﻠﺪ‪،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻋﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺎﻃﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﺝ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺪﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭼـﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ! ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻋﻘﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺑﻢ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱﺑﺮﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺷﺪﻩﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺨﺶﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ » ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠــﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 62‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩﻭﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1956‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 51‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻨﺞﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ »ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ«‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ‪ 2010‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻳﺒﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ »ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻞ ﻃﻼﻱ ﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻼ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ‪-‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﻼﻱ ﻛﻦ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺯﭘﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺎﺗﻮﺭﻩ« ﻭ »ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﮓ« ﺍﺯ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩﻭﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ )‪(Alive‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﺗ ِﻦ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﺭﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻙ ﺑﻮﮔــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﻣــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻛﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﺪ ﻓـﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﻳـﻲ‪ /‬ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺘﻲ‪:‬ﺁﺭﺗﻦ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﺭﻭﻟــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺷــﺐ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ« )‪ (2004‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ »ﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﺭﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﭘﺴﺎﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺵﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻦِ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺭﻳﻨﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫)‪(Secret in Their Eyes‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻨﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﺎﻧﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﭼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﻜﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ 127 ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺘﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻨﺪ‪ /‬ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺘـﻲ‪»:‬ﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ« ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺤﻮﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻧﺴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮ ﻧﻮﺁﺭﮔﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﻟﭽﺴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺗﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﺎﻧﻼ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ»ﭘﺴﺮﻋﺮﻭﺱ«ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﺍﺛﺮﻛﺎﻣﭙﺎﻧﻼﺳﺖﻭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺑﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻭﺗﻴﺮﻩﻭﺗﺎﺭﺗﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺑﻪﺣﺮﻛﺖﺁﺭﺍﻡﻣﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻭﺣﺎﻝﻛﻤﻚﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻫﻨﮓﻓﻴﻠﻢﻛﺎﻣﻼﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩﻭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖﻭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﺍﺻﻠﻲﻓﻴﻠﻢﺷﻴﻤﻲﺧﻮﺑﻲﺑﺎﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﺯﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭﻛﻪﺍﺯﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﺶﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞﻛﻠﻮﺯﺁپﻫﺎﻱﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖﻛﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﻭﺳﺒﻜﻲﺍﺛﺮﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ)ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﺨﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲﺩﻳﺪﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮ‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫)‪(A Magician s Autumn‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺑــﻦ ﻭﻭﺍﻫﻪ ژﻳﻮﺭﻛﻴﺎﻧــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﻴﻨﻮ ﮔﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻓﻠﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻧﺎﻡﺍﻭﺑﺎﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺩﺭﻗﺮﻥﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲﭼﻮﻥﻣﻴﻜﻞﺁﻧﺠﻠﻮﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻴﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﻜﻮﺭﺯﻱﻭﺁﻧﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻛﻮﻓﺴــﻜﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺟﺎﻧﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺟﺎﻧﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺧﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮ« ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳــﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻦ ژﻳﻮﺭﻛﻴﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺭﺩﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻞ ﮔﻴﺒﺴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶﺩﺭﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩﻭﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫)‪(For a Moment Freedom‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﺵ ﺕ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺎﺣــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ‪ 110 ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‪ :‬ﺯﻳﻨِﺚ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻭﺭﻳﺦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻧﮓ‪ /‬ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﺭﻳﻮﻳﻮﺯ‪:‬ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡﺩﻳﺪﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪﻭﺧﻮﺩﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱﺁﺭﺵﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺷــﻚ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥﭼﻨﺪﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻭﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞﭼﻨﻴﻦﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻭﻧﻪﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲﺧﻮﺩﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚﺍﺛﺮﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖﻫﺎ )‪(Misfortunates‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﻜﺲ ﻓﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻧﻴﻨﺠِ ﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺑﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﭙﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﻟﻮﻧ ِﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ‪ 108 ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻦ ‪.2009‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﮕﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺲ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﺪ ﻓـﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﻳـﻲ‪ /‬ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺘﻲ‪:‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﻜﺲ ﻓــﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻧﻴﻨﺠِ ﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻮ ‪ +‬ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻧــﻮﻭﻝ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫)ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ( ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺭﻫﺎﻟﺴــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻧﻴﻨﺠﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻔﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﭙﻨﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭِﺩ ﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖﻫﺎ« ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﺒﻊﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺷﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﺦﻭﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﻘﺺ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﻒ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫)‪(I Killed My Mother‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭِﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺮِﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﻫﻠﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫‪ 97‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻦ ‪.2009‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﻮﺑﺮﺕ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﻼﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻧ ِـﺖ‪ /‬ﺭﻳﻮﻳﻮﺯ‪:‬ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺒﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﺘﻢ« ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦﺭﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﻴﻮﺑﺮﺕ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻤﭙﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻦﻭﺳﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻻﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻓﻮ »ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ«‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﺸــﻖ« ﻭﻭﻧﮓ ﻛﺎﺭ‪-‬ﻭﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺩﻭﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻃﻪﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺤﻮﺭﺍﺑﺪﻱ )‪(Forever Enthralled‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭼﻦ ﻛﻴــﺞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﭼﻦ ﻛﻴــﺞ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻥ ﺟِ ﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻮ ﭼﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ 