ماهنامه مثلث شماره 10 - مگ لند
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ماهنامه مثلث شماره 10

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ماهنامه مثلث شماره 10

ماهنامه مثلث شماره 10

‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺁﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ 19 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ! ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ‪:‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮑﺪﺍﺭىﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ Ÿ¸‪É|¿€»Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺍو‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮ ﺭﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﯿ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥ ﺳوﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻓﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎىوﺭﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎىﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﮐ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻝﻝﻥﺭو‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ‪2 0‬ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺪﯾﺮﯾ ﺍو‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦﺯﻣﺎﻧ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍ و‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰﺭﺍﺯﮐﺸ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺖﺭﺍﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ و‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰو‬ ‫ﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤوﺍﻟﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺍﺳﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮ ‪،‬ﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺷﻮ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﻓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻥﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺖ؛ﺪ‪17‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤى‬ ‫ﺭ وﺯﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻰﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ ﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬ﯾﺰ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻮﻥوىﻫﺎى وﺭ‬ ‫ﺘﻮ ﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩىﻣﻓﺪ ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎىوﺳﺎ ى‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧوﺍﻗ ﻊﭘ ﯿﺮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸ ﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎى ﺯﯾﺎﺩى ﺭوﺑﻪ ﺭ وﺷ ﺪﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﻤ ﺘﺮﯾﻦﺁ ﻥﮐﺎﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻟﻤ ﭙﯿ ﮏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ d·Á{  {ÊfˀË|» |Ë|mĬ ¸u‬‬ ‫“€‪Ê »Z£‬‬ ‫‪{Y„-Y‬‬ ‫‪¿{€°ËÁ‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫¼|‪É‬‬ ‫‰ ‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪uY½Y€v‬‬ ‫‪ Y‚³‬‬ ‫‡‪€Ì¾Ì‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫»‪̤Á] eZŀ|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿|‪^yÉ‬‬ ‫‪Ã,ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¨‪Yʀ¶ÅZ‬‬ ‫‪ԇY‬‬ ‫»‪Àˆv‬‬ ‫‪̸vÄ eÉÉZ¨ ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪»Zm‬‬ ‫¯‪ ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪à Z‬‬ ‫‪f‡Y‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪Y|eŒÅ‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩ ﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻠ ﻘﻪ ﻣ‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ d·Á { { Êfˀ Ë|» |Ë|m Ĭ ¸u‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫ‬ ‫ﺣﻠ ﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺩ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻠ ﻘﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺩ ﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫ ﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺗﺘﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺯ‬ ‫ﺣ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺍ ﻟﻮﺍﻮ ﻟﺍﺎﻘ ﺳ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺑﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺷﺷﻴﻴﺪﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺭ‬ ‫ﺪ ﻱ ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﺣﺣﻤ ﺪ ﻭﻣ ﻬ‬ ‫ﺨﺎ ﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺲ ﺍ ﺯﺍ ﺘﺍﻧ ﺑ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﭘ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎ ﺎﻩ ﻣﺘ ﻤﻬ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍ ﮔﺩ‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ [Zzf¿Y Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﮑﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪Z] h¸j» ÄËÁÉZÅ ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﻟﺍ ﻘﺎﺳ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤ ﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎ ﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍ ﻧﺍﺯ ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﮔ ﻔ ﺘﺎ ﺭﻫ ﻳﺎ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﺑﻪﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ‬‬ ‫‪YÁ [Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﺁﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ --‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ --‬ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﮑﺮﻱ ‪ --‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ --‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ --‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﻥﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ --‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ --‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ --‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪-h¸j» Z] ³ Á d¨³ { {Z¼fŸY ÉY Y €ÀÅZ] ÊÀÌ] ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫»‪¹|¬»ÊuZ^» Z“€»Ô£ ¾°Å¯ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‡‪ŠÀ»¾ËM {YÂm Ê»€¯Y º›Z¯|Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Z̨‡ÂË ×Yc‚Ÿ \Ì°‹ ¼u‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì»Y w€ÅZ‹ ÊŁԻ |¼v» ʇ|¬» É{ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ʠ̨‹ }¿ ɀ°Œeʼ‹ZÅ É|Æ‬‬ ‫»‪Âˆ¿ZÆm Z“|¼v» ½Z¼Ë€¿ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y ʸŸ ÊfËY|Å ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫†‪:‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫¾Ÿ‬ ‫‪°‬‬ ‫†‪ZW:‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫¾«Ÿ‬ ‫‪°‬‬ ‫†‪ZW:‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫¾«Ÿ‬ ‫‪°‬‬ ‫»‪dÌ «YÁ Y ÁZe ­{ -h¸j‬‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﺑﻃﻮﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻮﺑ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄ‬ ‫ﻲﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﻓﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ‪،‬ﻓ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭ ﻧﺭﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ ﻮﻛ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﺍﺳﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ ﺍﺳﻤ‬ ‫ﺣ ﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫ﺧﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻱﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭ ﺯﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺪﻱﺍ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻳﺰﺩﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬ﻳ‬ ‫ﻢ ﺮﺍﺰ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴ‪،‬ﻴ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺭﺍﺑﻟﻮﺍ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺴﻦﻤﺑﺍ ﮑ‬ ‫ﺣﻘ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺤﺍ‬ ‫ﺤ ﻟﻮﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﺤﻣ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣ ﺑﺍ‪،‬ﻧﺘ‬ ‫ﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﭙﻮ ﺪﻛ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺴﻲﻮﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺳﺷ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﻴ ﭙﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻋﺒ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻮﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﻱﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻬ ﺩﻛﻛﺩﻋ ﻋ‬ ‫ﺣ ﺩﻤ ﺩﻛﺪﻛﺘ ﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍ‬ ‫{‪ºÅ{d·Á‬‬ ‫{«^‪d·Á{µZ‬‬ ‫‪µZ^ ½ZËY€´·Â‬‬ ‫‪« { ½Z‬‬ ‫‪YÁZe‬‬ ‫‪ËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪ŠËYMÁZ e‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪Z§/É‬‬ ‫…‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪Z§/É‬‬ ‫…‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪Ä¿Z¼³:‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪Ä¿Z¼³:‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﺑﺎ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺧﻪﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|À]Z‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‪|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‡¼‪§ ¶ÌŸZ‬‬ ‫{‪Ë‬‬ ‫‡¼‪¶ÌŸZ‬‬ ‫»‪¦n¿{Â‬‬ ‫¿‪Y¦n‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y  ³Á‬‬ ‫‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫{‪Z]» ³Á‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﺠﺐﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺠﺐﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺎﺝﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺭﺋﻮ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺋﻮﻓﺍ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻲﺍﺑﻮ ﻟﺍﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻳﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﺍﺭﻦﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﻱﻭ ﻣﺒﻨ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻞﺭﻫ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺍز ﺩﻱ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻱﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺍ مﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺍضﻧﺭﮋﺋ‪:‬ﻴ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺑ ‪:‬ﻲﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾ‬ ‫اﯾﺖﺍﻋ‬ ‫ﺑﺍ‬ ‫‡‪ÊÀ °‬‬ ‫‪cÂ‬‬ ‫‡‪c°‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤‬‬ ‫€‪Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫‪,²‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫§‪§Yz‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫€‪‡Z°Ë‬‬ ‫‪€{ZXeZX‬‬ ‫§€‪eZÅ‬‬ ‫€{‪e½Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y‬‬ ‫]‪»M{Z‬‬ ‫€‪³Á½Y‬‬ ‫¯‪€³Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪³ Z¯v]Z ]] ³Á‬‬ ‫‪³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨ ³‬‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺘﺼ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﺍﻗﻱﭙﻣ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺭﺯﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺯﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺯﺍﭘﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﻒﺑﻴﺯﺍ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﻒﻭﺩﻭﺭﺯﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻲﺳﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻛ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤ‪4‬‬ ‫ﻲﺪﻩﺍﻳﺳﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﺟ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲﺍﺮﺍﻭﻱﺭﮔ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻗ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫€‪ÊÀË|·Y‬‬ ‫‡‪c°‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Âfˆ¿Z¤‬‬ ‫‡‪°‡ ,²‬‬ ‫{§‬ ‫§‪Yz‬‬ ‫‡‪,²‬‬ ‫‪{ZZ°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫§€‪€Å‬‬ ‫€{‪eZXe½Y‬‬ ‫‪Z]€eZ‬‬ ‫‪ ³Á‬‬ ‫€‪½Y‬‬ ‫¯‪Xe ³Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪v]½Y{Z]€³Z‬‬ ‫‪³Á ¯d¨³ Z] ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS .ir‬‬ ‫{‪Å Å‬‬ ‫‪º‬‬ ‫{‪{ d·Á‬‬ ‫^‪d·Á { µZ‬‬ ‫{« ^‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ { ½Z‬‬ ‫‪½ZËYËY€´€ ·Â´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪Y ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪Á Ze ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ŠËY M‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫€‪ÊÀ±‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÌ]ÀÌq]Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫¿¼‪»Ê‬‬ ‫¸¼‪Z½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪eĬÌ‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫‪Y«{½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫»ˆ‪,‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀ16‬‬ ‫^‪̵Z‬‬ ‫‪]Z ¯-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫{‪«Ä‬‬ ‫‪š§Z‬‬ ‫‪¯ÊËZm‬‬ ‫€‪½Y‬‬ ‫‪u Y|y‬‬ ‫]€ ‡‪ËY ž“» Ê‬‬ ‫¿‪{Â]€ e[Â^ v» ÊËY{ ºÌe:¹ Z¿Â °‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﻣﻪﺜ ﻠ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺘﻫﻔﻫﻔﺘ ﻣﻧﺎﻪ‬ ‫ﺧ ﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺏ‬ ‫ﻔﻫﻫﻔﺘ ﺘﻪ ﻮ‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺑﺎﻪﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫]‪::Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z h¸j‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪] ¸j» ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ã„Ë ÁÉZÅ ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d ¨³‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫Ÿ €‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻲﻭﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻲﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻦﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴ‬ ‫ﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻢﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﺍﺍﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺴﻦﻟﻘﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘ ﺍﺑﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛ ﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻱﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻛﺩ‬ ‫ﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺩ ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺠﺐﻧ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫‪Y‬ﺎﻳﻴ‬ ‫‪Ì‬ﺿﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪¿ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ ﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺮﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﮕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﺝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺴ‪YÂ‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻮ‬ ‫ﻝﻋﺮ‬ ‫‪ËZ‬‬ ‫‪y‬‬ ‫ﺍﷲﺍﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬ﺳ‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺪﺍﻥﻕﺪ‪Å‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺳ‪،‬‬ ‫‪Z‬ﺍﺳﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﻝﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫‪ f‬ﺁﺍ»ﺍﺋ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁ¨‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫ﺤﺳ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻲ‬ ‫]‪Z‬ﻳﻟﻮﺑﺍ‪³‬ﺎﻘ‬ ‫‪ ]¼‹¾ËY‬ﺍﺍﺑﻮ‪Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪¾ ËY‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S .IR‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä»Z¿ Ä f¨Å Z] [ÂyÄ f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪{ÉZ‬‬ ‫‹‪Y„ €¿ ^ ¯YY¿°‬‬ ‫‪|̌ ¼m‬‬ ‫‪ Ê‬‬ ‫‪ ‰‹Â»Zy‬‬ ‫¼‪Á €§½Z‬‬ ‫‪Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪ʬ ÀÌ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻲﺩﮋﻲ‬ ‫ﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻲﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻋﻣ ﻧﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻴﺘ‬ ‫ﻨﻴﺘﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﺯﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻉﻟﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮﺍﻃﺑﺎﻃﺎﻟ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮﺑﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻱﺭﺍﻭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻭﻧ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﻞﭘ‬ ‫ﺘﻈﺎﺭﻴ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﭘﻣ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﻧﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﺗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﺩ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳ‬ ‫ﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳ‬ ‫ﺒﻮ‬ ‫ﺒﻮﺍﻳ‬ ‫ﻂﺯﻳ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭ ﻧﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻣ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥﺎ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻥﺘﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻦ؛‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﺎ‬ ‫ﻱﺍﭘ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﺑ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z]ÃZ´f‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ ´f‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪‹ Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪Y{ Z]]®ËÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë]{É‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪Yd¨³‬‬ ‫‪]{ É YÃ|¿Á€ a‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪: h¸j» ÄËÁÉZÅ ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻟﻴﻮﺎ ﻟﻮ ﻔﺎﻤﮔﻧﺩ ﺕ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺨﻔﻲﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺨ‬ ‫ﺼﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﺍﺘﻣ ﭙ ﺑﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﭘﺍﺎ ﺩ ﻧﻗ‬ ‫ﻙ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺮﺯﻪ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺯﺍ ﭘ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺨﻬﻴ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺷ ﺍ ﻧﺮﺩﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺭ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻑﺯﺍﺭﺗﺗﺑ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮﻭﺩﺯﺍﺎﺮﺩﻭ؛‬ ‫ﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﻳ‬ ‫ﻲﺭﺘ ﻤﻬ‬ ‫ﺷﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﺎ ﺍﻣﻩﺑﺎﻳ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺎﺩﺩ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍ ﺍﺮ ﺪﺍﻩﮔ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻩ‬ ‫ﮑﻗﺟﺮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﺩﻗﻠ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﻧﭘﻭ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﭘ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺮ ﺭ‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺱﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﺱﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä̋Zu€aÄ»Z‬‬ ‫‰‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫¼‪ {dZ‬‬ ‫†|»‬ ‫‡‪Ì‬‬ ‫‪yÌW d‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‪·Á‬‬ ‫·‪ ÄZeÀZÌ]ZÁ¯d‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¿‪½YÁ€½Z‬‬ ‫‪{ËYĘ]Y‬‬ ‫ ‪Y‬‬ ‫·‪¹ZÆ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Z^y‬‬ ‫‪À»Â‬‬ ‫¿‪Âa€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌÆ·Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZzf§Y‬‬ ‫‪Y ¾Ìˆv»Ô£‬‬ ‫¼|“‪Z‬‬ ‫€‹‪»{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÀÅ‬‬ ‫¼|·‪Ä‬‬ ‫»‪Óv‬‬ ‫»‪§ v‬‬ ‫‪ 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v¨ 100 /138 8{ Y{€ »18/ µ ÁY ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪/ µ ÁYµ Z‡Ê¸Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫¿‪, ɀ ^y Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì ¸veÁ ~̨Àe Y| ] º Å{ÄÀ Ì]Z ¯½Â»Y€ ÌaÊ¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪:Z] h¸j» Ä ËÁ ÉZ ųÁd¨ ³‬‬ ‫‪à {Y‬‬ ‫‪É{Á‬‬ ‫‪¹€y‬‬ ‫{‪É|ÁY‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‚{‪Ê¿Y‬‬ ‫‡€‪u‬‬ ‫‪¼uY‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆv·Y‬‬ ‫‪ºË,ºÌ‬‬ ‫“ ‪Z‬‬ ‫¬‪‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ °u‬‬ ‫¼|‪]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪·Y,ɀf¿Ô‬‬ ‫»‪ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫»‪]Yv‬‬ ‫‹‪,É| Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ʈÌ‬‬ ‫‪Âb‬‬ ‫^‪Ây‡Z‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫¯‪€f‬‬ ‫¸‪Ÿ Ê‬‬ ‫»‪Æ‬‬ ‫‪{ ŸÁ €f‬‬ ‫‪| ¼uY‬‬ ‫{¯‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫¿‪{Â] €e[Â^ v» ÊËY{ º Ìe : ¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺩﻭ ‪/‬م‪ 25‬ﻣ ﺮﺩ ﺍﺩ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔ ‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱﺗ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺋﺎ‬ ‫ﻗ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻋ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺋﻗ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻋ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺋﻗ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻋ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪OSALA.IRS‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪©Zv‡YµM ÊÌvË Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»LÔ‬‬ ‫‪½Z”» { Z¼Ì‡ - Z°Ë€»M Á ½Y€ËY Ę]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪‰Á |Ë|m †ÌW - ÄÀÌ]Z¯ { ½Z‬‬ ‫|‪:ÊÃ‬‬ ‫‪¼‹ZÀËMº‬‬ ‫»‪Å Ì¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪|3¼v‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫¨‪8Ä »v‬‬ ‫€{‬ ‫¼¸‪‰ °‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‡‪½ Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Ÿ €ÉY‬‬ ‫‪] Ã| Á¿ € a‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡‪ Z] »³ ¹ÁdZœ¿½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪¨³‬‬ ‫‪½ Z»Âe 1000/ Ä v¨ 100/13 88{ Y{€ » 18 /µÁY ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve É‬‬ ‫‪, ^y‬‬ ‫‪€ Ä»Z¿Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve Á ~̨Àe  Y | ] ºÅ{ Ä ÀÌ ]Z ¯ ½Â»Y€ Ìa Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ d·Á{ µZ^ « { ½ZËY€ ´·Â Y ÁZe ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿|‪{ Y‬‬ ‫‪¾ f‹Y~³‬‬ ‫·‪d‬‬ ‫»‪dÁ̹{Ÿ|À‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫»Œ€‪Á‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ZÀĀ]«Ô‬‬ ‫‪¯»Zu‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫Œ‪ÊÀÊÊËZ‬‬ ‫€‪^»y‬‬ ‫»Œ‬ ‫‹|‬ ‫‪ɀ^Å‬‬ ‫]‪] ÉÁ¡Ô‬‬ ‫‪»|e‬‬ ‫]‪YÄ‬‬ ‫‪€ ´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪Y¶ºœ ‬‬ ‫‪Â:É‬‬ ‫‪Ì·{ƁÉ‬‬ ‫»¬‪¼»YY€¹Z‬‬ ‫†‪‚mZÅ‬‬ ‫‹‪Ì‬‬ ‫‪Å ¶°Œe‬‬ ‫‪Ä]¹ÌW‬‬ ‫¿„‪Ä:{Y‬‬ ‫»‪Z°‬‬ ‫‪»Z¿×Y‬‬ ‫‘ ]‪Ä‬‬ ‫¼|‪:É‬‬ ‫‪ÊÊ]Y‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ËZ‬‬ ‫‪Y€ËMuY‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪f‬‬ ‫‪eÂ] Y‬‬ ‫€‪±‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫¯‪ÊÀq]Z‬‬ ‫‪»Ì]Ze‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫{«‪ʹĬÌ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪¿Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¼¿Ô‬‬ ‫‪Y½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪,ÄÀ‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫^‪µZ‬‬ ‫¯‪Ì]Z‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·Â‬‬ ‫¯‪« Ä‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪š§Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫‪½Y€Ë‬‬ ‫‪aÂeu Y|y‬‬ ‫] €‡‪Y ž“»Ê‬‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ ¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì ¸ve‬‬ ‫‪v‬‬ ‫‪¸ Áe ~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪~̨ Àe Y‬‬ ‫]‪Y | ‬‬ ‫{‪| ]  ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪Å { ÄÀ‬‬ ‫‪º‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀ Ì]Ì]Z‬‬ ‫‪¯Z ½Â‬‬ ‫‪½Â»»Y€Ì‬‬ ‫¿‪Y€ aÌ aÊ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿ Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ ¼Z ¼³³‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫ﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﺩﺯﻳﻧﻮﻧ ﺩﻮ‬ ‫ﻮﻳ ﺍﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳ‬ ‫ﻂﻧﺒﺒ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻂﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﺗﻠﻧﻭ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪M‬ﺑﺎﻧﺘﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺘ‬ ‫ﺴﺴ‬ ‫ﻦ؛ﺑﺗﺎﺑ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﻴﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎ ﭘﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺴﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﺳ‬ ‫ﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻮﺏﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺧﻪﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪MOSAL AS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﻣ ﻠﺜ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔ ﺘﻪﻧ‬ ‫ﺧﻪ ﺏﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫{‪€³{Ó§ Z“|̼u ɀ^À« ‰ÂËY‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm …Z^Ÿ ¹Ô¯Z^ˁ ©{Z‬‬ ‫‡‪É{Á»ɀ´ˆŸ ÊÀ̈u {Z¼Ÿ|Ì‬‬ ‫§€‪½ZˁÂeZ¯ Z“|̼u |¿ÂÀˆu ½Á|Ë‬‬ ‫‪©{Z É|Æ» Ê¿Z¼u º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫»‪Âb‡Z^Ÿ ʸŸ ɸÅ{ ¾Ìˆu Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪ɀ̐¿ ×Y| ‡ ʻԇY ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪ÊËY€Ì» Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a Ä»Z¿ ®Ë-d»|y d·Á{ ZeZ¯ d·Á{ Y‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌr»Y{Z] ×Y|‡Y ,½ZˁÂeZ¯ |̼u‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë |¼v» ,ɀi¯¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫{‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ , ʨn¿ ÁÓ‬‬ ‫»˜¨‪Z^—ʼ‹ZÅÊ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ÂaʇÁ{€§ µ{Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻢ ﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﺎﻧﻴ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﻈﺮ‪3‬‬ ‫‪8‬ﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺤﺤﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻣ‬ ‫ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻥﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺑﺮﺑﺍﻱﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺪﻩﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮﭘ ﻧﻭﺮﻭﻧ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻈﺎﻡﮔﻣ ﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻥﺖﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻥﻧ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﺯﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻱ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭﻝ ﺷ‪ /‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺩ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ‬ ‫‪Ê¿ Ä¿Z ¼³‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕﺮ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻕﺍ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﮋﺍﺩﻣﻧﮋ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻨﻴﺘﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺴﺭﻧﻋﻛ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻛ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﭘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣ‬ ‫ﺎﻡﻣ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﻃ ﻟﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻱﻟﺒﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻈ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕﺍﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎ‬ ‫ﺕﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺑﺎﻣﺍ‬ ‫ﻱﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺭﺍﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻲﻫﺍ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﭘ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠ‬ ‫ﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻞﭘﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﭘﺮﻧﺪﻭﻩﻧﺪ ﻩ 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‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻲﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻥﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ؛ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﺗﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﺑﺮﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎ ﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﻪﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫‪25‬ﺮﺩ ﺍﺩ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ‪/‬ﻪ ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ م ‪ /‬ﻣ‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩ ﻱﻡ‬ ‫ﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺩ‬ ‫ﻲﻭ ﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻦﻤﺩﺍﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ ﻧﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺴﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﺤ ﻳﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬ﻳ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻴ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺭﻮﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱﺍﺪﺭﺍﺑﮑ‬ ‫ﻦ‪،‬ﻤﺑ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﺤﻣ‬ ‫ﺤﺘ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬ﻛ ﻣﻧ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻴﺴ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﺘﺮ ﺎﺒﻋ ﭙ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻛﻋﺩ ﻋ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻛﺩﺘ ﺘﺮﺩﻛﻠ‬ ‫‪25‬ﺮﺩﺍ ﺩ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ‪ /‬ﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩﺩﻭ م ‪ /‬ﻣ‬ ‫{‪ÃZ´f‹‹Y‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‬‬ ‫]‪Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪Z] ® Ë ÃZ‬‬ ‫{]®‬ ‫‪Ë ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€ a‬‬ ‫ﺧﺩﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻱﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭ ﺯﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺰ ﺩﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻢﺍﺮ‬ ‫ﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﺳ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬ﻳ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎﻴ ﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢﻟ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮑﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﻮ‬ ‫ﻱﻘﺎﺍﺑﺳﺑ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴﻦﻤﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺎﻘ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﺮﺑﻮ ﻟﺍ‬ ‫ﺤﺍ‬ ‫ﻱﺤ ﻟﻮﺑﻣ‬ ‫ﻼﺘ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﻧﻣﺍ‬ ‫ﺪ ﻣ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬ﻛ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻮﺭﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﺭﺷﺷ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ ﭙﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻋﺒ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺎﻮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣ ﻛﺩﻋﻬ ﺩﻛ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺩ ﻭﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺣﻤ ﻛ‬ ‫ﻻﺩﺍﻧﺯ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻴﺿﻭﺘﺍﺭ ﺍﺎﻳﻴﻧ‬ ‫ﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﻧ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻨﺘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻮﺮﻨﻣ‬ ‫ﮕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﺝ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺴ ﻣﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻋﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺧﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‪،‬ﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻫ ﻴ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﺘ ﺳﺍﻓﻴﺎﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁ ﺍﺋﻝﺁﻝﻮﺭﺭﺋﻮﻓﻣ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﻟﻮﺑﺍ ﻘﺎﺎﻘ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺷ ﺍﺍﺑﻮﻤﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳ ﻦ‬ ‫‪³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤‬‬ ‫‡‪ÊÀ°‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‡‪c°‬‬ ‫€‪Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫{‪§Y,²,‬‬ ‫§‪z‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‪‡€eZX‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫€‪‡Z °Ë‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫€{‪e Z½Y‬‬ ‫‪Z]»M‬‬ ‫€‪Xe½Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á³Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫]‪v‬‬ ‫‪½Z ]¯Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫]‪¯ Z‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW Z] ³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ» ¹Zœ¿ ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪4Äv‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪100 /1388‬‬ ‫‪1000 /‬‬ ‫‪-h¸j» Z] ³ Á d¨³ { {Z¼fŸY ÉY Y €ÀÅZ] ÊÀÌ] ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ م‪ /‬ﺍﻭ ﻝ ﺷﻬ ﺮﯾﻮﺭ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪- h‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﻝ»‪¸j‬ﺍﻭ‪/‬ﻝ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪Z]Z] ³ ³‬‬ ‫¨‪d‬‬ ‫‪Ád¨³‬‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬ﺗ‪/ ³‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Z¼f‬ﺮ{{‬ ‫‪YÉY‬ﻪﺧﺒ‪¼fZ‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‪ŸÉY‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ‬ ‫]‪Y Y€ÀÅ ÀÅZ]Z] ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫Š‪ÊÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ì] Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫ﻲﻱ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻗ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﮕﻛ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻲﺻﺎﻮﻴﺛ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ ﺮﺍﻬﻴ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﺎﻕﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻋ‬ ‫ﺳﻠ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺳ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻲﺯﻣﻴ‪-‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻋﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻱﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺮ ﻋ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺸ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻛﻦﻛﻼ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻲﻬﻤ‬ ‫ﻴﺴ‬ ‫ﻋ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﻲﺮ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ﺮگ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺎﻣﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﮋ‬ ‫ﻲﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻲﺩﻧ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻣﻋ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺭﻴﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺘ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﭘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺖﻣ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻨﻴ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺩﺎﺍﻣﮔ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒ‬ ‫ﻧﻈ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕﺩﻃﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻣﻨﺑﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﻱﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﻩﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿ‬ ‫ﻲﺍﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﺨ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﭘ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻧﺍﺮ‬ ‫ﻞﺭﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻣﻞﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻭﻧﺪﺗﻌﻩ ﺍﺎﻧﺘﻈ‬ ‫ﭘ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﻲﻮﺑ‬ ‫ﻬﺮﭘ‬ ‫ﻌﻘﻲﻃ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻲﺑﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻲﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔ‬ ‫ﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔ‬ ‫ﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺮ‬ ‫ﻮﺛ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻛﻞﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎ ﻮﻛﺯ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﻴﺪ ﻋﺗ‬ ‫ﻛﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﺣ ﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ veÁ ~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫]‪~̨À e YY| ‬‬ ‫{‪  ]º Å‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪Å {Ä ÀÄÀÌ‬‬ ‫¯‪Ì]Z ]Z‬‬ ‫€‪¯ ½Â»Y‬‬ ‫¿‪½Â» Y€ aÌÌa Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÊÄ¿ ¿Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Z ¼³¼³‬‬ ‫»‪::Z]Z h¸j‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪] ¸j »Ã„ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪à „ËÁ ÉZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ ųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ ¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫]‪::Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z] h¸j‬‬ ‫‪h ¸j » ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ ųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d ¨³‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ‪8 8‬‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫‪::Z]Z ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪] ZË Å³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d ¨³‬‬ ‫‪5 4‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ ´f‬‬ ‫]‪´f‹‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫{]‪Y{ Z] ®Ë ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫ﺷ‪/‬ﻝﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ‪18‬ﻣ ﺮﺩﺍ ﺩ ‪100 /138 8‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎ ﻝ ﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ‪/‬ﻝ‪ 18‬ﻣ ﺮﺩﺍ ﺩ‪100 /138 8‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ ¸ve‬‬ ‫‪veÁ ~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Ì ¨À eY‬‬ ‫~‬ ‫]‪ Y | ‬‬ ‫{‪  ]ºÅ‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪ºÅ {Ä ÀÄÀ‬‬ ‫¯‪Ì ]ZÌ]Z‬‬ ‫€‪¯ ½Â»Y‬‬ ‫¿‪½ » Y€ aÌ aÊ‬‬ ‫‪ʿā ¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪Z ¼³‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫{‪º Å{d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫^‪d·Á{ µZ^ «{µZ‬‬ ‫´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪« {·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪½ZË ÃZY€e´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪ŠËYM ÁZ e ŠËY M‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼Ÿ ÉY€] ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫ ‡‪É{Z]MʸŸ Z] µ Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲﺑﻪﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪É{Z]MʸŸ Z] µZ‡ 4‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭم ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z] ®Ë ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪ 4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ ‪:‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪ /‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪4 4‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‪4‬ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺯﺑ ﺪﻧﻪﺯ ﮔ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﮕﺎ ﻲﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻧﺴ ﺴ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺎ ﻧﻟ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻋ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺼ ﻄﻔ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻓ ﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭ ﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺪﻩﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﻢﺁﻳﻨ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺎﻧﻴ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺪ‪3‬‬ ‫ﻲﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺤﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻣ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﻔ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﺯ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ ‫ﻠﮑﺩ‬ ‫ﻥﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﮑﻭﻤ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺮﻋ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﭘﺮ ﻧﻭﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻮﺑﺎﻣﺎﮔﻮﺑﺎﻡﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺖﻭﻧﻭﮔﻈ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﺵﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﮑﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﮑﻠ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺯﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺮﻋ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻭﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺪﺋﻴﺪﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺭ‬ ‫ﻬﻨ‬ ‫ﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻈﺎﻣ ﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺖﻭﻭﻈ‬ ‫ﺯﻣ ﻧ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻥﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﺳﺎﺎ‬ ‫‪5 4‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺜ ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻪﻣ ﻠ‬ ‫ﺏﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺘﻪ ﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔ‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388 ÂˀƋ 8 /¹ZÆq ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺪﻩﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺪ‪ 3‬ﻫ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺤﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻣ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﻔ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩ ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺐﺩ‬ ‫ﺐﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻴ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺎﻳ‬ ‫ﺠﺘﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﮕﺎﺝ ﺮﺍﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻨﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻋﺮﺴﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺣﻮ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﺳﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺍﺳ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺤﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﻝﻮﺭﻣ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺋﻮﻓﺍﺋ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻲﺁﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﺳ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻤﻟﺍ ﻟﻳﻮﺑﺍﻳﺤﻴﻴﺎﻘ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺷ ﺍﺍﺑﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳ ﻦ‬ ‫¨‪44Äv‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÊ]Ó Ä] †¸n» :Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫¿‪|Å{ʼ¿ ÉY º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫¨‪ Äv‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﮑﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﺎﺩﻧﻤﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻲﺎ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻤﮔﻪﻧ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻔ‬ ‫ﺼﻣﻟﻴﻮﺎﻮﺩ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺩﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺍﻗ ﭙﺨ‬ ‫ﻱﭙ‬ ‫ﻙﺭﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻦﺍﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺩﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺮﻫ‬ ‫ﻤﻲﺍﺯﺎﻬﭘﻴﺩﺍﭘ‬ ‫ﺨ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ؛ﺍ؛ﻭﺑﺭﻭﺭﺑﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺩ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻴﻒﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﻳﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺳﺭﺍ ﻛ‬ ‫ﻲﺭ‪4‬ﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﮑﺮ ﺍﺑﻩ‬ ‫ﻱﮔﺎﺩﮔﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺍﻳﻳ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺪﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺟﺟﺮﺭﻤﻩﻠﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻲﻋ‬ ‫ﺪﺩﻗﻋ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﺖﺮﻧﻭ‬ ‫ﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺸﺭﺳﭘ‬ ‫ﺮﭘﺑﭘ ﺑ ﭘ‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡ :ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê» €Ì̤e Y Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë €]Y€] { 1‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÀ¯Ê» ÊËZ¼À³‚] d·Á{ ÉZÅÄ¿Z‡ Êf«Á‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫§‪:·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪ÉY€] Ê^m º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d ¹€fv» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫»‪:ʼ‹ZÅ |¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM €œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪17 À¼¿ ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪:É|¿ÂyM …Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â» Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪:Z] h¸j» ÄËÁ ÉZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ ‪:‬ﻦ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﮑ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻋ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫{‪¦Ì¸ve Á ~̨Àe Y | ] ºÅ‬‬ ‫¯‪ºÅ{ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀÌ]Z¯½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺱﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺱﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻗﺎ ﺎﺋ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪزﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫ﺱﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰوﺩﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﺮﺭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴ‬ ‫ﭽﮕﺎ ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺍﻧﯿﺣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﯾﺦﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮوﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻰﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﯾﻦﻓﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪﺍوﺳﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺭوﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﯿﺒﺎﻝ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺍ ﺳﯿﻮ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎىوﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾ ﺮوﺍ ﻓ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻥو‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫ﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺘوﺭ‪.‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺩ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻪوﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ ﺍﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰو‬ ‫ﯿﻦ ﻝ‬ ‫وﺍﻟ ﯿﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻥﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ و‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺳﯿﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻥﻓﺪ ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺭ‬ ‫ﻝﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻣﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺯى ﺭ‬ ‫ﺭوﺍﺳ ﻣﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﻰ ﺍ ﺳ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى ‪.‬وﺭﯾﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻪ ﻥوىﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﯿﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎىﻓﺪ ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺎى‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺎﺩﭘﯿﺮﻫﺭو‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎىﺯﯾﺎﺩى ﺭ وﺑﻪﺭ و ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪﻣﻬﻤ ﺘﺮﯾﻦﺁ ﻥ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﮐﻪﺭﺍﻧوﺍﻗ ﻊ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﺯ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭ ﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻭ ﮔ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫﻞﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺭﺟﺎﻣﺻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﻩﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺗﺎﺯ‬ ‫“€‪Ê»Z£‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿-‬‬ ‫Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪YZÅ‬‬ ‫‪{€°ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪‰Y‚³‬‬ ‫]‪» Ä‬‬ ‫|‡‪½ Y€¾Ì‬‬ ‫‪€Ì‬‬ ‫‪̤v]Áe Zŀ^y‬‬ ‫‪ÀÆ »,ZÅ‬‬ ‫¨‪ÉYÃԀƒYÅZ‬‬ ‫¿|‪É‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¶‬ ‫»‪ÊÀˆv‬‬ ‫‪‡Y ̸v‬‬ ‫‪Ä ¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪e»ZmÉZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¨ ‬‬ ‫‪à Ze‬‬ ‫]€¯|‪Y‬‬ ‫‪f‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ŒÅ‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ؛ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻭﺤﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻲﻣﺒﺮﻫ ﺎ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺍ ﺧ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣ ﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﺻﺗ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻩﺪﺍ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺸ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ؛ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻦﻭﺤ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺎ‪،‬ﺍ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻞﻫﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺤﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﺻ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﻩﺪﺍ ﺭﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ؛ﻧ ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺵ ﻫﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺤ ﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻭﺗﻐ‬ ‫ﻣﻬ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻞﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦﺻ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎﻱﺭﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ 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‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫{‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪¯ÊËZm‬‬ ‫]€ ‡‪½Y€e ËY ž“» Ê‬‬ ‫‡‪ZÅÄ//ËZ‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z] ɁZ‬‬ ‫¿‪{ Â]€e[Â^v»ÊËY{ ºÌe: ¹ Z¿Â °‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫‪É |À]Z¶Ì‬‬ ‫{‪É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‪Ë‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫‡¼‪ŸZ‬‬ ‫‡¼‪ŸZ‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫»‪{Y Â‬‬ ‫¿‪YZ]¦n‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪{d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z] ³Á{ d¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪Ê Z¿ nÀ ˆ§ Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪4 µY|m‬‬ ‫‪-{Y„¿€] É|¼uY‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﻮ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳ ﻢﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﺍ ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎ ﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻥ ﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫{‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺴﻮﻑﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺪﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﻓ ﻴﻠﻋ‬ ‫ﻋ ﺪﺍﻟﺖﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺎﻱﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﻋﻠ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺪﻳ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧ‬ ‫ﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋ ﺒﺎﺱﺍﻳﻦ ﺑ ﺷ‬ ‫‪- É{Z]M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪17 Ã‬‬ ‫‪Ê ÉZ‬‬ ‫‪¸Ÿ «M‬‬ ‫ﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ ﺱ ﺁ‬ ‫|‪Ä¿Z zf·Y‬‬ ‫‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫§{Ÿ‬ ‫‪{€»€Ì‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ ‪a‬‬ ‫‪- É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪À¼¿Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ «M‬‬ ‫»‪ºª§Â‬‬ ‫‹|‪: Ë‬‬ ‫‪É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫‪Z] ¾ËY‬‬ ‫Ÿ^ ‪…Z‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺎﻱﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫‪: ¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫‪Z¾Ë‬‬ ‫…]‬ ‫Ÿ ^‪Y Z‬‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ ﺱ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡﺑﺮ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻥﺭﺟﺒ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY€]¹€f‬‬ ‫‪Ê^ m‬‬ ‫‪v»½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫¿œ € ‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪18....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‪19........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪25..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪26........................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪28...................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪29...................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪30............................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻧﻜﻦ‪31.....................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪32..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪34.................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪35......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪36............................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ‪ 37......................................................................‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ 40.........................................................................‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﻫﺎﻯ ژﻧﻮ‪42....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺸﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪44....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪45.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻨﻰ؟‪46.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪48.......‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ‪49.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪50................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‪51...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻃﻠﺐ ‪52.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪53..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪56......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ‪57.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪59..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺷﺮﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‪62.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪64..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ‪66............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎ‪68.........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪70.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭ‪72..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪74...........................................................................................‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪76............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‪77.......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ‪78.....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺸﻦ‪80......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪83......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ » ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ«‪84.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪86..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢﺑﺎﺭ‪88..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ« ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺳــﻨﺖ« ﺳــﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؟ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺧﻮﺍﻥِ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪90..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻮﻳﺎﺗﺎﻥ‪92..................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪94......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪95.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪96 ..................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪98............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪99...............................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‪100................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪102......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺘﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﺷ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻦ ﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪104‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫ﻰ ﺮ ﻯ ﺴ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ Ÿ¸ ‪É| €¿ »Z “€Ì‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺗ ﻨﻔ ﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭﺗﺤﺗﺤﻠ ﻴ ﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻌ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻨ ﻪﻨ ﻪﺩ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻣﻮنﮐﮐﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻴ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﮔﻤﻧﺎﻪﻧﺎﺯﺯﻪﻧﻲﭘ ﭘﻴ ﺮﺍ ﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ ﻭﮔ ﻮ ﻫﺎ ﻳ ﻲ ﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻲ ﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﺎﻳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻔﺘﺎ ﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔ ﻔ ﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ»€Ìe/µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪5/¹Á‬‬ ‫»€{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫¨‪½Z»Âe1000/Äv‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪ /‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪: :‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎهﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪d¨³Ê‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪¾ËYºË|‹†ÌW‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪Ê»38‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪{€°‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪d¨³Ê‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪¾ËYºË|‹†ÌW‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ 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‫Ÿ¼¸‪4{€°‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É{Zf«Y‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Z¼Æf‬‬ ‫‪†a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪:†°‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‪…Z§/É|WZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪MOSALAS.IRZ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪,©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪kZu‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪µÂ‡,½Z̧ÂW‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪½Y€v‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪ÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊËY|m‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì‡†Ì·Âb‡€a‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫{‪{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‡‪Ä‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ã|¿Á€aZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¾Ì]Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZ³Y€«Ê¨z‬‬ ‫‪-¥€‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪­€Æ‬‬ ‫»€{‪ʇ€]½Z³‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪4{€°‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É{Zf«Y‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Z¼Æf‬‬ ‫‪†a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪:†°‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‪…Z§/É|WZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪MOSALAS.IRZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪,©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪kZu‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪µÂ‡,½Z̧ÂW‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪½Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫ ‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫ ‬ ‫‡‪Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ë d»|y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ʬÀ̸Ÿ:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ʋ»Zy‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊËY|m‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì‡†Ì·Âb‡€a‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫{‪{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‡‪Ä‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ã|¿Á€aZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¾Ì]Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZ³Y€«Ê¨z‬‬ ‫‪-¥€‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪­€Æ‬‬ ‫»€{‪ʇ€]½Z³‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪4{€°‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É{Zf«Y‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Z¼Æf‬‬ ‫‪†a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪:†°‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‪…Z§/É|WZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪MOSALAS.IRZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫وﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﺭوﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭو‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﯿﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎى‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﺩى‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫وى‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭوﺯى‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﮑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎى‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍو‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫وﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫وﺍﻟﯿﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﯿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﯿﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰو‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩوﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭوﺳﺎى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫اﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎهﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎهﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä·Z‬ﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪ºm‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫اﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢاﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯه‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻴﺢﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱﺑﺤﺮﺍن‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎنﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫اﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮب‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮف؛‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼم‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋه‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍن‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮتﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪزﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲاﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﺎﻳ ﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﮔﻔ ﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪه ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻜﺲ ﺪﻱ ﺣﺴ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ‪:‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮑﺪﺍﺭﻯﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪--‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪::‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻳ ﻦﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪--‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ --‬ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﮑﺮﻱ ‪--‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ --‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪--‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪--‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻔﺮ ﺪ‬ ‫اﻭﺭﻧ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧ‬ ‫‪4‬ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍ ﻧﻴ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧ ﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳ ﻦﺷﻤ ﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻳ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12::‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎبﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩهﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎب‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩه‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺮﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎم‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻲﺧﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱﻭﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮﺍﺯﺍﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSAL AS. ri‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺯﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻲﺧ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧ ﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳ ﻦ ﺷﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣ ﻲ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻳ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪::‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388 ÂˀƋ 8 /¹ZÆq ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a Ä»Z¿ ®Ë-d»|y d·Á{ ZeZ¯ d·Á{ Y‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫¿¨€|‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪¿ÁMZË‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ‪-‬ﺷﮑﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫»‪Âˆ¿ZÆm Z“|¼v» ½Z¼Ë€¿ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y ʸŸ ÊfËY|Å ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪½Z”» { Z¼Ì‡- Z°Ë€»M Á ½Y€ËY Ę]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪‰Á |Ë|m †ÌW - ÄÀÌ]Z¯ { ½Z‬‬ ‫»‪¹|¬»ÊuZ^» Z“€»Ô£ ¾°Å¯ ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‡‪ŠÀ»¾ËM {YÂm Ê»€¯Y º›Z¯|Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Z̨‡ÂË ×Yc‚Ÿ \Ì°‹ ¼u‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì»Y w€ÅZ‹ ÊŁԻ |¼v» ʇ|¬» É{ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ʠ̨‹ }¿ ɀ°Œeʼ‹ZÅ É|Æ‬‬ ‫¿‪|Å{ʼ¿ ÉY º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌr»Y{Z] ×Y|‡Y ,½ZˁÂeZ¯ |̼u‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÊ]Ó Ä] †¸n» :Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê» €Ì̤e Y Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388 ÂˀƋ µÁY/ ¹Â‡ ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﮑﻮﺭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫»‬ ‫«‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ [Zzf¿Y Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫‹‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§YcZ]Zzf¿Y {\¸¬eÄ^WZ‬‬ ‫‹‪½ZÌ]Y€v» Á É{Z]M ʸŸº¯†¿Z‬‬ ‫¿‪{Z‹Y cYÁÄÀ˂³YÊËZÅÄf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z] ®Ë ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪º‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫{‪m¡Y‬‬ ‫|‪½Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫|‪½Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¬f‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫¸‪h‬‬ ‫‹\‬ ‫»‪À‬‬ ‫»‪¬fÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫¸‪j» h‬‬ ‫»‪\‹j‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ 18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫¨‪44Äv‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪©Zv‡YµM ÊÌvË Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»LÔ‬‬ ‫{‪€³{Ó§ Z“|̼u ɀ^À« ‰ÂËY‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm …Z^Ÿ ¹Ô¯Z^ˁ ©{Z‬‬ ‫‡‪É{Á»ɀ´ˆŸ ÊÀ̈u {Z¼Ÿ|Ì‬‬ ‫§€‪½ZˁÂeZ¯ Z“|̼u |¿ÂÀˆu ½Á|Ë‬‬ ‫‪©{Z É|Æ» Ê¿Z¼u º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫»‪Âb‡Z^Ÿ ʸŸ ɸÅ{ ¾Ìˆu Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪ɀ̐¿ ×Y| ‡ ʻԇY ¾ˆv‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪ÊËY€Ì» Ê‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪ÊÀ»Â» {Z‹€§ -Ê·Y ʸ ‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y |̌¼m -‰Á€§½Z¼Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪{Y„¿€^¯Y°‹ - ʋ»ZyʬÀÌ‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫€‪µZ½Y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪‡ ¾Ë‬‬ ‫¯‬ ‫€‪½Y‬‬ ‫‪Y €e‬‬ ‫‡‪¯ YʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‡‪¾ ˀe ʇ ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫]‪: YÊËZÅ ÉZf ¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪: Ì¿YÊYÂy‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪ËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê»Zf¨³‬‬ ‫{  ‪ÃZ¼Z]‹¾ ËY‬‬ ‫»‪dÌ «YÁ Y ÁZe ­{ -h¸j‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫¾‪| ‹Ì¿Y‬‬ ‫»‪ÂyËYÊ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë €]Y€] { 1‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫¿‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÂY yʾËY‬‬ ‫{ »‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS . ri‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫§‪:·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪ÉY€] Ê^m º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y ¹€fv» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÀ¯Ê» ÊËZ¼À³‚] d·Á{ ÉZÅÄ¿Z‡ Êf«Á‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿ É|¼uY d·Á{ Ze ɇ» d·Á{ Y‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY ÉY ÉY€] ½Y€ËÁ Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪½ ÉYÁ [Zzf¿Y €‡ €] µZnÀm‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ ¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪: Ì¿YÊË‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪YÂyZÅ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê»ZfÃZ‬‬ ‫{ ‪¨³Z] ¾ ËY‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä»Z¿ Äf¨Å Z] [Ây Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺸﮑﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎم ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪهﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭه ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍن‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪::‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë |¼v» ,ɀi¯¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫{‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ , ʨn¿ ÁÓ‬‬ ‫»˜¨‪Z^—ʼ‹ZÅÊ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ÂaʇÁ{€§ µ{Z‬‬ ‫‪Âa€Ì¿|¼v»- ¹|¬»Ê»Y€³¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫¿€‪ÉZzf§YÄ·Ó - Ê]Y€e ×Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪¹ZÆ·Y¾Ìˆv»Ô£ -[Ânv»Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000 /Äv¨100 /1388{Y{€»  / ¹Á{ ÃZ¼‹ /µÁY µZ‡ /ʸ̸ve,ɀ^yÄ»Z¿Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪-h¸j» Z] ³ Á d¨³ { {Z¼fŸY ÉY Y €ÀÅZ] ÊÀÌ] ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪ɀ̴¿ZÆm ©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪¾Ì¼¿Ê¼Ì¸‡ …Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫‡€»‪.