ماهنامه مثلث شماره 12

‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﻛ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﮔ ﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩ ﺭﺭﺷﻬ ﺪﺷﻮﺷ ﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻑﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺠﺎﭼﺮ ﻏﻲﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﯽﺟ ﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨ ﺳﯽ ﺮ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺪ ﺮ ﺖﺿﺮﻏ ﻲ ‪ 0‬ﺳ ﻪ ﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱﺩﺷﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺭ ﻩﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ 3/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﻭ ﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﻛ ﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸ ﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧ ﺮﺵ ﻫ ﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺮ ﺪی ‪ -‬ﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ‪ -‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﻡ ﮔﻴﻞﺁ ﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﯽ ﺧﺒﺮی ‪ -‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺮﻭ ﯽ ‪ -‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﻃ ﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺻ ﺩﻕﺯ ﺒ ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍ ﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﮔﺰ ﻨﻪﻫ ی ﻴﺸﻨﻬ ﺩی ﺮ ی ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯ ﺭ ﺨ ﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰ ﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻴﺪ ﺟﻨ ﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﭼ ﺶ ﺘﺨ ﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻐ ﺴﺘ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺯ ﺭ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮ ﻫ ﻥﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭی‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻩ ﺮﺯ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﺩ ﭙﻠﻤ ﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪ÉY€]É{ZˁÉZłÌq‬‬ ‫‪{Y{{ÁkÁ½{Âyc€ˆu‬‬ ‫‪cY€]Zz» ¶¯ €Ë|» Z] ³ Á d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭی ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪:ʇZ§ ¾Ë|·YµÔm‬‬ ‫{‪««Y‚´f»|y» d·Á‬‬ ‫¯€{‪¹‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫¯€€{{‬ ‫¯€{‬ ‫‪€¯ ¹Z»Y‬‬ ‫‪¹ZZ» [Zf¯ {YÁ ¾» Y‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫»‪¹Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ 12 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫Š‬ ‫‪ZÅÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫‪|¿|¿Z» ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎی ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎی ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﯾﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭیﻭﻓﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪É|¿€»Z“€Ì¸Ÿ -‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂeʼ¿ Z°Ë€»M : ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪{€Ì´] Ã|Ë{Z¿ Y ½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫]‪|ÀÅYÂyÊ»ZÅֈ̸´¿Y:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ]YZ»ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎیﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ ﺑﺎﺯیﻫﺎی ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍی ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﯽﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩی ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪی ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﯽ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪- -‬‬ ‫ﺣﺍ ﻤ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺪی ﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺣ ﺯ‬ ‫ﻢﺳ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺪی ﺑﺍ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺍ ﺎﻘ ﺳ‬ ‫ﺧ ﺷﺭ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺍ ﻤﺪ ﻣﻬ ﺪ ی ﻮ‬ ‫یﺍ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺯ‬ ‫ﻢﺳ ﺮ‬ ‫ی ﺑﺍ ﻘﻟﻮﺍ ﺎ ﺳ‬ ‫ﺪ ‪،‬‬ ‫ی ﻮ ﺷﺭ ﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻬ ﺪ ﺧ‬ ‫ﺨﺎ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺲ ﻧﺍﺯ ﺘ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻥ ﭘ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍ ﮔﺩ ﺎﻩ ﻣﺘ ﻤﻬ ﺎ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺨﺎ ﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺯﺍ ﺘﻧ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍ ﮔﺩ ﺎﻩ ﻣﺘ ﻤﻬ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤ ﺪ ﻭﻣﻬﺪی ﺧﻮ ﺭﺷ ﻴﺪی‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮ ﻟﺍ ﻘﺎﺳ ﻢﺳﺮﺣﺪی ﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ ﺭﺷ ﻴﺪی‪ ،‬ﺍﺑ ﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻥﭘﺲ ﺍ ﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎ ﻩﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍ ﺍﺯﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫»„‪ZÀ¯{ :½Zˀn‹ ½Z³‬‬ ‫‪ºËY€] ½{ Z‡ |a‬‬ ‫‪{Â] ZËÁ ®Ë‬‬ ‫| ‡‪ÁZ^» µZ‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡ :ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê» €Ì̤e Y Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫»‪¦Ë€ve ÉZm Ä] :ZÌ¿\nfÀ‬‬ ‫‪|̋Z] ´z‡Za žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﯾﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪--‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ --‬ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩیﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﺗﺸﮑﺮی ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ ‪ --‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻮﺳﻮی ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽﻫﺎ ﺭﻭیﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﯾﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍی ﺳﺮﯾﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫»‪: Ê ¼‹ZÅ|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã| ÀËMº Ì¿Z‬‬ ‫‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫»» ‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ã| ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪º Ì¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫» ‪»Ê‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪ž«YÁ‬‬ ‫‪€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ÕZ‡Á‬‬ ‫§|‪½Â̇Y‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪֋Á‬‬ ‫‪ÖfŒ¯.d‡Y‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Š·Zq‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Õ{ZË‬‬ ‫‪Ä]Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‹|‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫»‪¾Ë€f¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫¿‪Ö»Z¯Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪®Ìb¼·Y‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ{Z¬f¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Õ{ZË‬‬ ‫»‪ÄmÂf‬‬ ‫‪ÕÁ‬‬ ‫¯€{‪.‬‬ ‫‪Ö¿Y{‚Ë‬‬ ‫‪¹€y‬‬ ‫‪ՁÁ‬‬ ‫«‪½Z»€Æ‬‬ ‫‪½ZÆm‬‬ ‫‹‪,{Â‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì¼Å‬‬ ‫{·‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪Ö°Ë‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪ÕZ‡Á‬‬ ‫§|‪½Â̇Y‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪֋Á‬‬ ‫‪xËZe‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫{‪.|À¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Z»Y‬‬ ‫‪”u‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪-d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫§|‪½Â̇Y‬‬ ‫‪µZ^Ì·YÁ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‬ 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‫»^‪uZ‬‬ ‫ˆ‪Â‬‬ ‫‪-ÊÅ‬‬ ‫‪¨‹½Z̨‡Â‬‬ ‫‪Z¿»Æm‬‬ ‫¿‪}Â‬‬ ‫‪¾ËM‬‬ ‫‪Z“€»Ô‬‬ ‫»‪Ô‬‬ ‫¼|“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪-{Y‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫¼|‪Ë‬‬ ‫»‪v‬‬ ‫‚‪ c‬‬ ‫‪m£Év»--Ê‬‬ ‫Œ‪Ÿ€°‬‬ ‫¿€‪-½Z¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫»¬|‡‪-‬‬ ‫‪-¾»€¯Y‬‬ ‫‪e°ÅÂ‬‬ ‫‪Ê\Ì‬‬ ‫‪º›Z¯|Ì‬‬ ‫‪¼‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‹‪ɯ¾°‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫»‪|Æ‬‬ ‫‪ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ǂ¼u‬‬ ‫»‬ ‫]‪: YÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪{½ZÌ]Y‬‬ ‫‪.|ÀÀ‬‬ ‫»‪Z‹Y€¯Ê‬‬ ‫‪cY‬‬ ‫‪v»Äq‬‬ ‫‪ÁµM‬‬ ‫‪Á ‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀ˂³‬‬ ‫‪Ê ÌvË‬‬ ‫]‪É{Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪M‬‬ ‫‪YÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪-½YY‬‬ ‫¯‪º‬‬ ‫‪Ê Äf¨³‬‬ ‫¿†‬ ‫‪{«{Z‬‬ ‫‡€»‪ÄËZ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Z‹Z¿ |¼v»€ÌL»Ô‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫‪½ Z»Âe 1000Äv‬‬ ‫»‪/ ¨ 100 /138 8 Âˀ Ƌ µ ÁY/¹ ‡ÃZ¼ ‹-h¸j‬‬ ‫‡‪/ µZ]ÁYµÂ³Z‬‬ ‫‪Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪ʸ̸v‬‬ ‫‪/  {e,É‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪{Z¼f‬‬ ‫‪€^y‬‬ ‫¿‪ÄY »Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪āf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪Y € ÀÅZ] ÊÀÌ] Š Ìa‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪€ Âb‡Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫©‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫§‪³{ÓÂ‬‬ ‫‪€{Á‬‬ ‫‪{Z‬‬ ‫‪ËZm‬‬ ‫‪ZˁÂ‬‬ ‫¿ ‪Ì‬‬ ‫»‪Â‬‬ ‫‪eZ¯É‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|Æ‬‬ ‫^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫‪€||Ì‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´‪ ‬‬ ‫‡Ÿ‬ ‫‪-¸Ÿ-¼u‬‬ ‫‪|̼u‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪--Ê‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫‪ɸÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪-É‬‬ ‫‪Z¼ÀÌ‬‬ ‫¿|‪-‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫‪»Ô‬‬ ‫‪¯ €^À‬‬ ‫‪ˆu‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫¬‪{º‡Z‬‬ ‫¾‬ ‫‪‡Y©{Z‬‬ ‫‪Ë‬‬ ‫ˆ‪À‬‬ ‫ˆ«¾‬ ‫Ÿ¼‪{Z‬‬ ‫‰‬ ‫»‪v‬‬ ‫‪̈u‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫{‪ÂËY‬‬ ‫‪Y· Â]Y‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‡‪|Ì‬‬ ‫¼|‪½Á‬‬ ‫»‪|ˀ§v‬‬ ‫”‪Ä̋Zu€a½Z‬‬ ‫‰¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪»Á‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪®Ë|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‡‪Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫‪-d»|y‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫·‪- d‬‬ ‫]‪- ÄÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫‪Á{ Á½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫{¯‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪d·½Z‬‬ ‫]˜‪Ä‬‬ ‫ ‪Á{ YY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮیﺮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬ﻬﻞﮐﻧﺎ ]ﮕﻮﻴﺛ‪Z:‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﻕﻤ ‪Ë‬ﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺎﻕﺎ‬ ‫‪ZÅÂ‬ﺳ‬ ‫ﺳﺍ‬ ‫‪ ³‬ﺍ ﺍﺤ‬ ‫‪- Ád¨³‬ﺍ‬ ‫‪d¨ ³‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﺎﺭﺯ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﯽﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﻴﺍﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮕ ﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺴ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻩ ﻨﻋ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﻼﻝﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﮐ‬ ‫ﻤﻦ ﺟﮐ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑ ﻬ‬ ‫‪100‬ﺤﻪ ‪1000 /‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪/‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺩﻭ م ‪ 25 /‬ﻣ ﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ /138 8‬ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ‬ ‫‪ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{»‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺭﻩﻥﻩﺳ ﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺍﯾﺎ‬ ‫ﺍیﺮﺍﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺍیﮔﮔ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻩ‬ ‫ﺪﻩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ی‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪:‬ﺩ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻭﺩی‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬ﺩﺍﺩﺍﻭ ]ﻭ‪Z‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫»‪j‬ﻟﺤ ¸ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫‪ ÄËÁ‬ﺑﻮﺍ ﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬ی„‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ Á‬ﺘﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ÉZÅÂ‬ﻧﻼ‪Ë‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫ﺴﯽﮐ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫‪Ád¨³‬ﺩ‪³Á‬ﺩﮐﺘﮐ‪³‬ﺘﺮﺮ ﻴﻋ‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪ‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﻪﻪﺭ‪4‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻈﺎﻡﻣﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﮔ‬ ‫ﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﻥﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺎﺯﻣﺎ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﯽﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤ ﺧ‬ ‫ﮕﻤ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﻣﺮﺍﺘﺮﻧﺩﺍﻨ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻢﻋ ﺩﻣﺍﺰ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﻮ‬ ‫ﻥ ﯾ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺪﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﮑ‪،‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻦﻤﻴﺍﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﺋﻮﻓ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻮ‬ ‫ﺤﺭﺤﻓ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣ ﻣﺋﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺍﺍﺑﻮﻘ‪،‬ﻟﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺎﺒ ﭙﺑ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘ ﺘﺮﺮﻋ ﻠ ﻋ‬ ‫ﺩ ﮐ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‹‪:Z]ÃZ´f‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ ´f‹ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪® Ë ÃZ‬‬ ‫{] ®‬ ‫‪Ë É‬‬ ‫‪ÃZY d¨³‬‬ ‫{]‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪É Y Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﯽﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘ ﺘﺎﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫یﻫﺎیﺗﺎﺗﺎﺑﺴ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳ ﯽ‬ ‫]‪::Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z h¸j‬‬ ‫¸‪h‬‬ ‫‪] j» ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ã„Ë Á ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪É Zų Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﯽﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺠﻔﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻧ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺐ ﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺐﻧ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺮﻴ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﯽﻭ‬ ‫ﺘﺠ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﻣﻨﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺮﺍﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﮕ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﺣﺍﺰ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻢﻋ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻥﻴ ﯾ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﮑﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﻣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﺋﻮ‬ ‫ﺤﻣﺭﺋﻮﻓ‬ ‫ﻢﺭ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬ﻣﻘ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺍﺑﻮ ﻟ‪،‬ﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ ﺑﭙﺍ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺎﺒ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺩﮐﺘ ﺘﺮﺮﻋ ﻠ ﻋ‬ ‫§€‪ÊÀË|·Y€z {ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‬ ‫‪Z] ³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫`‪ÁZe?AE3>3EW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪,ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Zŀ^y‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪‰Y‚³‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u-Y‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫»|‪ÊfˀË‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y|ŒÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ä »Zm‬‬ ‫‪ʻԇY‬‬ ‫»‪¾Ì‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫‪{€°ËÁ‬‬ ‫“€‪Ê»Z£‬‬ ‫]‪½Y€v‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¨ f‡Y‬‬ ‫¨‪É|¿€ÅZ‬‬ ‫]€¯‪ÉZÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ÊÀˆv‬‬ ‫‪ÃY‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪‘Y€fŸY|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪¶°Œe‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫]€‪Êy‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌ»Zu‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪:{Y‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Y‚Å‬‬ ‫{·‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ä«Ô‬‬ ‫»‪¹|À‬‬ ‫‪dËM‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫»‪¹Z°‬‬ ‫‹‪:ɁY€Ì‬‬ ‫‪É|e‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫»Œ€‪d̟Á‬‬ ‫¿|‪{Y‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‪¡Ô]Y‬‬ ‫‹|‪:Ê]Y€eÂ]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»¬‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪ºœ ‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^Å‬‬ ‫»^‪ÊÀ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪¾f‹Y~³‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ʸŸ17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‹|‪¾ËYºË‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪Ê»3838‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪Ã|¿Á€aÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻟﻴﻮ ﻟﻮ ﻤﻧﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﺨﻔﯽﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺨﻣ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙ‬ ‫ﺎی‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺩﻫﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽﺑﺭ ﺍ ﭘﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﮐﺭﻩ ﺩﻒﯾﺩﻭﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺮﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﯽﺎﺑﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍیﺩ‬ ‫ی ﺪﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺟﻩﺍ‬ ‫ﺪﻩﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺸﺖﭘﺮﻧﻭﻠ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﭘﻣﻪﺜ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻣﻧﺎﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺘﻫﻔ‬ ‫ﺧ ﺏﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻔﻫ ﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫{‪º Å{d·d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{«^‪Á{µZ‬‬ ‫´€‪µZ^ «½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪{ ·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪½ZÁZ‬‬ ‫‪ËY€ e´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪ŠËYMÁZ e‬‬ ‫‪c |À]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪c°‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪É|À‬‬ ‫‪tÌ‬‬ ‫‡‪°‬‬ ‫‪§]¶Ì‬‬ ‫‪,²‬‬ ‫{‪ZËË‬‬ ‫{‪§Y‬‬ ‫‪,²‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫‪‡ŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫€‪‡Z°Ë‬‬ ‫‪ŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪€ {Â‬‬ ‫‪eZX‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪e»M‬‬ ‫‪€eZ‬‬ ‫‪»Â³Á‬‬ ‫€‪½Y‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪{Â‬‬ ‫]‪Xe v‬‬ ‫‪Z]½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫{‪»¯Z]³ÁÂ‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪³Á¯d¨³ Z] ³Á d¨ ³‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ʇŻµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪½Y€¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪\‹µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\‹ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫§ˆ‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»€‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä//ËZ‡Ä·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZ‡ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ‬‬ ‫]‪ɁZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»Y€ÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€ÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ŠËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪À›ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d‹~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﺑﺎ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺩﺍﻭ ﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﻦ ﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬ﺍ ﺍﺑ ﻟﻮﺍﻮﺤ ﺴ‬ ‫ی ﺑ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺘﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽﮐ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ ﻋﻴﺴ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐ‬ ‫‪: Y‬‬ ‫‪ ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊË‬‬ ‫] ‪Y ÅZ Z f¨ ³Z]Z‬‬ ‫‪ŠËY M‬‬ ‫»‪| Ì¿YÌ¿ÂYÂy Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê» ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ ‪¾ ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺧﻪ ﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻟﻮ ﻔ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺨﻔﯽﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙ ﻟﻮ ﺨﻴ‬ ‫ﺎی‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺩﭙﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺯﭘﺮ ﺮﺩﻫ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﯽﺍﺭ ﭘ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽﺑ‬ ‫ﻴﻒﺩﯾﻭﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺳﺮﻴﻩﮐ ﺩﻒ‬ ‫ﯽﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫یﺩﺭ ﺳ‬ ‫یﺍ ﺪﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﺟﻩ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﺸﺖﭘﺮﻧﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﻣﺜﻪﭘﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﭘﺸﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻣﻧﺎﻪ ﭘ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻫﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺧﻪ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺘﻫﻔ‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì v‬‬ ‫‪¸ e ~ ¨Ì Àe Y | ] º‬‬ ‫‪Å { Ä ÀÌ] ¯Z ½Â» Y€ aÌ Ê¿ Ä¿ ¼Z ³‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﮔﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺼﺮﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻗﺘﺿﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺍ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺝ‬ ‫ﻙﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻪ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺨﻬ ﺣ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻴﻧﺮﺎﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺗ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﻑﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﻭ‬ ‫ﻝﺍﺮ ﺯﺍ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﯽﺁ ﺳ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﮔﺎﺍ‪ 4‬ﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽﮔ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮑ ﯾﺮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﯽ ﻋﻤ ﻗ ﻠ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﺑ ﺭ‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫`‪ÁZe?AE3>3EW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪,ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Zŀ^y‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪‰Y‚³‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u-Y‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫»|‪ÊfˀË‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y|ŒÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ä »Zm‬‬ ‫‪ʻԇY‬‬ ‫»‪¾Ì‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫‪{€°ËÁ‬‬ ‫“€‪Ê»Z£‬‬ ‫]‪½Y€v‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¨ f‡Y‬‬ ‫¨‪É|¿€ÅZ‬‬ ‫]€¯‪ÉZÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ÊÀˆv‬‬ ‫‪ÃY‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪‘Y€fŸY|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪¶°Œe‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫]€‪Êy‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌ»Zu‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪:{Y‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Y‚Å‬‬ ‫{·‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ä«Ô‬‬ ‫»‪¹|À‬‬ ‫‪dËM‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫»‪¹Z°‬‬ ‫‹‪:ɁY€Ì‬‬ ‫‪É|e‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫»Œ€‪d̟Á‬‬ ‫¿|‪{Y‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‪¡Ô]Y‬‬ ‫‹|‪:Ê]Y€eÂ]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»¬‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪ºœ ‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^Å‬‬ ‫»^‪ÊÀ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪¾f‹Y~³‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ʸŸ17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‹|‪¾ËYºË‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪Ê»3838‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪Ã|¿Á€aÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﻔﺎﻫ ﺘﻪﻧﺎ ﻣﻪ ﻠﻣﺜ ﺚ‬ ‫ﺧ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻫ ﺘﻔ ﻮﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﺑﺎﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫] ‪ÊË ZÅZ f¨ ³Z]Z‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮی‬ ‫ﻬﺮیﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻄ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭ ﺭ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫‪12 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫{‪: ÃZ ´f´f‹Y‬‬ ‫‪Z]‹Y{ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫{]‪Z]Z]®Ë ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪® Ë ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ d¨³‬‬ ‫{]‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉY Ã|¿Á€ a‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ ﻮﺎﻣ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﻟﺍ ﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻬﺎﻡﻨ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺴﻴ ﺍﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺤ ﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽﻼﻏﻓ‪ -‬ﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪--‬‬ ‫ﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﺧ‬ ‫ﻴﻋﻠ ﻨ‬ ‫‪MOSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì v‬‬ ‫¿‪¸ e ~ Ì Àe¨ Y | ] º Å{ Ä ÀÌ] ¯Z ½Â »Y€ Ì Ê‬‬ ‫‪a  Ä ¿¼Z ³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿ YÂy Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪» ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫¾‹¼‬ ‫{‪¾ËYË Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪:ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺭیی ‪Y -‬‬ ‫‪-ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫ﺮی‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮی‬ ‫ﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽﺮﺘﯾﻌ ﺎﮐﻤ‬ ‫ﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺪ ﺘﺷﺷﺷ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻤ‬ ‫]‪ Z‬ﺤﻣﺠﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺩﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﺭﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕﻟﺒ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﻃﺎﻃ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﺮﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻴﻦ؛ﺨﻣﺍﭘ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺎﺯﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘ‬ ‫ﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺴﺮﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮐﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽﮐﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﯽﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝﻫﺎ ی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫{»‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺭﻩﺳ ﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺍﯾﺎﺑﺎﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍیﺮﺩﺍﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩیﮔﮔ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ی ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻧﺘﻈﺎ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﺍﺩﺎﻥﺭ‬ ‫ﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺖﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻂﻟﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻂﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺩ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﺭﻣﺪﺍﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﻃ ﻟﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﺮ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﺎﺯﻣﺨﺎﺎﺍﭘ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻦ؛‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﮐﺎﯽﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺼﺩﺎ ﯾ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩیﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻗﻣﺮﺭﺘ ﮔ‬ ‫ﻙﺍ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺨ ﺣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺮﺎﻣﻬ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻴﻧ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﻑﺎﺯﺍ ﺭﺗ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛؛‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﻝﺍﺮ ﻭﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺷﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﺎﻩﺍﺁ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﯽﮔﺎﻩ ‪4‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﻴ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﺭﯾﺍﺮﺍﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﯽ ﻋﻤﺮﻗﮑﻠﻗﺤ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺮ ﺳ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺭ‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫¿‪½Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ 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‫¾‚{‬ ‫ˆ‪ÊËY€Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‬ ‫Ÿˆ´‬ ‫»‪|¼v»€Ì‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã---{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ì-Ê‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫|‪ˆÊ‬‬ ‫‪Z¿u¼Ô‬‬ ‫‪Ìv‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫‪ŸÁµÔm‬‬ ‫¯Œ‪ËÊZ‬‬ ‫¾‬ ‫]‪¸Ÿ ¼uÆ‬‬ ‫‪½ Z»Âe 1000Ä v‬‬ ‫‡‪/ ¨100 /138 8{Y {€ » 2 5 ¹/ Á{ÃZ¼ ‹ / µ ÁY µZ‬‬ ‫‪ʸ̸v‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪eÉ‬‬ ‫‪, € ^yÄ Z»Ä¿ f¨Å‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪|Y„ÉÁfÀ{¿ Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê‬‬ ‫»€‪±‬‬ ‫‪|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪‡½ZËY€³‬‬ ‫{‪ºÆ¿Z]d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ {d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Y YZ]à |¿ÁÉ‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫‪€aZÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¶ »Z eY‬‬ ‫¿‪Zœf‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ ﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﻪﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻠﻣﺜﻪ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺧﻪ ﻮﺏﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎیﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍی ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪:·ÂmM ļ— §Z‬‬ ‫| ‪: Ê ¼‹Z‬‬ ‫»‪Å ¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ã| ÀËMºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫‪€œf‬‬ ‫»»‪ÊÀ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﺎﺯﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍیﻋ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍیﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧﻭﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺪﻩﺍیﺑ‬ ‫ﭘ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫‪18‬ﺮﺩ ﺍﺩ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ﺷ ‪/‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪ /‬ﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ‬ ‫‪100‬ﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ م‪ 25 /‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍ ﺩ ‪/138 8‬ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﻪﺮ ﻱ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻧﻪﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﺎﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﮑﺎﺋﻴﺲ ﺳ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﻭﺁﻣﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫]‪: YÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽﻫﺎ ﺭﻭی ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﯾﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍیﺳﺮﯾﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫»‪: Ê ¼‹ZÅ| ¼v‬‬ ‫‪‰{€Á‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪½°‬‬ ‫‡‪Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €]ÉY Ã| Á¿ €a‬‬ ‫{‪Äf‹Y‬‬ ‫‪½Â {˂˸e‬‬ ‫¿‪{Â‬‬ ‫‡€‪Â^¿ Á{ÊÂ]Z¿ f ˆ]ZeÉZÅ µZË‬‬ ‫]€‡ ‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﻩ ﻟﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺯﻫ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‪-‬ﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺿ ﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ‪-‬ی‬ ‫ﺍﺭی‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮیﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻌﺘﻤﺪﺮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻤﺘ‬ ‫ﯽﺮﻌﯾ ﮐ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﺷ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺠﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﻣﺤﻣﺤﻤ ﺒ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺭیﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﮋﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻟﻬﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒ ﺍﻧﺮ ﻨ‬ ‫ﻴﻦﻣﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻧﺍﻮﻴ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﻼﻓﻻﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮑ‪-‬ﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺷ‪-‬‬ ‫ﯽ‪-‬ﻏ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‪--‬‬ ‫ﺪﻡﻮ‬ ‫ﻮﺷﺑﺍ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯﺵﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺯﺗﺮﻟ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻘ‬ ‫ﯽﻧﺼﻣ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻥﻣ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﮔ ﺮﻓ‬ ‫ﻴﻞﻴﻨﮔ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻘ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻤﺎﻋﻠﻋﻴﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﺳ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﻮﺩﯾﻮ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻠﻮﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺗﻧﯽ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺗﺎﺑﺴ ﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾ ﺎﻝﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﯽﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﺑﺎﻪﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺧﻪ ﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ی‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻗﻋ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‹‪:ÃZ´f‬‬ ‫]‪½ZÌÂZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪¬ ‬‬ ‫]‪r»Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪Y{Z‬‬ ‫»‪Ë |¼v‬‬ ‫®‬ ‫‪×Y ,É‬‬ ‫‪|‡Y‬‬ ‫‪Ë ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪,½ZË‬‬ ‫{]‪€iÂ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪¯É¶Ì‬‬ ‫¯‪ÂeZ‬‬ ‫‪Y Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪|Ì ¼u‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ‪-‬ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺲﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﺋﻴﺧﺪﻣ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ ‪-‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﺩﺗﺎﻭﻪ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻟﺖﺭﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥﻭ ﺍﯾﺩﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻄ ﺩﻪ‬ ‫ﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻩ‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫»‪Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫{ ‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪیﻧﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﻩﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺖﺯ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻩﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺘﻈﺎ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﺍﻧﻣﺠ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻕﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﯾﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺘﺎﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺴﻋﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺩﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﻣ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﻟﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻥﻃ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻉﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﺘﻘ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﻨﺮﺍﺨ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ﺍﻧﺘﺍﭘ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﭘ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﯽﮐﺎ ﺭﻧ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄ ﻃﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭ ﺭﺩﻻﻭ ﺭﻧ ﻋﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪MOSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭیﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﯾﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﯽﺁﺑﺎﺩی ‪-‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪی ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZ¼‹ Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫{‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ„fÀ¿{É»‡|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{Y‬‬ ‫€‪±‬‬ ‫‪ÁºÆ¿ É‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€³‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪ Y YÃd‡Y‬‬ ‫»‪|¿ÁZ]†¸n‬‬ ‫‪€aÉ ZÅ Zœf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪¶»Z eÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫»‪½Zf‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪©Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪.Ê‬‬ ‫ˆ‪d‬‬ ‫‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪ˆ¯Za‬‬ ‫‡‪ˁ¹Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÌ‬‬ ‫–{‬ ‫»‪½Z^Ìv‬‬ ‫‪½Y|¬f‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫‪À»YZ“Á‬‬ ‫‡‪Z· —½Z»Z‬‬ ‫]‪cZ‬‬ ‫¾‪eYÀ»€ Y-‬‬ ‫‪ZɁÁ‬‬ ‫‪€^Å‬‬ ‫¯‪aYzfÄ»Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌeÂa‬‬ ‫]€‡€¿‪Y‬‬ ‫‪Ì a €ˆ¼Å‬‬ ‫]€‡ ‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÉZŹZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﺳﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽﻣﻴ‪-‬‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﯽﻮ‬ ‫ﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ ﻟ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺳﺳﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻠ ‪-‬ﺿﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﺮﻣﺤ‪-‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﯽ‪ -‬ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﻋﻼ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺸ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻦﮐﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤ‬ ‫ﺑﻬ ﻤ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩﺩﻭ‪/‬م‪ 25‬ﻣ ﺮﺩ ﺍﺩ ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ ‪/‬ﻪ ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧ ﺒﺮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ´f‹Y‬‬ ‫{‪ Y‬ﻌ‹‪´f‬‬ ‫]‪ Z‬ﯾ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬ﺳﺪﻣ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫®‬ ‫ﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍ‬ ‫‪Ë ÉÃZ‬‬ ‫ﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎﻋ ‪Y‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺍﻴﺪﮐ{]‬ ‫‪É YÃ|¿Á€ a‬‬ ‫‪: Y‬‬ ‫‪ ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊË‬‬ ‫]‪Y Z ÅZf ¨³ Z]Z‬‬ ‫ﻻﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﺐﻧ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﯽﺍ ﺮﻴ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤ ﺮﺍﺠﻭ‬ ‫ﮕﻤ‬ ‫ﺣﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺘﺩﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺴﺍ ﻣﺩ‬ ‫ﯾﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬ﯾﻮ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝﻋ‬ ‫ﻢ ﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺭ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﮑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺤﻓﻴﺎﻤﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻣﺋﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻘﻣ ﺳ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺍ ﺍﺑﻮ ﻟﻮﺑﺍﺭ ﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎ ﭙ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺎﺒ‬ ‫ﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ ﻋ ﻋ‬ ‫ﺩﺩﮐﺘﮐ ﺮ‬ ‫‪| YÌ¿ ÂyÊ‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪Ê»» Ã‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫¾‹¼‪Z‬‬ ‫{{ ‪¾ËYËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﺑﮔﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺼﺮﺎ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺝﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺨ‬ ‫ﻙﺍﺎﺘ ﺿﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻧﻗ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺯﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺨﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻬﻴﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺗ‪،‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬ﭘ‬ ‫ﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺭﺗ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻭ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺷ ﺯﺍﺎ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﯽﻣﻩﺁﺘ ﺍ ﻬﺍ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﻩﮔﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﯽ ﻋ ﻗﺩﻤﻠ ﻗﯾﺮﺩﺭﺍﮑﺮﯾﺮﻴ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭ ﺭ ﺳ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﺑ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻴﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﺨﻔﯽﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻟﻣﻮ ﻟﻮ ﻤﻪﻧ‬ ‫ﺳ ﭙﺨ‬ ‫ﺎی‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﭘﺮﭙ‬ ‫ﻦﺯﺍ ﭘ ﺮﻫ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽﺭ ﺍ ﺩﻴ‬ ‫ﻴﻒ ﺩ ﺑﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﻤ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ ﺮﺩﯾ‬ ‫ﺎﺭ ﮐﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍیﺩ ﺑﺭﺪﺑﺎﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﺟﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺟﻩ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺪﺩﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﭘ‬ ‫ﭘﺸ ﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻫﻔﺘ ﻧﺎﻪﻣﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﻣ ﭘ‬ ‫ﺧ ﺏﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻔﺘﻪ ﻮ‬ ‫ﻫ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ ‪ -‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ ‪ --‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮیﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‪ --‬ﻣﻬﺪی ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮی ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‪ --‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫§‪:· ÂmM ļ—Z‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﺤﻪ‪8 8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬ی‪:‬‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻤﻴ ‪Z‬ﻴﺛ‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬ﮕﻮﻧﮐﻧﮕ‬ ‫‪ÊË‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺎﯽﺟﻬﻧﺎ]‬ ‫ﻕﺎﻋ ﺟﻬ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫‪Z‬ﻤ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﻠ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫‪ųÁ‬ﻤ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫‪ d¨³‬ﺘﺮ ی ﺍ‪ -‬ﺳﺍ‬ ‫¨‪d‬‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻋ‪³‬ﻴﺴﯽﮐ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺪ‪5‬ﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ 4‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺖﻭﻡ ﮔ‬ ‫ﻥﻧﻈﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﺯﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫ﻭﺩی‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺩی‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Z‬ﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪیﺍﻭﺩﺍﻭ ]‬ ‫ﺪی‬ ‫¸‪h‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺤ ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫‪j‬ﻢ‬ ‫»ﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺎﺳﻟﻮﺍ‬ ‫‪ÄË‬ﺍﺑﺳ‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬ﺑﺍ‬ ‫یﺑﻮ ﺍﺎﻘ‪،‬‬ ‫ی ﺍ ﻟﻮﺮﺍ‬ ‫‪ Á‬ﺘﺑﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻴﺪی‪،‬ﻧ‬ ‫ﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ ﮐ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺷ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫ﻴﺴﺭ‬ ‫‪ųÁ‬ﻮﺧﻋﺧﻮ‪Z‬‬ ‫ﺪی‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪیﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻣﺩﮐﮐﻬﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪﻭ‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪¨³‬ﺍ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍیﺭﺍی ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍی ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﮐﻢ ﻋﻠﯽﺁﺑﺎﺩی ﻭﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﯾﯽﺍﺯﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﻥﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪﺩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﯾﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﯾﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫»‪: Ê ¼‹ZÅ| ¼v‬‬ ‫‪Ã| ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫» ‪»Ê‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ‪4‬ﺤﻪ‪4 4‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪3 8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔ ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﺩ ﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍیﺮ ﺯ‬ ‫ﺍیﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺪﻩﻭﻧ ﺪﻩﺍی‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮ ﭘﻧﻭ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻝﺷ‪/‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ‪18‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪100‬ﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫‪ /138 8‬ﺻﻔ‬ ‫‪¦Ì ¸ve‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì‬‬ ‫‪v‬‬ ‫‪¸ Áe ~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪~ ¨Ì Àe Y‬‬ ‫]‪Y | ‬‬ ‫{‪  ]º Å‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¯‪ºÅ{ÄÀ ÀÌÌ]Z ]Z‬‬ ‫‪¯ ½Â» »Y€Ì‬‬ ‫¿‪Y€ aÌ aÊ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿ Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ ¼Z ³‬‬ ‫‪1 2 Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ ‪ --‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-h¸j» Z] ³ Á d¨³ { {Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸYÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÉY Y €ÀÅZ] ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÀÌ]ŠÌa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‪ -‬ﺷﮑﻮﺭﺍﮐﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎیﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍی ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭیﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﯾﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﯽﺁﺑﺎﺩی‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪی ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫»‪:Ê ¼‹Z Å |¼v‬‬ ‫ﻟﯽ ﺴ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻄﻔﯽﺎﻋﺎ ﻧ‬ ‫ﯽﻋ‬ ‫ﻄ ﻟ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼ ﻔ‬ ‫ﺼ‬ ‫ﯽ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﯽﮔ‬ ‫ﯽﺑﻪ ﻧﺯﺑ ﺪﻪﻧﺯ‬ ‫ﮕﺎ ﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﻧ ﻫ‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿5ZË 4‬‬ ‫‪h ¸j» Ä »Z¿Ä f¨Å Z][ y Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﯾﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪--‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ --‬ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩیﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﺗﺸﮑﺮی ‪ --‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم ‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻮﺳﻮی ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺣﻤﺪی ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ €j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍی ﺭﺍی ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍیﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷ ﻬﺮ ﯾ ﻮﺭ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤ ‪/‬ﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ م ‪/‬‬ ‫»‪ -h¸j‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫]‪Z‬ﻝ»‪-h/ ¸j‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‪³‬ﻝ‪ ³‬ﺍﻭ]‪Z‬‬ ‫¨‪d‬‬ ‫‪Ád¨³‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺗ{ { ‪/³‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪،{ Z¼f‬‬ ‫‪YÉ‬ﺧﺒ ‪¼fZ‬ﺮ‬ ‫‪ Y‬ﻪŸ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‪Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ‬ ‫]‪Y €ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪€À ÅZ] ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫Š ]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa Ìa‬‬ ‫€‪É‬‬ ‫—^‪Z‬‬ ‫»˜‪ÂaÊÆ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪¼‹ZÅʀ§µ{Z‬‬ ‫{‪‡Á‬‬ ‫˜¨‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪¸Ÿ ,Ê ¨n¿»  ÁÓ‬‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ‬‬ ‫‪YÁ [Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﮐﻢﻋﻠﯽﺁﺑﺎﺩی ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﯾﯽﺍﺯﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﻥﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪﺩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫§ ‪:· ÂmM ļ— Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ ‪ -‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ ‪ --‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮیﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‪ --‬ﻣﻬﺪی ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮی ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‪--‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪Ã| ÀËMº Ì¿Z‬‬ ‫‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫» ‪»Ê‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫¦‬ ‫»‪ÉZm Ä] :ZÌ¿\nfÀ‬‬ ‫‪|̋Z] ´z‡Za žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪É Ê]Ó Ä] †¸n» :Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫¿‪|Å{ʼ¿ ÉY º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭی‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽﺷﺎﮐﺮی ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽ ﺯﺍﻟﯽ‪-‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪ -‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪É Ê]Ó Ä] †¸n» :Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫¿‪|Å{ʼ¿ ÉY º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ɀƘ» ʸŸ Z] ³ Á d¨³ { YÁ‬‬ ‫‪YÁ [Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪®Ë €]Y€] { 168‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫»„‪ZÀ¯{ :½Zˀn‹ ½Z³‬‬ ‫‪ºËY€] ½{ Z‡ |a‬‬ ‫‪{Â] ZËÁ®Ë‬‬ ‫| ‡‪ÁZ^» µZ‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡ :ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê» €Ì̤e Y Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë €]Y€] { 168‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ ﻋﺎﻟﯽﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽﺑﻪﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫§‪:·ÂmMļ—Z‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪É Ê^m º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y ¹€fv» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﯾﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﯾﺤﻴﯽﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ ‪-‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽﻣﻘﺪﻡ ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﯽ ‪ -‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ی‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻗﻋ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﯾﺖﻫﺎیﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎی ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰی‬ ‫ﺲ‪:‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﺋ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ی‪/‬ﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦﻗﻋ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺍ ﺯ؛‬ ‫ﺗ ﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﯾﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴ ﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺵ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻢﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻫ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﯽﺭﻣﻬﻨ ﺗ ﻐﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ ﺩﺍی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽﺍژ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﻌﻪﺮﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﮐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y¹Ô‡ÓYdnu‬‬ ‫»˜‪{‹ÂƼm†ÌWºÅɀÆ‬‬ ‫»‪|À¯Ê»¶¼Ÿ{Y„¿É|¼uY¶j‬‬ ‫¯‪Ê]Ô¬¿Y Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪«Á€fe» ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÓÂaZ¯ {§ º¸Ì§ ¾Ë€yM‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÃ|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫§€‪|¿{Y{ Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫‪MOSA LAS .ir‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì ¸veÁ ~̨ÀY‬‬ ‫‪e | ] ºÅ{ÄÀ Ì]Z¯½Â»Y€Ìa Ê¿Ä¿Z ¼³‬‬ ‫یﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧ ﺪﻩﺗﻌﺎﻣ ﻞ ﻣ ﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫{ ‪ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸veÁ ~̨ÀeY| ] º Å{ ÄÀÌ]Z½Â‬‬ ‫‪¯ »Y€ Ìa Ê¿Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ یﻧﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧ ﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣ ﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﯽﺍﻭ ﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘ ﯽ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍ ﻣﭽﻴ ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ ﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﺗﻮ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﯽ ﺍﻭ ﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ ﻴﺪﮐﺎﺗﻮ ﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴ ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷﻤﯾﻌﻘﯽﻮﻃﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺼﻄﻔ ﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﻞ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻮﻃﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﯾﻌ ﻘ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﻞ ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫{ ‪ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ ‪ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋ ﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠ ﻴﻤ ﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮ ﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻴﻦ ﺳﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺮی‬ ‫ﻼﺘ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻋ ﻴﺴﯽﮐ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪیﮋ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧﺪﻩﺗﻌﺎﻣ ﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻢﻭ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی ﮋ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ ﻭﻧﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧﺪ ﻩﺗﻌﺎﻣ ﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽﺍ ﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘ ﯽ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ ﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﺗﻮ ﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽ ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﺍ ﻭﺿﺎﻉﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ ﻴﺪﮐﺎﺗﻮ ﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽ ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭ ﻧ ﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﻞ ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﯾﻌﻘ ﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔ ﯽ ﻫﺎﺷﻤ ﻃ‬ ‫ﻮﺩﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴ ﻞ ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﯾﻌ ﻘ ﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻃ ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪیﮋ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽﺍ ﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘ ﻮﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬ﺍﺳﺪ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ ﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ ﻃ ﺒﺎ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﻧﺪﺍی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩﻣ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺮﭘﻮﺭﺍﺩ‬ ‫ی ﻧﺮ ﮋ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﯽ ﻻﺍﻓﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵﺍﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽﺗﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﺮﺍﷲﻣﻘ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﮔ ﺮﺮﻧﺍﮔﺼﻣ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺍ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻴ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫‪ZfyZ‡ ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ ʀÌ̤e‬‬ ‫‪» YÄ¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë €]Y€]{ 68‬‬ ‫»‪ÉZÅ Ê]ÓÄ] †¸n‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫¿‪ʼ¿ ÉY º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪-h¸j »Z]Z ]³‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫¨‪³ Á d‬‬ ‫{‪¨ ³‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪ {{Z¼¼ZfŸYŸYf ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÉYY‬‬ ‫‪ Y€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫]‪€ ÅÀZ] ZÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪]ÊÀÌ ŠÌ‬‬ ‫‪] a‬‬ ‫{‪:| Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪: |Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪:| Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Z zf·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ |‪d·Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸ ‪- É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫Ÿ ^‪: ¿ÂyM … Z‬‬ ‫‪17À¼¿ÉZ «M‬‬ ‫‪ª§ »Z ] ¾Ë Y‬‬ ‫‹|‪ºË‬‬ ‫§ ‪¥Âˆ ¸Ì‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Z zf·Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ |‪Âmd·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸ ‪- É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪: ¿ÂyM … Z‬‬ ‫‪17À¼¿ÉZ «M‬‬ ‫‪º‬‬ ‫‪ª§Ë|»‹ Z ]¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪Âmd‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫Ÿ |‪·Y‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf· Y‬‬ ‫‪- É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ˆ‪¥Â‬‬ ‫§ ‪Ê ¸Ÿ¸Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪: É|¿ÂyM …Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸ ‪- É{Z]MÊ‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪: É| ¿ÂyM… Z‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪À¼¿ ÉZ «M‬‬ ‫‪º‬‬ ‫‪ª§Ë|»‹ Z ]¾Ë Y‬‬ ‫‪17À¼¿ÉZ «M‬‬ ‫‪º‬‬ ‫‪ª§Ë|»‹ Z ]¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪:| Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫¿œ€‪ÉY€]Ê ^m  º ¿Zy‬‬ ‫¿œ€‪ÉY €]Ê^m º ¿Zy‬‬ ‫¿œ€‪ÉY€]Ê ^m º ¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y¹€fv» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫‪d ‡Y¹€f v» ½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y¹€f v» ½Z ‹{Ây‬‬ 3 ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫»ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭﻫﺸـﺖ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺳـﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 8:20‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ« ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪40‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ‪20............