147 ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺱ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻻﻥﻓﺎﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ 10 ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰﻣﺎژ‪/‬ﺍﻳﮋﻥﻣﻮﻭﻱﺭﻳﻮﻳﻮﺯ‪:‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺗﻨﺪﻭﺗﻴﺰﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ »ﻗﻮﻝ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻦ ﻛﻴﺞ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻜﻦﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻣﻦ« ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺞ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﻮژﻩﺟﺬﺍﺏﻭﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ»ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻲﻻﻥﻓﺎﻧﮓ«ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻥﻓﺎﻧﮓ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺴــﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ« ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﻦ« ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶﺑﻠﻜﻪﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﭼﻴﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻋﺖﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﻲﻋﻴﺐﻭﻧﻘﺺﺍﺳﺖﭼﻮﻥﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﻳــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﺑﺮﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﻻﻥﻓﺎﻧﮓﺑﺎﺭﻗﻴﺒﺶ‪،‬ﺷﺎﻱﺳﺎﻥﻳﺎﻥ)ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﻭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪﻭﺍﻧﮓﺯﻭﻛﻲ(ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﺶﺑﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﭘﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰﺑﺎﻭﺭﻭﺩﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻳﻦﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺩﭼﺎﺭﻣﺸﻜﻞﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﺑﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲ ﻻﻥﻓﺎﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﻩﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﻣﻬﻢﻭﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻭﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺭﺍﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻚﺩﺭﺍﻡﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩﻛﺮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻚﺍﺛﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )‪(A Prophet‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ژﺍﻙ ﺁﺩﻳﺌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ژﺍﻙ ﺁﺩﻳﺌﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﺲ ﺑﻴﺪﻳﮕﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﻦ ﻓﻮﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ‪ :‬ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻭِﻟﻔﻠﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪150 ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﺨﻞ ﻃﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳـﺘﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﮓ‪ /‬ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺘﻲ‪:‬ژﺍﻙ ﺁﺩﻳﺌــﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻬﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺤﻮﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻳﺌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺒﻬﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻟﺐﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻦ« ﻭ »ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻢ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ« ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﺩﻳﺌﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ )ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴــﺮﻩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻳﺌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﻦ ﻓﻮﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻭِﻟﻔﻠﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ )‪(White Ribbon‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻴﺸــﺎﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 144‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻞ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ‪.2009‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1913‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ‪/‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺩ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗـﻲ‪ /‬ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺘﻲ‪:‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺸــﺎﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺸﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻴﺮﻩﻭﺗﺎﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠــﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻜــﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﺮﻭﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻦﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻫﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻟﻤﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎ«)‪ (1979‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻦﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ »ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ‪ (2004‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﻌﻨﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻑ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻚﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﺭﻳﺶﭼﺎﻧﺪﺭﺍﻛﻲ‬ ‫)‪(Harishchandrachi Factory‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﻛﺎﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﻟﻨﺪﻭ ﭼﻮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺍﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﺎﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1913‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﺍﺟﺎ ﻫﺎﺭﻳﺶﭼﺎﻧﺪﺭﺍ« ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﻛﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟« ﻣﻮﻛﺎﺷــﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ‪» .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺭﻳﺶﭼﺎﻧﺪﺭﺍﻛﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻟﺮﻛﻮﺳﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫)‪(Nobody to Watch Over Me‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﻮﭼﻲ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺰﻭﻛﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺰﻭﻛﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺗﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺯﻭﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ 118 ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺮﺍﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﺷـﻴﻠﻴﻨﮓ‪:‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ« )‪ ،1950‬ﺁﻛﻴﺮﺍ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺳﺎﻭﺍ( ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ »ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ« )‪ ،1996‬ﺳﺎﺗﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﺰﺍﻛﺎ( ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ »ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮ« )‪ ،2007‬ﻛﻴﭽﻲ ﻫﺎﺭﺍ( ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﺶ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﺑﻼگﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻓﺮﻋﻲﺍﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺰﻭﻛﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ )ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩﻱ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﭗﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘــﺮ ﻭﻟﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻪ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ( ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﻛﺖ‪،‬ﻋﻀﻮﮔﺮﻭﻩ»ﻋﺎﺭﻑ«ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺑﺎﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻤﺶ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺘﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺤﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 69‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﻋﺎﺭﻑ« ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺸـﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﻋﺎﺭﻑ« ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺬﻭﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺻﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺸـﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳـﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﻙ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺰﺣﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻠﻴــﺪﻯ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻇﺮﺍﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙﺗـﺮ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﭘﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺐ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷـﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ‪ 70‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻗــﺪﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠــﻖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ »ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻮﺭ« ﺩﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺎﺯ ﺳـﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻮﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺳــﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻭﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻟﻨﺸــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺰﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺿﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﻣﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓــﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﻏﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱﺑﺮﺳﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎﻱﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺫﻭﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺩﻳﭗ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺟﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﭗ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻮﻓﻮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ‪ :‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﭘﻮﺭﺁﺫﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺩﻳــﭗ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻓﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺩﻳﭗ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﭗ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﭗ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻲﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﻳﭗ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻳﭙﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻚ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﻳﭗ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻚ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﭗ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﺩﻳﭗ« ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟــﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺏﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺁﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﭘﻮﺭﺁﺫﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺑﻰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 14‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ 24‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ »ﺍﺩﻳﭗ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠــﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺩﻳﭗ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ »ﺍﺩﻳﭗ«‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺕﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻯ؛ »ﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ« ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﺩﺍﭘﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻤــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ »ﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﭘﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﻤﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺷــﺎﭘﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪» ،‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻳــﻦ ﺻﺎﺑﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ« ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭﺯﻥ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻮﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﺧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ»ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭﺯﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻓﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺽﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺽﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﺑــﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻌﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻮﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﭗﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ )ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻭﺯﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ‪ conservatism‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ‪ conservare‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺪﻩ ‪ 19‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺪﻩ ‪ 21‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟﻬﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐــﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪.1790‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﺤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ« ﻭ »ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﺩﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻙ«‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1790‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻟﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻯ ﺧــﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﻳــﮓ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ‪ 1830‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈــﺮﻳﻪ ﻟﻴﺒــﺮﺍﻟﻴـﺴــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻙ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺸــﻌﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﻳﮓ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧــﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺳــﻨﺎﻙ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻭﺑﺮگﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻰ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺷــﺎﺥ ﻭﺑﺮگﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫــﺮﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺸﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸــﺎﺵ ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣــﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟــﻮﺭﺝ ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻜــﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺿﺪﺍﺗﻮﭘﻴﺎﻳﻰ ‪ 1984‬ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺸــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻗﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸــﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﺮ ﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪)«.‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺒﺤﻰ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺿﺪﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯﺍﺵ‪» ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻟﻌﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺳــﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯﺩﺭﻗﺮﻥﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻳــﻚ »ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﺣﻘﻮﻕﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﺎﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟــﺰء ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻧــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺷــﻼﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺰﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗــﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻟﻐﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻓﻜﻦ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﻮ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻮﻳﺎﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ‪ 1789‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ )ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ( ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻛﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳــﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺷﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1793‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱﺍﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﺒــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻊﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1789‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺒﺨﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻮﻧﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪1950 - 1970‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻚ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻪﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺑﺸــﺨﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴــﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻃﻞﺍﻟﺴــﺤﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 18‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻫﺎﺑﺴــﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼــﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﻛﺮﻳﺰﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻛﻪﺷﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﭘﻴﺶﻗــﺮﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﻓﻪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻴــﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﺍﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺧﺸــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺟﺎﺩﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ )ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺑﺴﻬﺎﻡ‪ (.‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧــﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﻛــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝﺍﺵ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺵﺩﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﻳﻨﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﺸﻢﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﺢ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨــﺎ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﻴــﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﻓﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻨﺰﻱﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻟﻮﻳﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻗﻮﺱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺒﺖ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻏﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻛﻴﻨﺰﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1930‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻨﺰﻱﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 1917‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪1950‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ‪ 1960‬ﺭﻭﻧﻘــﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ 1930‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺭﮔﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﭼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺗﻴﺘﻮ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺌﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺩﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﺵ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 1789‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﻳﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 1789‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺻﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻓــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻙ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ؛ »ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ«‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﻢﻛﻬﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺑــﺮﻙ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ‪-‬‬‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻙ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋــﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺛﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻙ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﺮﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﺩﻛﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺴﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﻠﻪﮔﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ – ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﺮﻓﻴﺎﺕ ‪ -‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫»ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﻃﻠــﺐ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻙ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻙ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺑﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻙ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺌﻮﺭگ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪﮔﺮ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺮﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺯﺭﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺟﺪﻟﻲ ﻋﻘﻞﺳــﺘﻴﺰﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻏﺎﻟــﺐ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 18‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺌﻮﺭگ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ )‪ (1730 - 1788‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﻮﻧﻴﻜﺴــﺒﺮگ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﭘﻴﻪﺗﻴﺴﺖ )‪ (Pietist‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﻟﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻟﻮﺗﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻲﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﺴــﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻉ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻲﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻣــﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻻﺍﺩﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋــﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﺴــﺖﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻨﻮﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﮔﻨﻮﺳﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟« ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻴﻢﻣﺂﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺷﻔﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ )ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ( ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺒﺨﺸــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻭﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻭﻛﺴﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻤﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﻼﺣﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫»ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻠﻴﺖ« ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ« ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻠﺴــﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ )ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻭﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫» ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ« ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻮﺷﺸــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺷﺮ« ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳــﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺴــﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‪...‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ‪11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺷﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎء ﺛﻼﺛﻪ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻈﻬﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻛﻮﻳﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ»ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﻭ»ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ »ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ«‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ »ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ« ﻳﺎ »ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺮ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻖ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻝ« ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺯﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨـﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻴﺲ ﻓﻮﻛﻮﻳﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻡﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ »ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫»ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ« ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺷﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋــﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ )ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻗﺪﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﺰﺋــﻲ« ﻭ »ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ« ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻗﺪﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﻛﻮﻳﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ )ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﺪﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻱ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨــﻲ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﻠــﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳــﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ )ﺳﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻠﻲ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻔﺴﻴﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻛﻮﻳﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴــﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ )ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ« ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ »ﺳﻠﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫)ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘــﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﺭﻣﺎﺟﺪﻭﻥ )ﺁﺭﻣﺎﮔﺪﻭﻥ( ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻗﺒﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺩﺍﻣﻮﺱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﺭﻣﺎﺟﺪﻭﻥ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴــﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑــﻮﺵ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺵ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫)ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ )ﺳﻠﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ(‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻴﺮ )ﻣﻄﻠﻖ( ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ )ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ‬ ‫)ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻫﺎﺭﻣﺎﺟﺪﻭﻥ(‬ ‫‪ - 6‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸــﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ - 8‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ »ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ« ﻭ »ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫‪ - 9‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫‪ - 10‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫)ﺳــﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻠﻲ( ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫»ﻫﺎﻧﺎ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻧﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺼــﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻧﻐﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻪﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺁﺭﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳــﻢ؛ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗــﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴــﻢ)ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ( ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑــﺮﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫»ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴــﻢ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺻﻒ ﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺳﺨﻦﮔﻔﺘﻦﺍﺯﻭﺿﻊﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺳﺎﺩﻩﻧﻴﺴﺖﻳﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻱﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺗﻲﻭﻋﻠﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪﻭﻛﺎﺭﺑﻪﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﺭﺍﺯﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺤﺚﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﻢﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻭﺍﺭﺩﺣﻮﺯﻩﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﻪﻧﻘﺪﻭﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲﻓﻜﺮﻱﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢﻭﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱﺫﻫﻨﻲﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺯﻓﻀﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﻩﻭﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱﺑﻲﻣﺒﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﻧﺎﻡ« ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ »ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ«‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺣﺎﻛﻲﺍﺯﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐﺍﺳﻢﻭﻣﺴﻤﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻠﻒ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ)ﺹ( ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻔﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫)ﻓﺎﻧﺪﺍﻣﻨﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻠﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴــﺖ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻲ ﺟﺰﻡﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧــﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ»ﻋﻘﻞ« ﻭ»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ« ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎﻛﺎﺭﺗﻔﻘﻪﻭﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻧﻮﻋﻲﺑﺤﺚﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ‪-‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱﻋﻘﻞﺗﻜﻴﻪﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺑﻪﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺯﺯﻣﺎﻥﺭﺣﻠﺖﺷﻴﺦﻣﻬﺪﻱﺍﺳﺘﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﺩﺭﺩﺭﻭﻩﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻣﻄﺮﺡﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﻧﻴﺰﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﺪﻥﻣﻜﺘﺐﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﺑﺮﺧﻲﺭﺍﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺧﻄﺎﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻧﻮﻋﻲﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏﻣﻜﺘﺐﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﻨﻪﻋﻘﻞﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻨﺪﻭﻧﻪﺗﻔﻜﺮﻭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺟﻨﺎﺡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺩﺭﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﺩﻫﻪﺍﺧﻴﺮﺑﻪﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺟﻬﺖﻛﻪﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢﺭﻗﻴﺐﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺧﻮﺩﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻟﻘﺐﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮﺭﻗﻴﺐﺁﻥﺟﻨﺎﺡﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﺩﻭﺟﻨﺎﺡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﻪﻳﻚﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻮﺭ)ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ(ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ؛ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲﻛﻪﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻟﻘﺐﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻡﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪-‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺗﻔﻜﺮﺷﻴﻌﻲﺩﺭﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻴﻦﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻴﻦ‪،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻭﺗﻌﻘﻞﺭﺍﻭﺍﺟﺪﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻭﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪﻋﻘﻞﺑﺮﺁﻥﺣﻜﻢﻛﻨﺪﭼﻨﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻉ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻼﻣﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﺴــﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ)ﻉ( ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺰﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨــﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﺴــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎء‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ)ﺹ( ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺰﺍﻝ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ »ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ« ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴــﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧــﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴــﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﻨﺎﺡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚﺍﺯﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻜﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥﺭﻗﻴﺐﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩﮔﺬﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﺩﻳﺪﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬‫ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ)ﭘﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ( ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﻭﺍﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴـﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴـﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫـﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺣـﺚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴـﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈـﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ )‪(conservatism‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺣﺰﺏﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺑﻮﺩﻭﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﺭﻳﺸﻪﺑﺤﺚﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﻳﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻭﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻭﻧﻮﻋﻰﺗﺤﺠﺮﺩﺭﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻭﺻﻒ‪،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯﺑﺎﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻧﻔﻜﺎﻛﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪﻓﻜﺮﻯﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺤــﺚ ‪ traditionalism‬ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳـﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺳﻨﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍژﻫﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭﻋﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷــﻴﺦﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺷـﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻉ‪،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻋﺮﻑﺭﺍﻫﻢﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﺟﺪﻯﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻭﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﺍﺑﺎﻳﺪﺳﻤﺘﻰﺑﺮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻭﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻛﻪﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻴﺦ ﻓﻀـﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻴﺦﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺵ ﺭﻳﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳـﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻠﻘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﻗﺎﺋﻞﺑﻪﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﺑﻴﻦﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﻏﺮﺑﻰﻭﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰﻣﺒﺤﺚﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺎﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻛﻢﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥﺍﻳﻦﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﺑﻪژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢﻳﺎﺑﻪﺣﻮﺯﻩﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻫﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻐﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔـﻮﻯ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴـﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳـﻴﺪ ﺳـﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻫـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜـﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑــﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﺌﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ؟ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳـﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ )ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤــﻊ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎﻯﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏﻓﻘﻪﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯﺧﺎﺻﻰﺍﺯﻓﻘﻪﻓﺮﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻮﻳــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥﺩﻳﻦﻋﺮﺿﻪﺷﺪﻩﻭﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﻧﻴﺰﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔــﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﻤــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷـﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫»ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﻣﻜﺎﻥﺩﻭﻋﻨﺼﺮﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤــﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟــﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺏ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﻬــﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪101‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ« ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﺖ« ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ »ﺳﻨﺖ« ﻓﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘــﻦ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺺ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ‪» .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻞﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ »ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ« ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﭼــﺮﺍ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﺍﻱ »ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ« ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺷــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ‪ -‬ﻋﻤــﻞ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﺷــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺣﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻓﺮﺑﻬﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ »ﺳــﻨﺖ« ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ »ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ« ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ« ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ »ﺳــﻨﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫‪102‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ »ﺳﻨﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ« ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ »ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ« ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫»ﻧﻔﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ« ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻏﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻗﺪﺳــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ »ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ»ﺛﺒﺎﺕ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻠﺐ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ »ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ« ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ« ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ »ﻋﺮﻓﻲ« ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﻠﻞﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘــﻮﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻳﻚ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﺸــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ »ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭘﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ »ﺗﻤﺪﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺪ ﭘﻲ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺟﺰﻡﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ »ﺩﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴــﻴﻢ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ »ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻫﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ »ﻋﺎﺩﺕ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ »ﻧﻔﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ »ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ« ﻭ »ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ«ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻌﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﺭﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺛﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺷــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﷲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺑﻮﺫﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻌﺐﺍﻻﺣﺒﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪103‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺧﺎﺑﻲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‪ ...‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،47‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ‪ 90‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ‪ -‬ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ ،48‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪3‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﻳﻚ‪.‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 62‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 66‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪104‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ! ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻮپﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺮﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷــﻚ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻧــﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺧﺘﻜﻦ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﻮپﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺳــﻔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﻧــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ‪ -‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﺼﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺑــﻂ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳــﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺒﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪ «...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ 85‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﺮﻙ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻓﻼﺡ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﻗﺼﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻳﻚ ‪ -‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ؛ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻟﺰﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ‪ 67‬ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔــﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮپ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺒــﺎﺩﺍ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺕﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ‪ ...‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؟ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠــﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺑــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ؟« ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮔﻠﺪﻭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺑــﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ! ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 22‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻰ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪105‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺑﻖﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻛﺘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻛﺘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻼﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫‪106‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻏﻮﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺭﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 87‬ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻲ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺸﻨﺞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ‪ 90‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪107‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲﺍﺯﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺳـﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳـﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻨـﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ «.‬ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﺴــﺮﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺘــﻚﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﻱﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴـﺎﻭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 73‬ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ‪ -‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺵ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻧــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ‪ 90‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮔﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﭼﻲ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ -1 :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﺿﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ )‪(F.D.C‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ )‪ (FIFA‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻞ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ« ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻴﻤﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ؟ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻴﭗ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 11‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨـﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺗﻴـﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﺟﻮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ‪ 67‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺴـﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪110‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧــﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﺪﻓﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍ ﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﻓﻮ ﺗﺒـﺎ ﻝ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﺍ! ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻭﻗﺖﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ‪،‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﻣﻴﺎﻥﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﺩﻭﺗﻴﻢﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻄﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻤﺎﺟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﺭﺍﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ؛ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺑــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑ ُﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭﺱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻛــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ‪ 6‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑــﻲ ﻣﻨﭽﺴــﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺳﺒﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻌﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪111‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪2016‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﻮﺩﻭژﺍﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 2016‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺩﻭژﺍﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻟﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ ﻛﻮﭘﺎﻛﺎﺑﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 2016‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻜﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻨﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻜﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﺶ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻮﺩﻭژﺍﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺧﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 2012‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﻳﻮﺩﻭژﺍﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻟﻮﻻ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺠﺪﻩﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﻭﺋﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ‪ IOC‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﻮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ‪ IOC‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪112‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻟﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺸــﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ‪IOC‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺒــﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻟﻮﻻ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2014‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﺽﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻻ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 10‬ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸــﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺷــﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ‪ IOC‬ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 2/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ 11/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ‪ 700‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﻮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻭﺍﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺍﻏﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻭﻻ )ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﺍﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﻮ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1879‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﭙﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺎﻭﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻭﻻﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﻮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻳﺪﺳﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﻴﻠﻮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﻟﻮﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺗﻲ ‪ 22‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺘﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺰﻭﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﻩﻣﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻳﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳــﺮﻭﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﻳﻮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﻛﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،1992‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺭﻭﻟﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻥﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ 2014‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﻭﮔﻠﻮﺑﻮ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »‪ ،2016‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ‪ 33‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ »ﺁﺷــﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟــﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻜﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﻳﻴﺰﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ژﻳﻤﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻟﺨﺮﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪113‬‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