|ÀÀ¯Ê» Äq ‰Á{ ½YY{ÄËZ‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫¨‪ Äv‬‬ ‫‪:YÊYÂy‬‬ ‫¿‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‪ËZÅÊ Zf»Ã‬‬ ‫{ ‪¨³Z]Z¼‹ ¾ ËY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW Z] ³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇ|ÀÆ» ¹Zœ¿ ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪4Äv‬‬ ‫‡‪‰Á ½Z»Z‬‬ ‫»‪:ʼ‹ZÅ |¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã|ÀËM €œfÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z»Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪-É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪{€°¸¼Ÿ ÉY€] ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ɀi¯ ¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y - ɀf¿Ô¯ ʈÌ‬‬ ‫‪ɁÁ€Æ] ºË€» - Ê«€e Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫]‪ʼ̸‡ ¾Ìˆu - ÁZŒ¯ ¾¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪É{ÓÁY€´ˆŸ ×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ê«{Z |¼v»€Ì»Ô‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê¿Y{‚Ë Z“ - Ê¿Z¼u Ê‬‬ ‫‪·|Ì ‡ ʸŸ -Ã{YÊÌvË µÔm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZˀƋ ʸ À̈u‬‬ ‫{ ‪ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫»‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫`‪W‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ Á ºÆ¿ d·Á{ Z] †¸n» ¶»Z e Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÀ‡ ½ZËY€³d‡YÉZÅZœf¿Y‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫Ÿ^‪:É|¿ÂyM …Z‬‬ ‫‪ª§Â» Z]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿´‪\ˆ¿Ê·ZŸ ʨ˜»€Ì» ʳ|¿ Ä] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩه ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎب ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪-‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»‪É|¿€»Z“€Ì¸Ÿ- ÉY|¼f Ë€‹ |¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Z^y Z“|¼v» -ɀ¯Z‹ Ê^fn‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌÆ·YÀŁ -ÊËZ“ Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪4‬ﻳﺎ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲاﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪{Y„¿É|¼uY Y‬‬ ‫‪±€» ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¯Za ½Z^·Z—€^Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪©Y€ŸÊfÌÀ»Y Z“ÁYÊ‬‬ ‫‪{ d·Á{½Y|¬fÀ»ÉÁ€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ʇ|ÀÆ»¹Zœ¿cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪. ½Y€ËY ¹Â‡ ÂeY€aY -¾ÌeÂa€ˆ¼Å‬‬ ‫]€‡‪dˆË –Ìv»½Z»Z‡Ä»Z¿Z¯ Ê‬‬ ‫]€‡‪½Â˂˸eÊ¿Zfˆ]ZeÉZŵZˀ‡Ê‬‬ ‫]‪{¿ {Â^¿ Á {Â‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSAL AS . ri‬‬ ‫‪? AE3 >3 E‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫‪1000 /‬‬ ‫‪100 /1388‬‬ ‫‪ 168‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋه ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭم ‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭ ﻭﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻡﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ‪4‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲﺍﺯﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻲﺍ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻣ‬ ‫ﻦﻲ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻳ ﻣ‬ ‫‪: YÌÊË‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¿‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪¿ YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ÂY Ëy‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ»Zf‬‬ ‫‪ZÃ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ãf¨¨³³Z‬‬ ‫‹¼]‪ZZ‬‬ ‫‪] ¾ ËY‬‬ ‫{ ‪ËY‬‬ ‫‪h¸j» Ä»Z¿Äf¨Å Z] [Ây Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪38‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮنﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪M OSALAS. ri‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪54‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻲﺍ ﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﻣﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻦﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺍ ﻳ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎمﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS. ri‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳــﻪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺚﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻳ ﮋ ه ﻣﻣﺜ ﺜﻠ ﻠ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻭﻳ‬ ‫ﻔﮔﮔﻔ ﺖ ﻭﻭﮔﮔﻮﻮﻫﻫ ﺎﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔ ﻮ ﻫ ﺎﻳ ﻲﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎم ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﺮﻳﺰک‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Z ] Ê Ë Z Š³ Ád ¨ ³‬‬ ‫ﺎﻱ ﻭﻭﻳ ﮋ ه ﻣ ﺜ ﺜﻠ ﻠ ﺚ ﺑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﮔ ﺖ ﻭﻭﮔﮔﻮﻮ ﻫ ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻔ‬ ‫‪¦ Ì ¸ve Á ~ Ì ¨À e Y| ] º Å{ ÄÀ Ì ] Z¯½ »Y € ÌaÊ¿Ä¿ Z ¼³‬‬ ‫ﺬ ﻭﺗ ﺗﺤﺤﻠﻴ ﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻨﻔﻴ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻔﻨ‬ ‫ﺪ ﺍ ﺗ ﺗﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌ ﻌ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮن ﮐﮐﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻴ ﻨﻪﻴﻨ ﻪﺩﻫﻫﺩ ﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻴ ﭘﻴﺮﺮﺍ ﻣﻮن‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﮔﻤﺎ ﻧﻪﻧﺎ ﻧﺯﺯﻪ ﭘ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔ ﺖ ﻭﮔ ﻮﻫ ﺎﻳ ﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺚﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻭ ﻭ ﻳ ﮋ هﻣﺜﻣﺜ ﻠ ﻠ ﺑ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﮔ ﺖ ﻭﻭﮔﮔ ﻮ ﻫ ﺎ ﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻔ‬ ‫‪Z ] h ¸ j » à „Ë Á É Z Å Â ³ Á d ¨³‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠ ﻴ ﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭﺗﺤﻠ‬ ‫ﻢ ﺑﻌﺑﻌ ﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﺩ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻴ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣ ﻣﻮنﮐﮐﺎ ﺑ ﺑﻴ ﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﮔﻤﻤﺎ ﻧﻧﻪ ﻧﺯﺯ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻲ ﺎ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔ ﺖﻭ ﮔ ﻮ ﻫ ﺎﻳ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺮ ﻱ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠ ﻪ ﻛ ﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜ ﺚ«ﺭ ﻪﺷﻤ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻉﻭ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛ ﻥﻣﺠ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻤ ﻦ ﺴ ﻯ ﻰﺳ ﻰ ﺳ ﻼﻝ ﺳ ﺲ ﺣ ﻰ ﻢﺧ‬ ‫ﻦ ﻢ ﺪ ﺪ ﺳ ﺖ ﻯﺸ ﺖ ﻯ ﻯﺴ ﻯ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻮﺩ ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫ ﭻ ﻮﺻ ﻪ ﻱ ﺮ ﻱ ﺴ ﻭﻱ ﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻱﻫ ﺷﻤﻲﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩ ﺷﺖ ﺯﻱ ﺴ ﻭﻱﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺴ ﻭﻱ ﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫ ﭻﻭ ﺖ ﮕﻔ ﻢﺩ ﺭ ﻲ ﺴ ﻭﻱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻞﻃﻼ ﻰ ﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ‪ -‬ﻛﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ -‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ 19 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ! ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔ ﺖ ﻭﮔ ﻮ ﻫﺎ ﻳ ﻲ ﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺐ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻃﻴﻒ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺳﺮ« ﻭ »ﺑﺪﻧﻪ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪» ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 70‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺳــﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،88‬ﺳﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ؛ ‪ -1‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ -3 ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺰ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،70‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ )ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ(‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑــﺮ ﺣﺠــﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،84‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬــﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 88‬ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ )ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ »ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻲ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻼﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤــﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻮﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ )ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻟﻮﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻗﻲ( ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ )ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺒﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ( ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﭙﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﭙﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ« ﻋﻠﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻲﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺘﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻟﺪ ﻻﺳــﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ »ﺯﻭﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫» ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻨﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺳﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪» ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻂ« ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻂ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ )ﻭ ﺍﻧﻚ ﻟﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ( ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺏﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺧﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻭﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﻓﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﺸــﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﺘﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ – ﻏﻮﺍﺻﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 9 ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 450‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ‪ 273‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ‪ 23‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲ ‪ 67‬ﺍﻡ ﺳــﻮﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﺗﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﻮﻟﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﻮﻟﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ 13 ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﻘــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ » ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﺮﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﻃﻼﻳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ‪،2009‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻥﺁﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍﻯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﻳﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻔﺎ ﻭﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺿﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﻧﻘــﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫)ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻟﺠﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 85‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷــﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺶ ﺑﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎﻣﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﺎﺋﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺍﻻﻗﺼﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺴــﻤﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻠﺦ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻗﺼﺎﺭﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ ﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧــﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻏــﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻨــﺪ؛ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺳــﺘﺮﻥﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻭﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷــﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻــﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺷــﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻮﻗــﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗــﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺟﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓــﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻻﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ‪ ،5+1‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ‪ 5+1‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟« ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ژﻧﻮ‪،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴــﺎﺱ ﺣﻀﺮﺗــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﺭﺍﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟــﻼﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﻛﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﺎﺯﺑﺎﻥﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺩﺭﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠــﺚ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ‪ 5+1‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻــﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺗﻨﻬﺎﺩﺭﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻧﻴﺰﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺩﭼﺎﺭﭼﻨﺎﻥﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶﺳﻜﻮﺕﻳﺎﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺷﺪﻧﺪﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻣﺼﻮﻥﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩﻛﻪﻟﺐﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲﺷﺪﻭﻣﺘﻬﻢﺑﻪﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻨﺪﻭﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪﺑﺮﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻛﺸﻴﺪﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪﺗﻴﺘﺮﻳﻚﺧﻴﻠﻲﺍﺯﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮﺷﺪﻛﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﺟﺎﻱﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩﻛﺸﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻭﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖﺍﺯﻃﺮﻑﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺑﺎﻫﻢ‪،‬ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻥﺷﺪﻧﺪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲﻫﻢﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵﺑﻪﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻳﺶﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩﻛﻪﺍﺯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺗﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻛﻨﺪﺑﺎﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸــﻢﮔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻬــﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺎ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﻓﺮﺍﺧﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺗﺎﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﺁﻧﻬﺎﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﮔﺎﻩﺩﺭﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﮔﺎﻩﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵﺟﻮﺍﻥﻛﻪﺗﺎﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﺩﻳﮕﺮﻫﻢﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻟﻲﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻻﻳﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡﻭﺗﺮﻗﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﻫـﻢ ﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﻟﺒـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳـﺪ؛ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸـﺎﺑﻪ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻫـﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﺳـﺨﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺣـﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺰﺍﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺴـﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺁﻥﺩﭼﺎﺭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺟﺪﻱﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﺳــﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺻــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻛﻢ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸــﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺴـﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 100‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ »ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ« ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫــﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ »ﺁﺧــﺮﺵ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؟« ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻨــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ! ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ‪26‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﻫﺎﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗـﻲ! ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺠـﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻳﻜﺴـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﻗــﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ! ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺑﺰﺭگﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺑﺎﺧﻨﺪﻩ(‬ ‫)ﻫــﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ(‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘـﺮ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﻒ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ‪ 38‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ 28 ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺮﻗــﻲ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1352‬ﻭ ﻗﺲﻋﻠﻴﻬﺬﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺧــﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ 13 ،‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻋــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻨــﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺩﻳﻨــﺪﺍﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳــﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺱ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ‪ 23‬ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻝ ﻧﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻳﻚﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺑــﺪﺍ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲﺻــﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﻞ ﺁﺏ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻨﺪ‪ 11 .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ‪ 21‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘــﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ«ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗــﺪﺱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 17 ،1384‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ« ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎ ‪ 27‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ؟ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻱ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ! ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪ؟ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ‪ 3 ،2‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺁﻥ ‪ 17‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﺨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ - 1 :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮ‪ 200 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳــﺮﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﻼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺜﻴــﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴــﺮ! ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺁﻥ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ - 2 .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ! ﺁﻥ ﻫﻔــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻤﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺷﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺣــﻮﻝ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 8 ،7‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﺯﺧﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 40 ،30‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﻘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ‪.‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺷــﻜﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻔـﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴـﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻣـﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴـﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﻩ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻋﻴــﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺼــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ....‬ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴــﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻜﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺿﺪ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺘﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 42‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ؟ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳــﺚ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ‪ 40 ،30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻲﭼــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻱﻛﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺨﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﺍﻧــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌـﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﺍﻧـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑـﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘــﺎ؛ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ! ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺲ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ‪ 8 ،7‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜــﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳـﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﻳـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗــﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﺮﺍﺣــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺮﺽﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻲﺳﺮ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻲﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧــﻼﻑ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻏﺘﺮ ﺑﺸــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺮﺽﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﻴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼـﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪:‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣـﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﭘﻤﭙﺎژ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ؛ ﻣــﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤـﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓـﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻧﺴﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗــﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﻱ ﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻞﮔـﺮﺍ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﺍ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣـﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣـﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﺳــﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻧــﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺩﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﻲ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺘـﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻨـﺪﺭﻭ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬـﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨـﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧـﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪ ﺗﻨـﺪﺭﻭ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺛﺎﺑـﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻳﻖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻓﺎﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻼﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁ ﻗــﺎ ﻱ ﺍ ﺣﻤﺪ ﻱ ﻧــﮋ ﺍ ﺩ ﺍ ﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮ ﺩ ﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻳﺸــﺎ ﻥ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫــﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻔــﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪﺍﺵ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﻓـﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳـﺨﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫـﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟـﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻟﻔﻆ »ﺗﻨـﺪﺭﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻗــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻲ ﻳــﺎ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔــﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻛﻠــﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻓــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨـﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷـﻜﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺒـﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬـﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳـﻲ ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳـﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻳﺤﻴﻮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﻳﺤﻴﻮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦﺭﺍﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺧﻮﺵﺍﺧﻼﻕﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸـﻜﻞ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ – ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳـﻄﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ -‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻠﻘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﮕﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻠﻘﻲﺍﺵ– ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ – ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ -‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺿﺪﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗـﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨـﺎﺡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺷﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺴــﻚ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣـﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﺑـﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻭﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﺑﺎﺯﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﺯﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲﻭﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻝ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕﺭﺍﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻣﺎﻣﺼﺤﻠﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢﺍﻣﺎﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﺭﺍﮔﻮﻝﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻛﺸـﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻋﺸـﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺍﺯﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺩﻭﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰﻭﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻬﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 23‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 8‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 11‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺷــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳــﻮﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷـﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻃﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ( ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨـﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﺕ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻢ ﻃﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪30‬ﺳﺎﻝﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳـﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴـﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗـﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﮋﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑـﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺣﺎﻣـﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧـﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴـﺖ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﺍﺭﺗﺶﺑﻌﺚﺭﺍﻣﻲﺷﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱﻛﻪﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪،‬ﻓﺎﻭﺭﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺑـﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷـﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀـﺎﻱ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﺸـﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻟﻜـﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷـﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮔﺴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻔــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﻧﻌﻤـﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳـﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰﭘﺪﻳﺪﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺁﻥﺟﻤﻠﻪﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺸــﻘﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺷـﻮﺑﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴـﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺻﺤﺖﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪﺑﻪﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮﻯ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﻳـﺢ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻃــﺮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 64‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺠﻨﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﺥﭘﻮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻬﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺘﺎژ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺩﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﻣﺰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠـﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﺟﺒﻬﻪﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺟﺎﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺧﻂﻭﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ؛ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺱ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴـﻚ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴـﻚ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻞﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻡﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻳﺸـﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺽﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨـﺎﺡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳـﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬـﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴــﻦﺁﻗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵﺫﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺣﺴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺼﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﻧﮓ ﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨـﺲ ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻫـﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤـﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺣﺴـﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻨﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺽﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖﺍﮔﺮﺑﻴﺖﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﺷﻤﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺍﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﺝﺣﺴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺸــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴﻦﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﭼـﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔـﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧــﻮﺍﺹ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻦ ﺭﻛﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻧﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻧﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺘﺶ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﻗـﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤــﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻗـﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏـﺖ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﭼـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ‪ 15‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳـﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﭼـﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑـﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘـﺖ ﻳـﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳـﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘـﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺟــﺪﻭﻝ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻭﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺿــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻜﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻃــﻊ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﺑــﺖ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺩﻭﻛﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻡﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺟﺪﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺘﺴــﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯﺑﻪﻣﻦﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﻭﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻛﻪﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻯﺁﻥﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺷﺪﻩﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺩﻳﺪﻣﻦﻏﻠﻂﺑﻮﺩﻩﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻃـﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺳـﻮﺩﻭﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺸﻜﻞﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﺣﺎﺩﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﻛﻪﻻﺯﻡﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻤﺒـﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻧـﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳـﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳــﻮﺩﻭﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﻞ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ‪ -24‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪16‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ« ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠــﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻂﻛﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺤــﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟــﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻤﻴﺮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺸــﻘﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭘﻨﺠﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 1‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 2‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺒــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ‪ 95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﺮﻳــﺢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﻙ ﭘﻴــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬ﻋﻀﻮﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻌﺘــﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯﻛﺴﺐﻛﺮﺳﻰﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺑﺎﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺳﻨﺘﻰﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺳـﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔـﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳـﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠـﺐ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻳـﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧـﻰ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ« ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺪ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃـﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫـﻦ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣـﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣــﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺸــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺛﻤﺮﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻــﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺘﺎژﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺣﺴــﺐ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺑﺨﺸـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺒﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧـﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﻰﺭﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺳـﭙﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷـﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛـﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣـﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧـﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺸـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛـﺰﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻣﻲﺭﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍ ﻋﻀـﺎ ﻯ ﺷـﻮ ﺭ ﺍ ﻯ ﻣﺮ ﻛـﺰ ﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣـﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﻫﺪﻑﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳــﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻯ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺴــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﻻﻳﺤﻪﻣﺘﻤﻢﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻭﺩﺭﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﻭﺧﺎﺭﺝﺍﺯﺁﻥﺑﻪﻳﻚﻭﺣﺪﺕﻧﻈﺮﻯﺩﺳﺖﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪﺣﺎﻝﺑﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻟﺖﺗﻮﺟﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﺗﺎﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺿﻠﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ‪ 20‬ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ 9 ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳــﻨﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ‪ 104‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻻ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻼﻓﻰ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭﻋﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻛﻴﺪﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺤﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺰﻣﻲﺟﺪﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼءﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻛﻰ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻛﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻌــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺒــﺎﺱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳــﻨﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺷﺘﻰ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑــﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ »ﺳــﻘﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﻳﺎ« ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺞ ﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺳــﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻬــﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻘﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﮕــﺰﺍﺱ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﻴﻨﺰ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺳــﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﺍﺵ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻘﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻔــﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟــﺮﺕ ﺳــﻘﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳــﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻧــﮓ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳــﺰﺩﻱ )ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻱ( ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰﻭﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻚﮔﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻼﺩ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 97‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪﺵ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎﻭﺩﺭﺩﺭﻙﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺵﻣﻮﺛﺮﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳــﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺩ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺭﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﺎﻯ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﺴــﺐ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻨﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻲ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪54‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳــﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﺎﻯﺑﻰﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺩﻛﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻲ ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ـ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷــﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺩﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴــﻖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 4‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ‪85‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳــﻘﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 115‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺳﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ – ﻗﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﮔﺮﺩﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻘﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘــﺎپ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺳــﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺛﻤﺮ ﺳﻘﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﻫﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻓﻌﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ )ﻋﺞ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒــﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭﻟﻲﻋﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻃﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻠــﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻔﻦﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻥ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭﻟﻲﻋﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ )ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ( ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﮔﺒــﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ «...‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻘﻞﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒــﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻮﺭﺩﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ]ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ[‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣــﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ‪،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺐ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻰ ﻣــﻰﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ]ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ[ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪] .‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ[ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪] .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ[ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 11/5‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺎﺱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗــﺪﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﺧﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺫﻛﺮ »ﻻ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭﻻ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﻻ ﺑﺎﷲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮔﻴﺠﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪] .‬ﭼﺎﻭﺯ[ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﺎ! ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫]ﭼﺎﻭﺯ[ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‪ ].‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ[‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪] .‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ[ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ‪ 8‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺑﺪﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺸــﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ‪،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳــﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻰﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ! ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺶ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳــﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ؟« ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻃﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻨﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱﺍﺵ ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺁژﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﭼﻮﻥﺳﻘﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ‪،‬ﻫﺪﻑﻏﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻧﻴﺰﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻣﻲﺷﺪﻭﺑﺎﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(ﺑﻪﻻﻳﻪﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩﺑﺮﺍﻱﻭﺣﺪﺕﺣﻮﺯﻩﻭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻭﺣﺘﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺑﺎﻻﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻧﺎﻡﺍﻭﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩﻭﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥﺍﺯﺍﻭﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱﻛﻨﺪﺗﺎﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﻘﺸﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎﺩﺭﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ‪ 128‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻳــﻚ ﺧﻄــﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺄﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺗﻼﻃﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺩ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷــﺎﻛﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺩﺍﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺸﺘﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‪،‬ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴــﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞﺩﻫﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻚ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻲﺍﻥﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻟﺮﻱ ﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺮﻱﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 13‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ‪ CBS‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﻤﻮﺳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﻛﻼﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻃﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﻫﺎﻯ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺒــﺢ ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒــﺮ )‪ 9‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ 10 ،‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ژﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﻼﻯ ﺩﻭﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﮔﻨﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ) 5+1‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 16:45‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺰ؛ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2008‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﻲ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﮔﺌﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺑﻜﻮﻑ؛ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻞ؛ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻟﻴﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺖ؛ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ژﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺩﻳﺒﺮ؛ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑــﺮﺕ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﻔﺮﻱ؛ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ؛ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱﻭﻓﺎ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎ ﮔﺎﻻﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 5+1‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5+1‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 5+1‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ‪ 25‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫)‪ 3‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ژﻧﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ 3000‬ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 19/75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻴﻠــﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺍﻳﺰﻭﺗﻮپﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪19‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫)‪ 27‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 1/5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴــﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻋﻄﻒ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ 45 ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ژﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺘﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖﻛﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪ ‪ 3/1‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ‪1976‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2000‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﻟﺤــﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﺪ ‪ 3/1‬ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ NPT‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ژﻧﻮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 5 +1‬ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺗﺮﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺪﺳﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻓﺮﻭﺵﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﻫﻮﻳﺞﻭﭼﻤﺎﻕﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ 5+1‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺷﻜﺴﺖﺍﻳﻦﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ 151 ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺩﺭژﻧﻮ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻭﺍﻋﻼﻡﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎﻭﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯﻋﻤﻠﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯﺳﻮﺧﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ؟ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؟ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰﺩﺭﺭﻭﻧﺪﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕﺍﺧﻼﻝﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻭ‪....‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 5+1‬ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺸﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳــﻂ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻗﻢ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‪ 46 ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫)ﺷــﻤﺨﺎﻧﻲ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 7) 85‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ (2006‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﺸــﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺁﺫﺭ )‪ 9‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ( ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ‪ 17‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻠﺠﻨﺖﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺮﻟﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2007‬ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2009‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ )‪ (1999-2003‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 4‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 1386‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﺒﻮﺭگ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻛﻼﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ 8 .‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ 2006‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﺞ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻣﻔﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ 13 ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻚﺍﺷﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻛﺘﻴﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 86‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳــﻂ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﻴــﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ )ﺍﻳﻠﻴﻨﻮﻳــﺰ( ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒــﺮﻱ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﭼﭽﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷﻚ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻌــﻲ‪،‬؛ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻚ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ ،86‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺸﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﻔﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ‪ ،87‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷﻚ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ )ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻟﺮﺩﻫﺎ( ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳــﺒﻮﺭگ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺣﺴﻦﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ژﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺖ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﺧــﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺿﺪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻟﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪.‬ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷــﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫‪ ،5+1‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ‪ 1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻴﻚﺯﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫»ﺣﻖ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﮕﺸــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 19‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﺗﻮپ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻔﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻨﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ ،5+1‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺳـﻴﻊ ﺳـﺒﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈـﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﻤـﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠـﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳـﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ 5+1‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ،5+1‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ،8‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5+1‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺟﻮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﮕﻨﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺸﺘﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣــﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻜﺘــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ » ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﺎﻛﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺠــﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ‪ 5+1‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔــﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴــﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮگﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ژﻧــﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺗﻤﻬﻴــﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫــﺎﻯ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺻــﺪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺯ ژﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 5+1‬ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ؛ »ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻭﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﺗﺎﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﻫﻢﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﺷﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﺸﺴﺖژﻧﻮﻧﻴﺰﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﻭﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺑﺎﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎ»ﺭﻭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ«ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒﻛﺮﺩﻥﺍﻳﻦﻧﺸﺴﺖﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡﺑﺮﻧﺰﺩﺭﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺑﺎﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ؛‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰﺑﻮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﺭﺍﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞﺷﺒﻴﻪﺯﺑﺎﻥﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻛﺎﻣﻼﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢﻭﺻﺮﻳﺢﺑﻪﻃﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﻔﺖﻭﻧﻴﻢﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪﺩﺭﺩﺭﻭﻳﻼﻯﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﺩﺭﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯﮔﻨﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ‪،‬ﺷﻌﺎﻉﺧﺒﺮﻯ»ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺭﺳﻤﻰﻭﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢﻳﻚﻣﻘﺎﻡﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﺧﻮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪﻩﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢﺑﺎﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﻓﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺖ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2009‬ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺩﺭﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞﺍﺯﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻟﻐﻮﻣﻨﻊﺣﺎﻛﻢﺑﺮﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯﻋﺎﺩﻯﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥﺩﺭﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺳﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺩﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺑﺎﺻﺤﻪﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦﺑﺮﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺷﮕﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻕﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎﮔﻔﺖﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯﺑﻮﺵﺭﺍﻩﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﻣﺎﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻛﺎﺭﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢﻣﻮﻓﻖﺑﻪﻛﺴﺐﭼﻪﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥﺩﺭﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯﻛﺘﺒﻰﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؛ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥﺧﻮﺩﺣﻴﻦﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻛﺘﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﺸــﺖﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﺮﺩﻥﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰﻣﺤﻜﻢﻭﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰﺑﺎﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ‪ ...‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻻﻫﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 31‬ﻣــﺎﺭﺱ ‪11)2009‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪(88‬ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺟﻼﺱﻻﻫﻪﺑﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻭﻳﮋﻩﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺩﻩﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺳﻪﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ«ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥﺩﺭﻳﻚﻧﺸﺴﺖﺧﺒﺮﻯﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﺒﺮﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﺑﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻟﺒﺮﻭﻙ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﺎﺭﺝﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺯﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﻤﻚﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺳﻪﺗﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕﻟﻮﻳﻨﺴﻮﻥ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖﭘﻠﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ)ﺍﻑﺑﻰﺁﻯ(ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺣﺪﻭﺩﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﺶ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺭﻛﺴﺎﻧﺎﺻﺎﺑﺮﻯ)ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ( ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﺎ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ )ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ( ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﻓﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕژﻧﻮﻳﻚﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻭﻓﺮﺻﺖﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺟﻠﺴﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻤﻊﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﺳﺨﻦﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡﻭﮔﻔﺘﻢﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﺎﺑﻪﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕژﻧﻮﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕژﻧﻮﻳﻚﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻭﻓﺮﺻﺖﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﻳﻚ }ﺑﺎﺏ{ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻞﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺣﻞﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦﻣﺴﻴﺮﺣﺮﻛﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﻭﻱﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ»ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ )ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﺶ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻗــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ! ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥﻫﻢﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕﺧﻮﺑﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﻳﻚﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﻤﻴﻦﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﺧﻮﺩﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻴﺰﺧﻮﺑﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺳﻮﺧﺖﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻫﺮﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺳﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺘﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ )ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻟﺪﺍﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ( ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ‪ -‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ -‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،2001‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖﻛﻪﻳﻚﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻼﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻻﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔــﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻼ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ژﻧﻮ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﻓــﺮﺩﻭ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻨﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺿﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳــﻮﻡﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟــﺚ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗــﻰ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺗــﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻴــﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴــﺎﻁ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔــﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪.5+1‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1384‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ‪Joint‬‬ ‫‪ Venture‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪ 5+1‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺳــﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ« ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭﻙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ »ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻴﺸﺪﺍﻭﺭﻯ« ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ – ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ – ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ« ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ – ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ – ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ« ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻓﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ »ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰﻧﺼــﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺷﻮﻛﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ – ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 21‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥﺳﭙﺮﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ‪ 3‬ﻭ ﺳﺠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺪﻑﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﺯﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪« .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡﺍﺳﺖﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺁﻥﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ – ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1387‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﺍﺯﺍﺟﻼﺱﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ‪،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﭼﭽﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺑﺎﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥﻛﻤﻚﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺧﺒﺮﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻛﺮﺩﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖﻓﺮﻳﺐﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺍﺳﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯﺁﻧﻜﻪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺍﺯﻋﺎﻣﻞﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﻟﻴﻦﮔﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺁﻧﭽﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭﺳﻄﺢﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﺯﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩﺟﺪﻳﺪﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫»ﺻﻠﺢ ﺳﺮﺩ« ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺻﻠﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻠﺘﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺴﺒﻮﺭگ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺠــﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» .‬ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮﺍﺳﻜﻮﺳﻴﺮﻑ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﺨﻮﻑ« ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ »ﻧﻴﺰﺍﻭﻳﺴﻴﻤﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻳﺘﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻗﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥﺭﻭﺳﻰﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺳﺮﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﻭﺭﻭﻑ« ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ‪ 5+1‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺭﺍﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺨﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧـﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻌـﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳـﻲ ﺳـﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻫـﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸـﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺴـﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻼﻳﻢﺗـﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫـﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻳﻢﺗﺮ ﻳـﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺳـﻬﻞﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧـﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛـﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﮔﺮﺟﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ )ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ( ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ )ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 2‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ(‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﻴﻜﻞ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 7‬ﻳﺎ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟـﻮژﻱ ﺑﺮﺧـﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎﺑـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺑـﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴـﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧــﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺍﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻟﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻜﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 4‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸــﺎء ﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1404‬ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ‪ 4‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 15‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 16‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴـﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴـﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷـﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻟﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻨﺎ ﻓـﻊ ﺍ ﻗﺘﺼﺎ ﺩ ﻱ ﺷـﺎ ﻥ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷـﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗــﻮﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 2004‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