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪22....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‪24.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‪27...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪28....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻱﻋﺎﻡﻭﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﺑﺎﻛﻠﻴﺖﻫﺴﺘﻲﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ،2009‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪36................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪38.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺮﻱﻫﺎ‪39....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪40...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪41....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ‪42....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪43.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪44........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪45....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‪46......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ‪64.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪65........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪66........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪68............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪70.........................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ‪71........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪72...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ‪74.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪76..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‪78...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‪80........................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 400‬ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﮔــﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪50..........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪52................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪54.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺭﺍﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪56......................................‬‬ ‫‪ 350/000/000/000/000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪58........................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪60......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‪61........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪62..................................................................‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‪82...................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ‪83............................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪85.....‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪88..............................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ‪91..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪93..............................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪94.........................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪-‬ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ‪ -‬ﻛﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪106‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺟﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﻴﺰﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻛﺴﻴﻨﺠﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪..‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮژﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ‪96.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪98..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪99..................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻼﻃﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪100...........................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪102........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪103............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‪104...........................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻛﺴــﻴﻨﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﺴــﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪106..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪108....................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺩﻱ‪110................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪112.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ‪113.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ‪ CNN‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪ 5.3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ‪ 19.75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ 7 ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻻﺩﺕ ﺑﺎﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ)ﺱ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻘﺎﺭﻩﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 600‬ﻏﺮﻓﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﻼﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ 9 ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺰﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ 48‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ 11 ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ »ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ‪25‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﻡﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ‪27‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 29‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ )‪ 7‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺰﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﻳﻮﺭﻭﺳــﻮﻳﻚ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1386‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﺭ ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺷــﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳــﻬﻢ ‪11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1386‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻤﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪﺍﻯ »ﺩﺭﺻﺪ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ‪ 700‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ )‪ 16‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ( ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ »ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻱ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﭘﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ‪»:‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ »ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﺴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﻃﻌﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻄﺸﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣــﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ« ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ« ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻋﺰﺭﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 28‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻡ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻄﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺗــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻮﺷــﺎ ﺿﻴﻐﻤــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﻳﻖﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻨﮕــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻋﻄﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﺥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﻴــﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖﻫﻤﻴﻦﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕﺑﺮﺧﻰﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﺍﺯﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻭﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻰﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ «.‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﺣﺎﻛﻰﺍﺳﺖﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﺑﻪﺧﺎﺭﺝﺍﺯﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼء ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺧــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ«ﺍﺯﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦﺁﺛﺎﺭﻭﻱﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻯﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺿﺪﺭژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻭﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪»،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺑﻘﺎﺋﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻭﺍﭘﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏــﺮﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﻭﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚﺍﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏﺑﻪﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪1388 :‬‬ ‫‪ 335‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪ 51000 :‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺭﻳﺸﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻠﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻪ ﻃﻌﻦ ﻭﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻜﻢﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺘﺪﻭﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷﻴﻌﻪﻭﻏﻴﺮﻩﺁﺷﻨﺎﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼء ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪1388 :‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 400‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪ 60000 :‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ »ﺳﺮﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ« ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ«ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪ؛ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺑﻪﺑﺪﺍﻳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷﻜﻞﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻳﺎﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻭﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺁﻥﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻰﻧﻈﺮﻯﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻧﺤﻮﻩﺣﻀﻮﺭﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢﻗﺪﻳﻢﻓﻜﺮﻯﺩﺭﻋﺼﺮﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖﻭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺍﺯﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺟﺪﻳﺪﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺩﺭﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺭﺳﻨﺖﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺯﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐﻋﻤﺪﻩﺑﺤﺚﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﻳﻦﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥﻭﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺍﺯﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯﻧﻮ‪.‬ﻫﺪﻑﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﺗﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﺪﻛﻪﺁﻳﺎﺩﺭﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰﻛﻪﺍﺯﺳﻨﺖﺑﻪﺍﺭﺙ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺍﻳﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻯﺳﺘﺮﻭﻥﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻓﻜﺮﻧﻮﺭﺍﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ؟ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏﺑﺤﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯﻣﺜﻞﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﻻﺭﻯ‪،‬ﺷﻴﺦﺣﺴﻴﻦﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬ﺷﻴﺦﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻯﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺣﺎﺟﻰﺁﻗﺎﻯﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯﺟﺪﻯﻭﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ»ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻣﺤﻞﻧﺰﺍﻉﺩﺭﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﺩﻳﻨﻰﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ«ﺍﺳﺖ‪».‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡﺳﻨﺖﻗﺪﻣﺎﻳﻰﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ«‪»،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯﻧﻈﺎﻡﻗﺪﻳﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ«‪»،‬ﺷﻴﺦﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲﻧﻮﺭﻯﻭﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ«‪»،‬ﺷﻴﺦﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻣﺤﻼﺗﻰﻭﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ«ﻭ»ﺗﺤﻮﻝﻛﻬﻨﻪﺑﻪﻧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ«ﺍﺯﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚﺣﺴﻴﻦﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ 15 ‫ﺁﻥﻻﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺯﻧﮓ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺏ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ( ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺵ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷﻴﺐ ﺭﻫﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺒﺮﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﺭﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ؛ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭ ‪،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺵ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀـﺮﺕ ﺁﻳـﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨـﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈـﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳـﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳــﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮچ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺼﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺩﻣﻨﺸﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﻮﺩ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫــﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺠــﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺰﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﺎﻥﺑﺎﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺟﻞ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 8:20‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ »ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪40‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﻛﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴــﻨﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻴﻄﺎﻟﺐ)ﻉ( ﺯﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺑﻦﺍﺑﻴﻄﺎﻟﺐ)ﻉ( ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻮﻛﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ »ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ« ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ »ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ« ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪7‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 8‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙﺗﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺭﺫﺍﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺑﻴﻄﺎﻟﺐ)ﻉ( ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺘﻜﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻔﺎﻇﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻠﺜﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋــﺰﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻛﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺭﻳﮕــﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺧﺒﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﭘﺸــﺖﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺗﻼﻓﻰﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼــﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧــﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸــﺎﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﺒــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ«‪» ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﻭﻗــﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻨﻮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺳﺒﻜﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻃﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪ«‪» ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ« ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺠﺴــﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻠﻤﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﺮﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻠﺒﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻱﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺷﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺱﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺒﻄﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫـﺎﻱ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷـﺘﺮﻱ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔـﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔـﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺨﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻔﻮﺫﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 6‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺠــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑــﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨــﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﺑــﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻞ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺫﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻫﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺁﻧﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﭙﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﺾ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺁﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠــﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺒــﺮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷـﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣـﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 8‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻘﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺒﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻢﺗﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮕﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻱ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻠﻤﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻠﺤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻲﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴــﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮﺑﺮﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻳﮕﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﺒﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﻫﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻠـﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷـﺘﺮﻱ ﻓـﺮﺩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﻤـﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﻤﻌـﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﮕـﺮﻩ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳـﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺷــﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺖﻛﺶ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺸــﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺸــﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻤﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﭼﻤﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲﺍﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺎﭼﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﭼﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻲﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﺱ ﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻪﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﺻﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻔﺼــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﮔﺴﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﮔﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻔﻘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﮔﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ )‪(84‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣــﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘــﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻃــﺮﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﻏﻔﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻼﻕ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻭﺟﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺯﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 77‬ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1377‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻏﻔﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺴﺘﻪﻭﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻕ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﮓﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﺐﺍﻟﻌﻼﺟﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺴــﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣــﺎﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﻧﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪﻯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ )ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ( ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺮﺵ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬــﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺮﮔــﺲ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﻴﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻔﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺍﺩﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧــﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔــﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻧﺮﮔــﺲ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳــﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 25‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧــﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻔﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﻧﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻔﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ‪...‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ؛ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻋﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻀﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺩ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺷــﺎﺩﻣﻬﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻻﻳﻨﻔﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻴﻨﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻙ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻌﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻭﻳﺸــﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺸــﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ )ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﺎﻭﻳﺸﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﺩﻳﻜﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ‪ 100‬ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴــﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻮﺟﻪﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﻮﺗﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪ 400‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺟﻪﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺳــﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪400‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺟﻪﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺳﺎﻻﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺷــﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ‪.‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ!« ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﻮﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﻣﻮﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪61‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻔﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻩﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺟﻪﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺸــﺘﺼﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻏﻔﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﺟﻪﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ »ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ 44‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﺟﻪﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺑﻂ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳــﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻗﺼﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ؟« ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺵ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻪ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 77‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 83‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣــﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ«‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻍﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧــﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ژﺍﭘــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻩ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻒ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ‪10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗــﺖ ﺭﺍ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ‪ 5/3‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ‪7‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‪.‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 7‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮﺏ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ‪ 3‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻭﺣﺸــﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺪﺍﭘــﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪ 87/8/5‬ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫــﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﺳﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴــﺎﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺗﺸــﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺴــﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ )ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ( ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺶﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ ‪ 2‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪ ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺗﺎﻝ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﭼﺎﺭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ‪140‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ‪ 16‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 29‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1377‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 4‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ« )ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ(‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﺳﺪ« ﻭ »ﮔﺮگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻩ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﻛﻮﻟﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﭻﺑﻨﺪ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻦ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮﺏ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺍﻭﺑﻪﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰﻭﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺑﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼــﺪﺍﻕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﻠــﻖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚﺳﺎﻳﺰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻱﺳﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻳﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻌﺎﻧﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻳﺎﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ؟ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﺍﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻣﻦﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻫﻢﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚﺷﺒﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣــﺮﻑ ﻭﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ )ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ( ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ )ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ( ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑــﺪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻰ ﻭ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺷﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪...‬ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳــﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﭘﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻭﻧﻚ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺶ – ﺳــﻮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻭ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﻳﻀﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺑﺮﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ –ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻰ – ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ‪ -‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟــﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1338‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﺎﻧﺞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 74‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ 5‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ »ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،70‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺼــﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1387‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 273‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ 138 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ – ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‪ -‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ‪ 112‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻀﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ – ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ‪ -‬ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺗــﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺧﺸــﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﻑ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ‪ 100‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ 100» :‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴــﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ‪ 30‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ )ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ( ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ؟« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﭽﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻰﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﻴــﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻛﮋﺭﺍﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳــﺰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻧﺴﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺛﻤﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻳﺎﺭﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻮﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫)‪ ( IPV‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﻼﺱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺳــﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺶ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨــﻮﺏ ـ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳــﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 120‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﺍﻭﺿــﺎﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻏﺰﻩ« ﺑﺎﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺬﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳــﻮء ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﻴﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 88/11/7‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠــﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﻓــﻊ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ 34 ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﻫﺮﭼﻪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻋﺒﺮﻱﻫﺎﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺣﻴﺎﺕﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥﺳﻌﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺗﺎﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱﺷﺎﻥﺍﺯﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻭﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮﻧﻴﺰﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺁﻥﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻣﺘﻬﻤﺶﻧﻴﺰﻳﻚﺩﻭﺳﺖﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺒﺮﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺣﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1385‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺴــﻔﺮ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﺳﺨﺘﻰﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻣﻰﻛﻪﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﻧﻴﻤﻰﺍﺯﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕﺁﻥﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻨﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥﻭﻗﺖﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻏــﻢ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻓﺴﻔﺮﻱ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺍﺯﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻯﻧﺎﭘﺎﻟﻢﻋﻠﻴﻪﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﻋﺪﻡﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻴــﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ – ﺑﻪ ﺑﻼﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺍﻭﻛﺎﻣﭙﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ – ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﭼﺮﺍﺍﻳﻦﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻭﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥﻋﻤﻖﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺩﺭﻏﺰﻩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊﻣﻬﻤﻰﺩﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥﺭﺍﻯﻣﺜﺒﺖﺑﻪﺁﻥﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺩﻟﻴﻞﺭﺍﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻰﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺩﺭﺁﻥﺟﺎﻯﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﻋﻤﻼﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲﺷﺎﻧﺲﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫–ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﻛﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺖﻭﺣﺘﻰﻗﺎﺿﻰﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰﺗﺒﺎﺭﻧﻴﺰﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺷﺪ– ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻓﺮﺍﺭﺍﺯﺁﻥﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ 25 .‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ – ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮﻯ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ – ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺗﻮﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕﺭﻭﻯﺩﺍﺩﻩﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻯﺍﻳﻬﻮﺩﺍﻭﻟﻤﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻝﺑﺎﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮﺑﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺻﻠﺢﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﺍﺯﭼﻨﻴﻦﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻭﺭژﻳﻤﻰﻋﻤﻼﺧﺎﻟﻰﺍﺯﺗﻌﻘﻞﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭژﻳﻤﻰﻛﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩﺭﺍﺩﺭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥﻭﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺻﺪﻫﺎﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻦﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﺻﻮﻻﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﻛﺸﻮﺭﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﺭﺍﻫﻢﺑﻪﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪﺑﺴــﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﻳﭽــﺎﺭﺩ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 47‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ 25 ،‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺍﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻣﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﺒﻮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﮔﻮﺋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭﻛﻴﻨﺎﻓﺎﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺑﻦ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻭژ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮋﻳــﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻠﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﮔﻮﺋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳــﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻫﻼﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﭙﻲ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻲ« ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺩﻳﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻣﻴﭽﻞ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺒــﺮﺩﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2006‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ‪ 47‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 53‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ‪ 13‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪13 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ 6 ،‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪8 ،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺋﻴﺐ ﻭ ‪ 7‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻰﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻤﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﻪﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸـﺮ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ژﻧﻮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺏ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺨﺮﺏﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄـﻮﺭ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴـﺪ ﺭژﻳـﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠـﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻠــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺗﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻋـﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣـﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧـﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸـﺮ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴـﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻼﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑـﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳـﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻤﭙﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣـﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻧﻔﻮﺫﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳـﺘﻮﻥ )ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻃﻬﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮔﺎﻫــﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫــﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧــﺮﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ »ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ژﻧــﻮ« ﺩﺭ ‪ 14‬ﻭ ‪ 15‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 1999‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ژﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪242‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 238‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ(‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ » ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ« )ﻳﺎ ‪ ( UN SCOT‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻼﺣﻰ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑ ُﺮﻧﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫»ﻧﺴــﺒﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ )ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷـﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻛﻮﺯﻭﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳـﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫـﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣـﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫـﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﭘﻴﻨﻮﺷﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺗﻰ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﺩ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻄﺶ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ »ﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪﻭﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺟﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻧﺎﻗﺾﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗـﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻰ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷـﺮﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠــﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﺒﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻴﻼ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ )ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻥ( ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥﭼﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤـــﺚ ﺿﻤﺎ ﻧـــﺖ ﺍ ﺟﺮ ﺍ ﻳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ »ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻯ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺸﺘﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﺼﻞ ‪ 7‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ – ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ – ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ »ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ« ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ »ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻣﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺭﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻣﻲﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺻﻒ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؛ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﺗﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭژﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ‪ -‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊﺗﺮﺍﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ژﻧــﻮ ﺗﺎ ﻻﻫﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫــﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴــﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺶ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﺑﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄــﻊ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﻜﻼ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﮔــﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻱ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠــﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺣﺪﻭﻣﺮﺯﺵ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺦ ﺁﺧﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺑﺸــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 3‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 26‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺶ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣــﻮﺝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻤــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﻫﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺤﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻨﮓ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 2006‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻄﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻰ ‪ -‬ﭼﺎپ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻋﺮﺑﻲﻭﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻣﻠﻲﻭﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻭﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻮﭼﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﺳــﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸـﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱﺑﺰﺭگﺑﻪﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦﺭژﻳﻢﻋﻠﻴﻪﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺛﺎﺑﺖﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺑﺎﺝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺑﺎﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪﻭﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﻻﺑﻲﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱﻭﻋﺼﺎﻱﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻧﻴﺰﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺯﻛﺸﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﻥﺍﺯﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪﺭﺍﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻙﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﻔﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻠﻰ ﻳﺸﺎﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴــﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮ ‪ 1400‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ – ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻛﻼﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻯﻏﺰﻩﻛﺎﺭﻯﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻛﻪﺣﺘﻰﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺛﺎﺑــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺫﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖﻏﺮﻭﺭﻭﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲﻭﺳﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲﺑﺮﺿﻌﻴﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 29 -‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻃﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺳــﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷــﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘــﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟﺒﺮﻭﻙ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻣــﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ »ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 54‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﷲ ﻟﻮﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺗــﻦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ »ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻥﻛﻰﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺻﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ 16 ،‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 24 -‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ -‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻰﺍﻥﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‪» ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﻣــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ« ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻰ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺯﻋﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻁﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ‪ 2009‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ،2001‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻋﻤﻖﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ) ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ( ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺺ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻠﻲ ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻫﻠﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻠﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳــﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ )ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ( ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﺒﻮﺭگ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﻮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧــﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻌﺐﺍﻟﻌﺒﻮﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻲ ﺍﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻃــﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ )ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻤﺎ( ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﮔﺎﻟﺒﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺄﺱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺘــﺮ ﮔﺎﻟﺒﺮﻳﺖ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﻓﺘــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻱ ﺁﻳــﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺑﻴــﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻘﻠــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻟﺒﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﮔﺎﻟﺒﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﺎﻟﺒﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ 210‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ 54‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 48‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﺸﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 54‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ‪ 3‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 47‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸـﺘﺎﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘـﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺒﻪﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴـﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﮔـﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺻﻠـﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻟﻮﻳﻪﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ|‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔـﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳـﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻠــﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﻧﺎﺗﻮﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨـﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳـﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻳـﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺑﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 47‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ‪ 47‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺮﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓﺳــﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﭼــﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﺑــﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺑﻚ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻟﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﻗــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈـﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻓـﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒـﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧـﺪﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﺐ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜـﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 400‬ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫»ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺗــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻰﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺭﺩﺩﻝﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﺞﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺑﻰﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﻨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﻨﻴــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺭﻫﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﻨﻴﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘــﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﻨﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻏﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 365‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻰﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﻮﺩﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻮﺩﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻴﺎء ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻴﺎء ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺭﻫﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﭗﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ ﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺳﺪ ﻛﺎﺧﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻭﻳﻼﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪» :‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻰ )ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺷــﺎﻩ (‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻬــﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻔﻴﺎءﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻃﻲ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳــﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳــﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 80 ،76‬ﻭ ‪ 85‬ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﭽــﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻜﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳــﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺞﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 99‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ »:‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻗﺒﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻮچ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺸــﺎءﺍﷲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻜــﺰﺍﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻗﻬﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﻛﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺮﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸــﻮﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 400‬ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﻞﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺩﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﮕــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺒﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 86‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﻮﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ‪ 86‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﺎﺏ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳــﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﻧــﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣــﻼﻙ ﺯﻧﺠــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ 775‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃــﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 480‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ‪ 150‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﻳﻼﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻰ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻼﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺷﻔﻖ ﻧﻴﻮﻻﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ «.‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﻣﺎﺳﻨﺞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥﺭﺍﺩﻣﺎﺳﻨﺞﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻭﻟﻰﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﻢﻧﻘﺶﺣﺴﮕﺮﻯﺩﻗﻴﻖﺭﺍﺍﻳﻔﺎﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻣﺴﻜﻦﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻧﻴﺰﺩﻭﺭﻩﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯﺍﺯﺭﻛﻮﺩﺭﺍﺁﻏﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻣﺴﻜﻦﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺯﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻣﻮﺭﺻﻨﻔﻰﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻰﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥﻧﻘﻞﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﺑﻬﺎﻯﻣﺴﻜﻦﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺍﻭﻧﻴﺰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻛﺎﻫﺶﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﺭﻭﻧﺪﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﺑﻪﺳﻤﺘﻰﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩﺗﺎﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯﺗﺎﺯﻩﺭﺍﺑﻪﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻣﺴﻜﻦﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺷﻜﻞﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻣﺴﻜﻦﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺁﻧﻜﻪﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻰﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻪﻧﺮﻡﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺭﻭﻧﺪﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﻟﻰﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰﺩﺭﺳﻄﺢﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﻣﺎﺳﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻨﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣــﻼﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺾ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻲﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺴــﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺾ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﺐﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻗﻠﻲﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻤﺘﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﮔﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﺲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻻﻟﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺾ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‪ 45 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﻔﺘﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺮ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻮﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻬﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﻼﻙ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻙ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺪﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳـﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻛﺪﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭﺳﻘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻛﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺪ ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻛﺪﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﺐ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻟﺒﺎﺧﺘﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﻔﻖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺪﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺑﻬﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺑﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺪﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 77‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 151‬ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 308‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﺟﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﻼﻙ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﺪ ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺪ ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓــﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒــﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 99‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺾ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺪ ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛــﺪ ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻴﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺩﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻗﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ‪ 200‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳـﺪ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺩﺭﭘـﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ‪ 86‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺪﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴــﺦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴـﺮﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻒ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻨﻮ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺶ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ 350/000/000/000/000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 350‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺩﺭﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟــﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯﻋﺎﻣﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﻴﺶﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 350‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰﺑﻪﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰﻣﺴﻜﻦﺍﺑﻼﻍﺷﺪﻛﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪﻭﻟﻰﺩﻭﻟﺖﺷﺎﻳﺪﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺁﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 750‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ‪ 350‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ 795 .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ‪ 35‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ 300 .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 128‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 44‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪730‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 25‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ‪100‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ‪ 480‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻼﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ‪ 15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 24‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 66‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮپ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻭﺳــﻂ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻢﻭﻏﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦﻭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻭﺧﻄﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻋﻼﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ‪ 750‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 44‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺑﻴــﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 17‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 15/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ 200.‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪ 800‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 99‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ‪ 35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦﻭﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ 110‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣــﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﭽﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪ » :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦﻭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦﻭﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮپ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻞ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﻤﮕﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴــﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﺪﻯﺭﺟﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻳﻠﻼ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺑﻪﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪﺗﺎﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰﭘﻴﺪﺍﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻫﻨﻮﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺧﺮﻳﺪﻳﻚﻣﻠﻚﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺑﻪﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥﺧﺮﻳﺪﻣﺴﻜﻦﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢﻋﺠﻠﻪﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪﺯﻳﺮﺍﺗﺎﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻗﻴﻤﺖﻣﺴﻜﻦﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞﺷﻤﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻥﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﻛﻪﻗﻴﻤﺖﻣﺴﻜﻦﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻃﻰﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢﻛﺎﻫﺶﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻳﺎﻓﺖﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺭﻭﻧﺪﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺩﻩﺗﺎﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻛﺎﻫﺶﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻟﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 4/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻫـﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻣﻠﻚﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍﻃﺒﻖﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﻭﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﻛﺴﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﭘﻮﻝﻧﻘﺪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻧﺮﺥﺑﻬﺮﻩﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﺎﭘﻮﻝﻧﻘﺪﺧﻮﺩﻣﻠﻚﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯﺭﺍﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻳﻚﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﻛﻠﻰﺭﺍﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﺧﺮﻳﺪﻣﻠﻚﻭﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰﺫﻛﺮﻛﺮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺧﺮﻳﺪﻣﻠﻚﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻯ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ – ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ -‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻨـﺰﻝ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑــﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻴــﻒ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺁﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﻬﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﻕﺯﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﮔﺮ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻡ ﻣﻚﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻧﻜﻮﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻜﻮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﺑﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ »ﺯﻳــﺮ ﻗﺮﺽ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻗﺮﺿﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺕ ﺗﺮﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺷﺨﺼﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻼﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻧﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ؛ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺒﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1980‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻡ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ‪ 4/19‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ‪ 750‬ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺞﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺛﺒﺖﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺴــﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﮕﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷــﻐﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 0/25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺒﺎﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻻﻭﻭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻟﻮﺭﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ‪ 2010‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌــﺶ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻄﺌــﻰ )‪ 0/25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ »ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ؟ ﻻﻭﻭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ »ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻢ‪ 0/75 ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ‪ 35‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 59‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ 320‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 304‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫‪ 8360‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳــﻰ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ‪ 312360‬ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 4/19‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 35‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻬﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 1412‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ‪ 0/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 700‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 2189‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﺍﺗﻴﻪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ )ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻳﻚﺻﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)‪ 2/35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺲ ﮔﺎﺋﺘﺎﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻧﺴــﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﮔﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 11/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 324‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 10/3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ‪ 7/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫‪ 0/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 61‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻄﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ؛ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ 16‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1338‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﺁﺑــﺎﺩ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻔﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺒﺪﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻨﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋـــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿـﺮﻏﺎﻣــﻲ ﭘـــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤـــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨــﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1371‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺳــﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻩﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ )ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ )ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ( ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻰ )ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ( ﻭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ )ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟــﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺘﻜﺮ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﺷــﺼﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ؛ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﺨﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻙ ﺷــﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠــﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ« ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ؛ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻀﻠﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ )‪ .(80-84‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 72‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 80‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻀﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 86‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻀﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 45‬ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺣﺴـﻦ ﺧﺠﺴـﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1331‬ﺩﺭﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠـﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺿـﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴـﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺍ ﺭ ﺩ ‪ .‬ﺩ ﻛﺘـﺮ ﺧﺠﺴـﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1370‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗـﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫»ﺳـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒـﺢ ﺑﺨﻴـﺮ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺳـﻼﻡ ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻪﺍﻯ ﺑـﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻰ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1373‬ﺑـﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳـﻮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1377‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﺍﺧﻴﺮﺭﻭﻯﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻓﻰﺷﺪﻛﻪﺍﻭﻫﻢﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪﺩﺭﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﺻﺪﺍﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺶﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧــﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻨــﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﻪﻧﻔﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒـﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼــﺺ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ‪ 9‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺸﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭽﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭽﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪﺗﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻣــﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺷــﻴﻮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ‪ 138‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﻂ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪) 1383‬ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ( ﺗــﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 31‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ )ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ( ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ )ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻲ – ‪ ،(1386‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﺖ ﭘﺮﻋﻘﺎﺏ )ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ‪ ،(1386 -‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﻓﺮﺝﺍﷲ ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،(1387-‬ﻛﺎﺭﺍﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ‪) 2‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 100‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،(1387-‬ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﻲ )ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ ،(1388 -‬ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪ 46‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺩ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ‪23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪16 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ –‪ (1388‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‪ 13،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗــﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲﻫــﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ 12 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ‪6 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺪﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ‪6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴــﺮﺕ )ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺯﺭﻳﻦﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻪﺗﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪ 46‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺑــﺮﺯﺥ( ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻛﺘﻮﺱ ‪)3‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪ ـ ‪ ،(1383‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ‪23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ‪16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻌﺪﻳﺎﻥ ‪ ،(1384 -‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ژﺍﻧﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺁﻗﺎ)ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﺧﺎﻧﻰ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺣﺪ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (1386‬ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ )ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ ‪ (1387‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻨﺰ‪،‬‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ )ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ ‪ (1387 -‬ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)‪ (1388‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻢ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ )‪ 1385‬ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ -1387‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﭘﺎﺗﻮﻕ )‪ - 1387‬ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﭘﻮﺭ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ )ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺐ )ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ،(1383 -‬ﺁﻫﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ )‪ ،(1384‬ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻤــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩ )‪ ،(1384‬ﺯﻳﺮﺗﻴﻎ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ‪ ،( 1385 -‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﻨﻲ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻀﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫)ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ،(1386 -‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ )‪ (1387‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫)ﺑﻴــﮋﻥ ﺷــﻜﺮﺭﻳﺰ‪ (1388-‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻚﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ )‪ -1365‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺍﺭ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 23‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ‪100‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻡ ‪ (1373 -‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ )ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،(1375-‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ )ﺍﻭﺷﻴﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ )ﻫﺎﻧﻴﻜﻮ( ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻠﻪﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1378‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 1378‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1383‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻢﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻓﺨﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 30‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪17‬ﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 13‬ﺗﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﭼﻬــﻞ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ )‪ -1386‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ‬ ‫ﻧــﻮ ﺭ ﻯ ﺯ ﺍ ﺩ ( ‪ ،‬ﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍ ﻫﻴــﻢ ﺧﻠﻴــﻞ ﺍ ﷲ ﻭ ﻋﻤــﺎ ﺭ ﺕ ﻓﺮ ﻧﮕــﻰ‬ ‫)‪1386‬ﻭ ‪ -1387‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ( ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ )‪1386‬‬ ‫ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ(‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧﺖ )‪ -1386‬ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘــﺪﻡ( ﻭ ﮔﻴﻠﻌﺎﺩ‬‫)‪-1387‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻴﻠﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ( ﺷﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧــﺖ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻜــﻢ ﻛﻦ)‪-1383‬ﻗﺎﺳــﻢ ﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻯ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ )‪ -1384‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ) ‪-1385‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺳــﻬﻴﻠﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ )‪-1386‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻴﭽﻜــﺲ )‪-1387‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫)‪-1388‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ( ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺴﻞ )‪-1388‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻟﻮ(‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‪-‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰﻭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫)‪ -1388‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺮگ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ )‪ -1387‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺮﺍﻧــﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﻌﻤﻴــﺮ )‪ (1386‬ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﺮﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻏــﺮﻭﺏ )‪ (1386‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ)‪(1384‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻦ)‪ (1386‬ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻰ )‪ (1384‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﻴﺼﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯﻧﺸــﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ )‪ -1388‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺑﻰ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻗﺺ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ )‪ (1386‬ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺑــﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ )ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺮﻟﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﺗﻮﭘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴــﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻬﻢ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺍﻧﺒــﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1378‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 1378‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1383‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 46‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪ 1383‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺁﻧــﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 8‬ﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ‪ 38‬ﺗﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺟﻨﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺒﻼﻥ )ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ( ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 45‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻭ ‪ 36‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨــﺰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ )ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺵ)‪، (1383‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ)‪ ،(1384‬ﺗﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ)‪(1386‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺰﻧــﮕﺎﻩ )‪ (1387‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻄــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻃﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ)‪،(1384‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﻩ )‪ ،(1384‬ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻔــﺮ )‪ ،(1385‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫)‪ (1387‬ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ )‪ (1388‬ﺟﻤﻠﮕــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪14‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫)‪ ،(1386‬ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﺧﻮﻧﻪ )‪ ،(1386‬ﭘﺮﻳﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﺟﺮﻡ )‪ (1383‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﺒﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ‪ 16‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺗﺐ ﺳــﺮﺩ )ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺨﻤــﻰ ‪ ،(1383 -‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷــﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻣــﺶ )‪ (1385‬ﻭ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫)‪ (1387‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻧﻪ )‪،(1384‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ )‪ ،(1385‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺒﺎﺏ )‪ (1385‬ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺘﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ )‪(1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ )‪(1387‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻫﺪﻫﺪ )‪ (1385‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎ )‪ (1384‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ )‪ (1383‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﺁﻫﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷــﺐ‬ ‫)‪ (1385‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ )‪ (1386‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ )‪ (1383‬ﻭ ﺩﻟﻨﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ )‪ (1388‬ﻫﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻴﻠﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺭﺍﻩﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ )‪ (1386‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳــﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﻌﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 8‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳــﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ )‪4‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ( ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻴﻠﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ )ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ( ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺳــﺘﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻨﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﻠﻘــﻪ ﺳــﺒﺰ )‪ -1386‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ )‪ -1387‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺳــﻬﻴﻠﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ( ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ‬ ‫)‪-1388‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿــﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻰ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻭﻓﺎ )‪ -1385‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ( ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺴﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻰ ژﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1384‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻛﺎﺭﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ)‪(1387‬ﻧﻴﺰﻛﻪﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺣﻤﻴﺪﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯﻣﻬﺮﻭﻣﺎﻩ)‪،(1370‬ﺩﺭﭘﻨﺎﻩﺗﻮ)‪،(1373‬ﺩﺭﻗﻠﺐﻣﻦ‬ ‫)‪،(1377‬ﺑﺎﻣﻦﺑﻤﺎﻥ)‪(1382‬ﻭﭘﻴﺪﺍﻭﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ)‪(1385‬ﺑﻮﺩﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰﻛﻪﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺩﺭﺟﺬﺏﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰﻛﺴﺐﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻗﺮﻳﺐ)‪(1386-1387‬ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻛﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻃﺐ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻭﻧﻴﺰﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﺑﺮﻑﻭﺑﻨﻔﺸﻪ)‪- 1386‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ(ﻛﻪﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻧﻴﺰﺩﺍﺷﺖﺩﻭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺑﻪﺯﻣﺎﻥﺣﺎﻝﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ )‪ ،(1386‬ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﭘﻮﺳﺎﻥ )‪(1386‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﻣﻮﻧﮓ )‪ (1388‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻋﺎﻗﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ )‪(1387‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ )‪،(1383-1384‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻮﺍﺭ )‪ (1386‬ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ )‪ (1386‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﺎ ‪28‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1374‬ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻨﺨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻢ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ )ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪،(1377-‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺴﻢﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ) ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ (1383-‬ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 21‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ )ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ‪12‬ﺗﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺒﺮﻯ ‪ 11‬ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺒــﺮﻯ ‪ ،11‬ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ )‪ ،(1383‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳــﻮﺍﺭ )‪ ،(1386‬ﭘﻠﻴــﺲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳــﻰ )‪ ،(1388‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ‬ ‫)‪ ،(1388‬ﺑــﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﻓﻮﻳــﻞ )‪ ،(1386‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺏ)‪ (1386‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﺮﻡ)‪ (1387‬ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺴﻢ )ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،(1383-‬ﺭﺳﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻰ )ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫‪ ،(1383‬ﻏﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﻪ )ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،(1383-‬ﺳﻼﻡ )ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ ،( 1385‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ )ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ‪ ،(1386 -‬ﺷــﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ )ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ ‪ ،(1386-‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻰ )ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﺿﻮﻳﺎﻥ ‪،(1386-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ )ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،(1387-‬ﺧﻂﺷــﻜﻦ )ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،(1387-‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﺞ‪،(1386-‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎ )ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‪ ،(1388-‬ﻟﻄﻔــﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ )ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣــﻰ‪ (1388-‬ﻭ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ )‪ (1388‬ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺶ ﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﻠﻴﺴــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‪ 137‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﭘﻨﺠﻢﺳﻴﻤﺎ)ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ(ﻛﻪﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﭘﺨﺶﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﻝﺷﺪﻩﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯﻛﻠﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺳﻮژﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‪ 51 :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫‪-2‬ﻃﻨﺰ‪ 22 :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫‪-3‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ 19 :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫‪-4‬ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪16 :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫‪-5‬ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻗﻪ)ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ(‪29 :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ )ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ (1383‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﻴﻞﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﻴﻞﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 81‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 84‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷـﺪ ﺗـﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴـﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷـﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﻣـﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﻴﻞﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻴـﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺫﻳﻠﺶ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ )ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ (.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭼـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸـﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺑﻼگﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺫﺍﻥﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕﺷﻤﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﻣﺎﻩﭘﺲﺍﺯﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 71‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ، 76‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻋﺎﻟﻰﻭﺯﻳﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 62‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ )ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻪﻛﺎﺭ( ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺗــﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﺮﺡ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1358‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻗﻄﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻦ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻗﻄﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺑﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 61‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 73‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺎﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻜﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﺩﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻰﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺻﻒ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺟﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻛﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻛﻮﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻭﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﺍﺳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻜﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺣﻞﻫﺎ؟! ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺤﻂﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﺰﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﻋﺼﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻳﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻼﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﻓﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﭘﺴــﺮﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺒﺎ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻠﻰﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻓﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1338‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪﺳــﻜﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ« ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 1357‬ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ؛‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻗﻄﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘــﻪ ﻳــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻗﺪﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻗﻄﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻀــﺐ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1361‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﻃﺌــﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧــﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ« ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻳﻤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺷﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 71‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ‪ 30 ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟــﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴــﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖ« ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺯﺭﻳﻦﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻃﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 200‬ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 525‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﻠــﻒ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ »ﻛﺸــﻜﻲ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﺒــﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 71‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪ 20:30‬ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻧﻮﺑﺨﺖ‪ -‬ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻋﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﺧﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫــﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺟﻮﻣﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰﻣﺜﻠﺚﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻋــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣــﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺒﺨﺶ‪ :‬ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺒﺨــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .16‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 16‬ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴــﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮﻯ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺒﺨﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴــﻞﺍﻭﻟﻰﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺒﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻪﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺒﺨﺶ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ »:‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺐ! ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺒﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 20:30‬ﻳــﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺒﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻔﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺒﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴــﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ‪ 20:30‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺄﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﻰ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺶ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻤﮕﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻰﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻜــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺗﻜﻴــﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻋﻈﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻮﺍﻋﻈﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪ 5‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻮﺍﻋﻈﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ 27 ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﺮﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺯﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﺵ ‪ 15‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻓﻰﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻫﺸﺖﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﺍﺩﻭﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺯﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﺭﺍﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻘﺾﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﺩﺭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺑﺨﺶﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ 20:30‬ﺑﻪﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲﻭﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩﻭ‪ 45‬ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺑﻪﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺑﻌﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﻫﻢﺯﺑﺎﻥﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﮔﺸﻮﺩﻭﮔﻔﺖﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺍﺯﺩﻩﻫﺎﺳﺎﻋﺖﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻭﻓﻘﻂﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﺑﻪﻧﻜﺘﻪﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲﺩﺭﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﻭﺯﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺣﺮﻑﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱﭘﺨﺶﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﺣﺴﻴﻦﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﻭﺟﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺣﻮﻝﺑﺮﺧﻲﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦﮔﻔﺖﻭﺩﺭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،88‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻛﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲﺟﻠﻮﻩﺩﺍﺩﻥﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲﻭ‪...‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺭﺩﻭﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻛﺎﻓﻲﻓﻌﺎﻝﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺗﺎﺳﻒﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﻳﻪﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺹ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ 88‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ 20:30‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻟﻐﻮﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕﮔﻼﻳﻪﻛﺮﺩﻭﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﭘﺮﺗﺎژ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 100‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺭﺍﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻛﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥﺫﺍﺗﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱﻗﺒﻞﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥﺗﻨﻬﺎﺷﺎﻛﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪﺑﺪﻭﻥﻗﺎﺿﻲﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻱﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥﻛﻞﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﻢﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺭﻭﻳﻪﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻛﺮﺩﻭﮔﻔﺖﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﻋﻤﻞﻛﻨﺪﻭﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺧﻮﺩﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﻢﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﻤﻊﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖﻭﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶﻭﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱﻧﻘﻞﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺭﻭﺡﻣﻄﻠﺐﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺨﻜﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲﺑﺮﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﺑﺎﻫﻢﻭﺑﺎﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺨﻦﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻴﺰﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ»ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲﺧﺎﺹ«ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩﺩﻓﺎﻉﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺭﻭﻱﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﻧﺪﺍﺩﻭﺍﺻﻼﺁﻥﺭﺍﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲﺑﻪﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺶﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ‪ 101‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻓﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻡ‪.‬ﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪ 20:30‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻲﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺥ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﮔﻠﺴﺮﺧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ »ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ« – ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ – ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻧﻴﻒ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ »ﻣﺮﻍ ﺳــﺤﺮ« ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ«‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺴﻰ« ﻭ »ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ »ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺶ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺴﺘﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺥﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺷﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻭﻗﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﻱ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺸﺎﻥ« ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫــﺎ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺷــﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ« ﻳﺎ »ﺑﻬــﺮﺍﻡ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭپﺧﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻜﻦ« ﻭ »ﺯﺩﺑــﺎﺯﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻰﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻮﻡ »ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ« ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻲﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻴﺼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺁﻻﺕﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ »ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑــﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛــﺮﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑــﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤــﻲﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲﺍﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺧﻂﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻚﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ« ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻱﻛﺎﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺳﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻣﺰﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻩ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻏﺬﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﺦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻨﺠﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﺴﺖ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻣﻲﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﺮﺍﺷﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪.‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﭘﻴﺶﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺗﺎﺑﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺑﻴﻦﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱﻛﺎﺵﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﻓﺮﺽﺭﺍﺑﺮﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻭﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺑﻪﻳﻚﻧﺎﺷﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻱ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯﺍﺯﭘﻠﻴﺲﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻛﺴﻲﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱﺁﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷـﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺴـﺮﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷـﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷـﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺭﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷــﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﻢﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔـﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫـﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﻲ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻢﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴـﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴـﺎﻝ ﻫﻴـﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺸـﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻢﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳـﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﺴﺴﺘﻨﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻣﻮﺭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖﻭﺳــﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭپ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﻛﺴـﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ – ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷـﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧـﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺭﻛﺴـﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴـﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻛﺴـﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳــﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺳــﻤﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳــﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺴـﺘﺮ ﺳـﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﻼﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻰﺗﻴﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻠﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﻮﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﺟــﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺭﺳــﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﺫﺭﻩﺫﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﺩﺑﻴــﺮﻯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪70‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻋﻼﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻫــﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩﻛﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﭘﺎ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﻼﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻋﻼﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﻼﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻋﻼﻳﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﻼﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻋﻼﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻰﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﭽﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗــﻮﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﻛﺮﺩﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯﻛﻪﻓﺮﻭﺵﻓﻴﻠﻢﺩﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺴــﭽﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏــﻪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ )ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ( ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ )ﺑﻪﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ( ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻫﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 27‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ )ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴــﺶﺭﻭ( ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 33‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 33‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑــﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1359‬ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺳــﻮﺭﻩ »ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺻﺒﺎ )ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ( ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺩﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ 30 ،‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ( ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳــﻰﺍﻡ ﺁﺫﺭ )ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ‪ 30‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ‪ 18‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺐ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟! ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫»ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻪ ﻟﻨﮕﺶ ﻛﻦ« ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ )ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﻢﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ‪ -‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻤﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ؛ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ‪ -‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻤﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﻣﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ« ﻧﻀﺞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ«‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦﺷﺪﻛﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢﭼﻪﺍﺯﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻫﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸــﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺷﻬﺮﻱ«‪»،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺟﻨﮓ«ﻭ‪...‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ »ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻢ ﻣﻬﻠﻚ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺟــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺑﻨــﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺘﺪﻭﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺑﻲﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰءﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑــﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ«)!( ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢﺩﺍﻧﺸﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ »ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻱ« ﻳﺎ »ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ« ﻳﺎ »ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ »ﺣــﺲ« ﻭ »ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ« ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﺿــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ »ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ« ﻭ »ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ« ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﺖ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻢ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻠﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﻣــﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻗﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﻞ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺖ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔــﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻣﺒﻬﻤــﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ«‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ 18 .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ )‪ (1‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻌﻮﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ »ﻟﺴﻪﻓﺮ«‪» ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ »ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﭘﻴﺴﺘﻮﻣﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻦﻛﻪﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻝﺑﻮﺩﺩﺭﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶﺍﺵﻗﻠﻢﺑﭽﺮﺧﺎﻧﻢ!ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖ؛ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥﺍﺯﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﺑﻪﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪»،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ«ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺁﻳﺎﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺴﻠﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺑﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ« ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﺮﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺭﻩﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻠﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ)ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ( ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫــﺎ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﻃﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1323‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ )‪ 4‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1905‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺳﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻴﺎﻧﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1308‬ﺩﺭﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺤﺼﻼﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1316‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1317‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1322‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ )ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1323‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﺑــﺎﻥ ‪ (1325‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪30‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪1330‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1332‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1337‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺁﻧﻜﻪﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻡﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1314‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻣﻼﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺼﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻤﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻐﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺷﺘﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1332‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺐﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﺖﺣﻴﺪﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1335‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴــﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﭘﺮﻫﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺷﻴﺨﺎﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪ 1339‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫)ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ژﺭژ ﮔﻮﺭﻭﻳﭻ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺪﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺗﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮژﺭژ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺑﺮگ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﻳﻨﺒﺮگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﺍﺭﺳﻔﻠﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻰ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫»ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ )‪(S.R.N.C‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺰﻥ ﻧﻮ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1966‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1345‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ »ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1347‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ )ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 45‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 56‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ )ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ( ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1356‬ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻚ ﮔﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 56‬ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 57‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭘــﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1303‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧــﻼﻑ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻧﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻟﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﺳــﭙﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 4‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 40 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﺍﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥﭘــﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ »ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫــﺶ« ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠــﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ]ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ[ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺼﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻨﺮ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛــﻮﺯﺭ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺭﺝ ﺯﻳﻤﻞ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺻــﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭﻱ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﻣــﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﻛﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻔﺴــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭﻱ‪،‬ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱﺭﻭﺵﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪﻧﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ »ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺟﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺧﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﺨﺮ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴــﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘــﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1369‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1373‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪6‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﻐﻠﻰ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ‪ ،72-73‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﻣﺪﺭﺱ ‪ ،76-77‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ‪ ،79-77‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ‪ ،80-82‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ«‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻮﻛﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ«‪» ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ«‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ«‪» ،‬ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ« ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﭽﻮﻳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﭽﻮﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺎﻳــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﭽﻮﻳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﻮﻛﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )‪ ،(1363‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫)‪ (1369‬ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ )‪ (1380‬ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ »ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ«‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ« ﻭ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔــﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻱ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ«‪» ،‬ﻛﻨــﺪﻭﻛﺎﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻓﻮﻛﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ« ﻭ »ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﭽﻮﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕــﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﭽﻮﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﭘﺮﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪» :‬ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻦﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥﮔﺮ«‪»،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻓﻮﻛﻮ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﺭﻓﻴﻊﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﺭﻓﻴﻊﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪1320‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴــﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﻛﻨﺪﻭﻛﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﻓﻴﻊﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﻴﻊﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1339‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1347‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ )ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ( ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﻫﻦﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1352‬ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1353‬ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ‪Habilitation‬‬ ‫)ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭﻯ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻊﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1367-68‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻋﻮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﺴﻜﺎﻧﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ ﻣﺪﻳﺴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1375‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ )‪ (Privatdozent‬ﻫﻮﻫﻦﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻴﻊﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1365‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ«)ﺟﻠــﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪﻭﻛﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ( ﻭ »ﺁﻧﺎﺗﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« )ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ(‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﻴﻊﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷـﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺟﻠﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸـﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺷﻤﺎﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﺯﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺳـﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﻟــﺢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ‪ 100‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺳــﺮﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣــﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴـﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴـﺘﻰ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺲ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣـﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘـﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑﻮﻣـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴـﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻰﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻫﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺭﺍﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻴـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠـﺎ ﻫـﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺘـﻼﻑ ﺗﺎ ﺣـﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺑﻨـﺪﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧـﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻛﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﺑﺎ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ« ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺻﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﺥﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺴــﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗــﺐ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺟـﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺗﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺳــﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻭﻳﭻ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺯﻙ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪،57‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴـﻒ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﻘـﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺧﻞﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺴـﻤﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺁﻏـﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴـﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺴـﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﺏ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ژﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ‪14‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺟﻠــﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻀﺒﻂ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺰﻭﻓﺮﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‬ ‫‪50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻘــﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌــﺎﺭﻑ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻳــﺰ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌــﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻊﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﮕﺸــﺎﻳ ‪.‬ﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﺎپ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻــﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺸﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃـﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛﺘـﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺣــﺬﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺁﻥ ‪ 60‬ﺟﻠﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳـﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓـﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ« ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻧﻔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻭﺩﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷــﺪ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺴﻜﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺴﻜﻴﻮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺴﻜﻴﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺴــﻜﻴﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﻮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻦﺳــﻴﻤﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﻨﺘﻴﻔﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑــﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠــﺪﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻡﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﮔﻮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳــﺪﻩ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑــﺮ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴـﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﻮﺳـﺖ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻪ ﺩﻣﻴـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳـﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﺘﺮ! ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻋﻠﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴــﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛــﺲ ﻭﺑﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻛﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﺴــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺳــﻨﺘﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺸــﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴــﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳﺴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﻢﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻮﻧﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‪ ....‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻲﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﻝ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﺮ! ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1317‬ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1332‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1337‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻜﺘﻴﻮ ﻣﺴـﻠﻂ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻻﺑﺮﺍﺗﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗــﺮ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻀﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧــﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻜﺒﺮ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺗــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﻮﺭﻭﻳــﭻ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻳﻤﻮﻥ ﺁﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﻱ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻭﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﺘﻲﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1370‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺗﺤﺖﻳﻚﺭﺷﺘﻪﻣﻌﻴﻦﻣﺜﻞﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮ ﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻫﻤﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶﺍﺯﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺑﺮﻛﻠﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢﻗﻔﺴﻪﺍﻱﺑﻮﺩﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝﺻﺪﻣﺘﺮﻛﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺯﺣﻤﺘﻲﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﺣﻤﺖﻳﻚﻳﺎﺩﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣـﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻓﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﻤﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﺖ« ﺑﻪ »ﮔﺰﻝ ﺷﺎﻓﺖ«‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﺰﻝ ﺷﺎﻓﺖ« ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﮔﻤﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﺖ« ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺸﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﺰﻝ ﺷــﺎﻓﺖ« ﺑﻪ »ﮔﻤﻦ ﺷــﺎﻓﺖ« ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿــﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗــﺐ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺿﺪﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺪﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺪﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺘــﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟« ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴــﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻰﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻟﮕــﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻠﻴﻦ ﻟﻮﺯﻳﻜﻨﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺰﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺪﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧــﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﻀــﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻴــﺎﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﺰﻣﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ )ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ( ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒــﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺷﻴﺨﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻓﻬﻤﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛــﮋ ﺩﺭﻛﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺩﻳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺒــﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ )‪ (habitus‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺗﺬﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻻﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1317‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪) .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪ ،25‬ﺹ ‪ (8‬ﭘﻨــﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1322‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﻣــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫‪ sociologie‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪) «.‬ﺹ‪.‬ﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ )‪ (dichotomie‬ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ -1 :‬ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫)ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ(‪ -2 ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ )ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ« »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜــﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﻣﺸﺘﻖ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ –‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ »ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺘﻴﻨﺒﺮﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻣﻲ –ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫»ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺳــﺘﺮﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ – ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺒﺐ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ»ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ« ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1280‬ﻫـ ‪ .‬ﺵ( ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ« ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﺎﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺳﻲﺳﺎﻝﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺩﺭﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1317‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﻮ ﻟﻮژﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ« ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ »ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪... «،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ »ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻤــﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ« ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ )‪ (dichotomie‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻢ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺻﻔﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺖ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﻌﻞ«‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺘﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »‪ «society‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫»‪ «social‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ »‪ ،«socius‬ﻳﺎ »‪ «societal‬ﻣﺸــﺘﻖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»‪ «society‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »‪«societry sociability‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪) .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻮﻱ«‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺘﻲ« ﻭ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻮﻳﺖ« ﻭ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻮﻧﺪﻱ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﮓﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1315‬ﻭ ‪ 1325‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ »‪«community‬‬ ‫ﻭ »‪ «society‬ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔــﻆ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻟﻔــﻆ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﻲﻭﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻜﻲ«‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎ »‪«sociological‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ »‪ «socilogique‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻗﻴﺪ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ »ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ« ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺖ »ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﻮﻧﺪ »ﺍﻳﻚ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻳﻚ )ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ »ﺁﺳﻮﺭﻳﻚ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺁﺳﻮﺭﻳﻚ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ )ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﻚﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ (42‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺳﻮﺭﻳﻚ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ »ﻳﻚ« ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﺳﻮﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﺴــﻮﻧﺪ »ﺍﻳﻚ« ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻱ‬ ‫» ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ »ﺍﻳﻚ« ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﻭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫»ﻱ« ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻚ‪...‬ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺗﻴﻚ« ﻭ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻚ« ﺍﻭﮔﻮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ »ﺳــﻜﻮﻧﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻲﻭﭼﻬﻞ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﭘﻮﻳﺎ« ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺴــﻮﻧﺪ »ﺍﻳﻚ« ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﭽﺴﺒﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺋﻴﻚ« ﻭ »ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺋﻴﻚ« ﻗﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻕ »ﻣﺸﺘﻲ« ﺍﺯ »ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻮﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ »ﻣﻮﺭﺩ« ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ »ﺧﻮﮔﺮﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ« ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺘــﺐ ﺩﺭﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍﻳــﺞ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ »ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ « ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ« ﺑﺮﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻼء ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰﺗﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ »ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ »ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ« ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺷﺒﻪﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ« ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸــﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑــﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺘﻲ ﺷﺒﻪﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺒﻪﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟« ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻄــﻮﻑ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﻳﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺳــﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺟــﻪ ﺟﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻰ ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳــﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 1980‬ﻭﺩﺭﭘﻰﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺳﺎﺧﺘﻰ‪-‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺑﺎﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﭘﺲ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺝﺳﻮﻡﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞﻗﺮﻥﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢﺩﺭﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻩﻭﻭﺑﺮﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺝﺩﻭﻡﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪،‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺩﻭﻡﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺝ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻳﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺴﺎﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺎﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ -‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﻧﮓﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻮﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮژﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻭﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ‬ ‫)ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ‪ 5/9‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌــﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻟﺮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺮﺯﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ )ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ( ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿــﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ‪ -‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪-‬ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؟ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؟ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻳﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻖ ‪ 15‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻟﺮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ‪ 4‬ﺭﻳﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻧﮓ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﻔﻠﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺘﻦ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ژﺋﻮﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺑﺒﺮ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮﻙﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘــﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻰ ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺪﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻏﺮﺏﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻟﺮﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﮔﺴــﻞ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﻞ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺴــﻨﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴــﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻛﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻫﻼﻝﺍﺣﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ )ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ( ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ژﺋﻮﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ! ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ )ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ‪ (USGS‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ)‪ (USGS‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟــﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟــﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؛ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻊ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻠــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ USGS‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 4‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ‪ USGS‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ USGS‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪USGS‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺮﺯﺵ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻙ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻟﺮﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ »ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 31‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪69‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ 69‬ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 12‬ﻭ ‪ 30‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺯ ﻣﻬﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ‪ 7/4‬ﺭﻳﺸــﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ‪ 27‬ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ‪ 1871‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ ‪ 2100‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮﺍﺱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻖ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺠــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪83‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻋﻤﺮﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻋﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺠﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺷﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪-‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖﺑﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﻠﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪86‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺯﺵ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗــﺐ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑــﻊ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟــﺮﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﺧﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬـﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ‪) 4‬ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 3/9‬ﻭ ‪ (4‬ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 12‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣــﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜـﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈـﺮﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛـﺰ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ‪ -‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺧﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ‪ 4‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻳﻰ )ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ( ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺴﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﮔﺴﻞ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ژﺋﻮﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﻜﻰ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﻯ )ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 400‬ﻕ‪.‬ﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 864 ،7‬ﺏ‪.‬ﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻨﻰ ‪ 5/3‬ﻭ ‪ 958‬ﺏ‪.‬ﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻨﻰ ‪ (7/7‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺴﻞ ﺭﻯ – ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﻞ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﮔﺴﻞ ﭘﻮﺷـﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﮔﺴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴـﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1347‬‬ ‫) ‪ 31‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ (1968‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ‪ 7/1‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺽ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺴــﻞ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﺽ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﻞ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻣــﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪) 1347‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪(1968‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ‪ 6/8‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻂ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺴﻞ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 7‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﻞ ﺩﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭼﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﻞ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺴــﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟــﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ‪5‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﺯﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ )ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ( ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ‪ 4‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ‪ 4/5‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺝ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻰ ‪ 2‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 3:25‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ‪ 88/7/26‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻗﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺳـﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻼﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ – ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ – ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ )ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺑﻊ ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ‪ 4‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫــﺎ‪ -‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 4/5‬ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ ‪ 5‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 2/5‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﻨﺞ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ‪ :‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1994‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫‪ 6/7‬ﺭﻳﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﺛﺮﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﮔﺴﻞ ﺳﻦﺁﻧﺪﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺪﺕ ‪ 7/9‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 152‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1857‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﺛﺮﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﺭژﺍﻧﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪ :‬ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥﺧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳــﻜﺎﺩﻳﺎ )ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻴـﻮ‪ :‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ژﺍﭘﻦ ‪ 4/5‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ‪ 36‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ( ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1923‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 1700‬ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 150‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 9/2‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 500‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1923‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﺎﺗﻞ ﻭ ﻭﻧﻜﻮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧـﺰﻯ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺣﻠﻘــﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺧﻴــﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢﺩﺍﻳــﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤــﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺸﻔﺸــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ‪ 6/8‬ﺭﻳﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺧﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺸﻔﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻮﻧﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺴــﻮﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ‪،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼﺳﺴﺖﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ‪ 9/3‬ﺭﻳﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﻣﺎﺗﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧــﺰﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 230‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺘﻨﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ‪ 7/6‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻳﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻬﻤﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻣﺜﻠﺚﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻼﻃﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ‪26‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﺋﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﭙﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ )ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ( ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴـﻞ ﻣﺼـﺎﻟـﺢ ﺳﻴـﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮﻯﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ! ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ« ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻲﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺑﻠﻜﻪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ »ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﺗﻔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﻭﺭﻭﺩﻋﺠﻴﺐﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪ 28‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫–ﺷﺴــﺘﺎ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺧﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤــﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮﻯﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻰﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨــﺪ؛ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺧﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﻪﺳﺮﻯ )ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ( ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﺭﺳﻤﻲﻭﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠــﻰ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒــﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷــﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ )ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ )ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻰ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤــﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺩﻏــﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗــﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻀﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪101‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻰﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻰﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‪ 20-30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺮﺳﺪﺑﻪﻳﻚﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻭ‪ 900‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻧﻔﺮ‪.‬ﺍﻻﻥﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻭ‬ ‫‪ 650‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﻃﺮﺡﺟﺎﻣﻊﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻛﻼﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪﭼﻬﺎﺭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻛﻢﺷﻮﺩﻭﺑﺮﺳﺪﺑﻪ‪ 14‬ﺗﺎ‪ 16‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ؛ﻧﻔﺖﺑﺎﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻭﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫـﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺳــﻨﺨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺬﻓﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬ﭼﻮﻥﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 83‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻧﻈﺎﻡﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩﻭﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺁﻥﻫﻢﺁﻗﺎﻯﺷﺮﻳﻒﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺸﺘﻢﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﻓﺎﻩﻫﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﻝﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪102‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒﺍﻳﻦﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻧﻈﺎﻡﺟﺎﻣﻊﺭﻓﺎﻩﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺳﻪﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻋﻤﺪﻩﺩﺭﺳﻪﺣﻮﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‪.‬ﺗﺎﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯﻭﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖﻫﻢﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﺭﺍﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪،‬ﻫﻢﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻭﻧﺠﺎﺕﺷﺎﻣﻞﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﻼﻝﺍﺣﻤﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﺩﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻼﻝﺍﺣﻤﺮﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﻢﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﻫﻢﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪.‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﻢﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯﭘﻴﺶﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺟﺎﻣﻊﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖﻫﻢﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰﺑﻪﺑﻴﻤﻪﺷﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖﺳﺮﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺟﻨﮓﻭﺩﻋﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻤــﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖﺧﻮﺏﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ 70 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﻯﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﺟﻨﮓﻭﺩﻋﻮﺍﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢﻣﺮﺩﻡﻣﻌﻄﻞﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻓﺸﺎﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻫﻴﭽﻰﻛﻪﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺟﻮﺭﻯ ﻫــﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺼﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺒﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖﭼﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘـﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﻏــﺎﻡ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘـﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫‪70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴـﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻰﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺼـﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺰﺷـﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺒﻠﻌﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴـﺘﻢ ﺳـﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺷﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻟﺶ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺑﻰﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ 20 .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ 30 ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻬﻮﺭﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺪﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺸــﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤـﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻋﻘﻴــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ‪ 123‬ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﺐ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒــﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻜﻔﻰ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻬــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻪﺟﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘــﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪﺟﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪103‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔــﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﻛﻠﻴــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﭙﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻭﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 34‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﻋﺪﺩ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ )ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪104‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ )ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯﺑﮕﻴﺮ( ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ 2500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻗﻢ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﺴﺘﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺘﻜﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﺴﺘﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ‪ 13 /3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ‪ 1/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺠﺎﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﭘﺮﺳــﻨﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺠﺎﻣــﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺠﺎﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ‪28‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻓﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.moslas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻛﺴﻴﻨﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪105‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻛﺴﻴﻨﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﺴــﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴــﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌــﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻨﺞﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫‪106‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥﺗﺮ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ )‪ (1357‬ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨــﺎﺏ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻥﻫﺎﮔﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺑــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 31‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻫــﻢ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ 76‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺷــﻤﻲ ﻃﺒﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺭ ﺋﻴــﺲ ﺳــﺎ ﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳــﻲ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﭘﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟــﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﻣﺤﺎﻓــﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺯﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻮﻳــﭻ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ« ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻓﺴــﻮﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴــﻚ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 6‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻮﮔﺴــﻼﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 77‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﭗ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴــﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁ‪.‬ﺍﺱ‪.‬ﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻮﻳﭻ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻮﮔﺴــﻼﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 31‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒــﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺎﺑــﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﻛﭙــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻗــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ )ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻧﻲ )ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧــﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺯﺭﻳﻨﭽﻪ )ﻧﻌﻴﻢ ﺳــﻌﺪﺍﻭﻱ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﺷــﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ ،40‬ﻧﻔﺲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﻳﻨﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻧﺪﺱﻟﻴــﮕﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﮓ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻠﻴــﭗ »ﺍﻻ ﺍﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ« ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻜﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ‪ NBA‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫)ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺴــﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑــﻪ »ﻛﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻛــﻰ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻮﺗﺎﺟﺎﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ‪ NBA‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‪»:‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺗﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ« ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻻﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻧﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴــﻜﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﺟﺮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻦﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨــﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺤﻮﻥ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺗﺎﺟــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻻﺱ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﻳــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪»:‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ NBA‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺩﺍﻻﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻮﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻴﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﻛــﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺗﺮﭘﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ‪ NBA‬ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ »ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ‪ «NBA‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ‪ NBC‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪107‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ »ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ 1998‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺷـﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﺳـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴـﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﺨﺸـﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 98‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﺘﻄﻴﻞ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ F‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳـﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮ ﺳـﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮپ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻲﻭﻳﻜﻢ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ»ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 230‬ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳـﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢﻗﺴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »‪ «Mother of all battles‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ 70 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﻴﺞ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ژﺭﻻﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ژﺭﻻﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﺻﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧـﻂ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠـﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻓﺒﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬــﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ‪ 2‬ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻗــﺮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪98‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫـﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﻲ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪،‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲﺩﻭﺭﻭﺯﻗﺒﻞﺍﺯﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺭﺍﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﺸـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧـﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ‪ -‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧــﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑــﺎﻻﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺗﺮﭘﻠﻮ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻛﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳــﺦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻜﺴﻠﻮﺍﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1968‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴــﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1969‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻲﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺁﺷــﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪109‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻐﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷــﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1967‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (1347) 1968‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪110‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﮓﮔﻨﮓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 1967‬ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ )‪ 29‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ( ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻝ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻼﺳﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 1500 ،‬ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺠﺪﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻃــﻮﻝ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻠﻮﺍ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ‪ ،1347‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮپ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﻚﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1974‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺛــﺮﻭﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 1964‬ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1974‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪1973‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺟﻨﺠــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ؛ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﻠﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﺪﻣﺘﺮ ﻗﻮﺭﺑﺎﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻨﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺷﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﭘﻦ ﻛﺮﻭﺍﺳﻰ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 2004‬ﺁﺗﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺍﺭﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﻼﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗــﻰ ﺻﺪﻣﺘﺮ ﻗﻮﺭﺑﺎﻏﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﺗﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤــﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴــﻚ ‪ 2004‬ﺁﺗــﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻃﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴــﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻫﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 2004‬ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 2008‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺁﺗﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ ،2008‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﻣﺘﺮ ﻗﻮﺭﺑﺎﻏﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻄﺮﻧﺞﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞﺑﺎﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﻓﺎﻗﻰ ﻭﺍﻳﻠﺪﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺻﺪ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻗﻮﺭﺑﺎﻏﻪ ﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﭘﺎﻧﺪﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻖ ﺷﻨﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺼــﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻨﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻨﺎﺏﻛﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ 1385‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻃﻨﺎﺏﻛﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﮔﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪111‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻧﮓ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2008‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗــﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒــﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮژ ﺳﺮﻛﻴﺴــﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺍگ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﻱﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺑﻴﻦﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥﻭﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯﻛﻪﺑﺎﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ »ﮔﺎﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﺩﻭﻟﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﺩﻭﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺭﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1915‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﻮﻡﻛﺸــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻳــﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﻮﻡﻛﺸﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 90‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﺘﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭ ﻳﺦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻭﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺴــﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪112‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺷﺘﻰﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1993‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﺎﻻ )ﺁﺭﺗﺴﺎﻙ( ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1915‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫)ﺭﻭﻳــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻍ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻍ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1994‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ‪ ،2010‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺳﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ »ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ« ﺷﻬﺮ »ﺑﻮﺭﺳﺎ«ﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫‪2‬ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 2010‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮژ ﺳﺮﻛﻴﺴﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺸــﻞ ﭘﻼﺗﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﻫﻢﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻘﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﺎﻟﻜﻠﻨﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻪﮔــﻮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺒﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﺮ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ »ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻞ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﺎﻟﻜﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﮔﻞ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 1986‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﺎﻟﻜﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ »ﺷــﻔﻴﻠﺪ « ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ‬ ‫»ﺍﻛﺰﻭﺳﺖ« ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺮﺍژ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻧﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻲ »ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻼﮔﺮﺍﻧﻮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﻟﻜﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺟﻨﮓﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﺎﻟﻜﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻰ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻋــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻪﮔﻮ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻘﺶﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻧﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺴــﺨﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻞ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ »ﺷــﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ« ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺰﻧــﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ )ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ« ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺗﺮﻯ ﻓﻨﻮﻳﻚ(‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻡ »ﮔﻞ«! ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﻮپ‪ ،‬ﮔﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻞ!« ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﺭﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺸــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻮﻭﺭﺕ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻞ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ 1986‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﻟﺰﺑﻮﺭﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ‪ 600‬ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ‪ 500‬ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪125‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ )‪ 148‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ( ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻳﺶ ﻋﻜﺲ ﭼﻪﮔﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﺟﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﮔﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪113‬‬ 114