ماهنامه مثلث

شماره : 13 - تاریخ : 1388/08/10

1831 بازدید

ماهنامه مثلث شماره 13

‫‪dY{dÁ{Ê¼ZÅÉZ«M‬‬ ‫{‪{ÂÉÁZ»Ê]Y‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﯾﺒﺎ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪½ZËY´·ÂY ËY‬‬ ‫»‪µ|f ‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‪½{Y{ ÉY m ÉYÃZq ½ZËY´·ÂY‬‬ ‫]‪|ÀfY|¿ {Y¿É|¼uY Ä‬‬ ‫‪É|¿»ZÌ¸-‬‬ ‫‪--‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﮐﺸﯽ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭی ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﭼﺎی ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪزﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪«YÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÁ‬‬ ‫§|‪½ÂÌY‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÖÁ‬‬ ‫‪Öf¯.dY‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪·Zq‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Õ{ZË‬‬ ‫‪Ä]Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫»‪¾Ëf¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫¿‪Ö»Z¯Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪®Ìb¼·Y‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ{Z¬f¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Õ{ZË‬‬ ‫»‪ÄmÂf‬‬ ‫‪ÕÁ‬‬ ‫¯{‪.‬‬ ‫‪Ö¿Y{Ë‬‬ ‫‪¹y‬‬ ‫‪ÕÁ‬‬ ‫«‪½Z»Æ‬‬ ‫‪½ZÆm‬‬ ‫‪,{Â‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì¼Å‬‬ ‫{·‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪Ö°Ë‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫‪¾Ëe‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÁ‬‬ ‫§|‪½ÂÌY‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÖÁ‬‬ ‫‪xËZe‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫{‪.|À¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Z»Y‬‬ ‫‪Âu‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪-dY‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫§|‪½ÂÌY‬‬ ‫‪µZ^Ì·YÁ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪.Öf‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫»‪Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫‪{YÁ‬‬ ‫‪µZ^Ì·YÁ‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫§|‪½ÂÌY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´rÌÅ‬‬ ‫‪Âe‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯{‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ö¿Y{Ë‬‬ ‫‪,¹y‬‬ ‫‪Ám‬‬ ‫»|‪Ö¿YË‬‬ ‫‪dY‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¹Z¼e‬‬ ‫{‪½YÁ‬‬ ‫»|‪ÖfËË‬‬ ‫‪µZ20‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÁ‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Âu‬‬ ‫»‪¼f‬‬ ‫{‪ÄfY‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪«YÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÁ‬‬ ‫§|‪½ÂÌY‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÖÁ‬‬ ‫‪Öf¯.dY‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪·Zq‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Õ{ZË‬‬ ‫‪Ä]Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫»‪¾Ëf¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫¿‪Ö»Z¯Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪®Ìb¼·Y‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ{Z¬f¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Õ{ZË‬‬ ‫»‪ÄmÂf‬‬ ‫‪ÕÁ‬‬ ‫¯{‪.‬‬ ‫‪Ö¿Y{Ë‬‬ ‫‪¹y‬‬ ‫‪ÕÁ‬‬ ‫«‪½Z»Æ‬‬ ‫‪½ZÆm‬‬ ‫‪,{Â‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì¼Å‬‬ ‫{·‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪Ö°Ë‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫‪¾Ëe‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÁ‬‬ ‫§|‪½ÂÌY‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÖÁ‬‬ ‫‪xËZe‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫{‪.|À¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Z»Y‬‬ ‫‪Âu‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪-dY‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫§|‪½ÂÌY‬‬ ‫‪µZ^Ì·YÁ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪.Öf‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫»‪Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫‪{YÁ‬‬ ‫‪µZ^Ì·YÁ‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫§|‪½ÂÌY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´rÌÅ‬‬ ‫‪Âe‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯{‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ö¿Y{Ë‬‬ ‫‪,¹y‬‬ ‫‪Ám‬‬ ‫»|‪Ö¿YË‬‬ ‫‪dY‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¹Z¼e‬‬ ‫{‪½YÁ‬‬ ‫»|‪ÖfËË‬‬ ‫‪µZ20‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÁ‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Âu‬‬ ‫»‪¼f‬‬ ‫{‪ÄfY‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪«YÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÁ‬‬ ‫§|‪½ÂÌY‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÖÁ‬‬ ‫‪Öf¯.dY‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪·Zq‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Õ{ZË‬‬ ‫‪Ä]Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫»‪¾Ëf¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫¿‪Ö»Z¯Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪®Ìb¼·Y‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ{Z¬f¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Õ{ZË‬‬ ‫»‪ÄmÂf‬‬ ‫‪ÕÁ‬‬ ‫¯{‪.‬‬ ‫‪Ö¿Y{Ë‬‬ ‫‪¹y‬‬ ‫‪ÕÁ‬‬ ‫«‪½Z»Æ‬‬ ‫‪½ZÆm‬‬ ‫‪,{Â‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì¼Å‬‬ ‫{·‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪Ö°Ë‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫‪¾Ëe‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÁ‬‬ ‫§|‪½ÂÌY‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÖÁ‬‬ ‫‪xËZe‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫{‪.|À¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Z»Y‬‬ ‫‪Âu‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪-dY‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫§|‪½ÂÌY‬‬ ‫‪µZ^Ì·YÁ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪.Öf‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫»‪Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫‪{YÁ‬‬ ‫‪µZ^Ì·YÁ‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫§|‪½ÂÌY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´rÌÅ‬‬ ‫‪Âe‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯{‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ö¿Y{Ë‬‬ ‫‪,¹y‬‬ ‫‪Ám‬‬ ‫»|‪Ö¿YË‬‬ ‫‪dY‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¹Z¼e‬‬ ‫{‪½YÁ‬‬ ‫»|‪ÖfËË‬‬ ‫‪µZ20‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÁ‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Âu‬‬ ‫»‪¼f‬‬ ‫{‪ÄfY‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì»Yw‬‬ ‫»¬|‪¹‬‬ ‫¨‪ÅÊZ Ì‬‬ ‫^‪ÊuZ‬‬ ‫‪À‬‬ ‫¾»‪Ê Å‬‬ ‫»‪ Ô‬‬ ‫‪}Â‬‬ ‫‪ËM‬‬ ‫»‪»Z|¼v‬‬ ‫‪¿{ »Ô‬‬ ‫‪YÂ m£ÉÊ°e‬‬ ‫»¬|‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪»¯Y‬‬ ‫‪- Ê¼ZÅ‬‬ ‫¯‪-ºZ‬‬ ‫‪É {É‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪|Ì‬‬ ‫»‪|Æ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭیﻓﺮ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ‪-‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﯾﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZÅÂ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÃZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌZ¼Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌZ¼Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Yv]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zf¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{³Z‬‬ ‫‪eZXe‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‪d¨³cÂ°‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{³Z‬‬ ‫‪eZXe‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‪d¨³cÂ°‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪ÊÀË|·Yz‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/Y‬‬ ‫‪º//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪Ä¬Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»‪Ê]±‬‬ ‫»‪Â‬‬ ‫‪½YËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊZÌ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ëe‬‬ ‫‪½Y¯Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊZÌµZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ëe‬‬ ‫‪½Y¯Y‬‬ ‫‪\µZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪\ºm‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪¡Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Zm‬‬ ‫‪h¸j»ºm‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪h¸j»YZ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪Ê¼ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪Ê¿ZnÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ÉÁ‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫‪µY|m‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZÄ·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä//ËZZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ÉZ‬‬ ‫]‪ÉZ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪½Â»YÌaZ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪½Â»YÌaÊ·Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ËZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪{Ê·Y‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿ÂËËÂ¸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d~³‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪ÃZÀ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿ÂËËÂ¸e‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫‪.d~³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Áa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»YÌa‬‬ ‫‪Ä]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Áa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪½Â»YÌa‬‬ ‫‪Ä]Y‬‬ ‫]‪YZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÃZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌZ¼Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌZ¼Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Yv]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zf¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{³Z‬‬ ‫‪eZXe‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‪d¨³cÂ°‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{³Z‬‬ ‫‪eZXe‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‪d¨³cÂ°‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪ÊÀË|·Yz‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍض‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪم‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺭم‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍزﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼغ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/Y‬‬ ‫‪º//q‬‬ ‫¿‪:¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫{«‪Ä¬Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»‪Ê]±‬‬ ‫»‪Â‬‬ ‫‪½YËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»YÌa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~Ì¨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»YÌa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~Ì¨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫‪ÃËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫‪ÃËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä¬¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ä¬¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»YÌa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~Ì¨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»YÌa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~Ì¨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫‪ÃËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫‪ÃËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä¬¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ä¬¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÃZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌZ¼Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌZ¼Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Yv]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zf¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{³Z‬‬ ‫‪eZXe‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‪d¨³cÂ°‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{³Z‬‬ ‫‪eZXe‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‪d¨³cÂ°‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪ÊÀË|·Yz‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪Ê¸17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ|‪¾ËYºË‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪Ê»3838‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪fÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:Ê¼ZÅ‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Áa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪Ã|¿ÁaÃZ´fY{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´fY{Z‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪ËÆ‬‬ ‫¯‪ËÆ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫`‪ÃZe?AE3>3EW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ëe‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪,ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ^y‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Y³‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ä¬¸u-Y‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫»|‪ÊfËË‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y|Å‬‬ ‫‪Ä »Zm‬‬ ‫‪Ê»ÔY‬‬ ‫»‪¾Ì|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪ÌÌ¤e‬‬ ‫‪{°ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ê»Z£‬‬ ‫]‪½Yv‬‬ ‫»‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¨ fY‬‬ ‫¨‪É|¿ÅZ‬‬ ‫]¯‪ÉZÀ‬‬ ‫»‪ÊÀv‬‬ ‫‪ÃY‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÃZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌZ¼Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Yv]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zf¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{³Z‬‬ ‫‪eZXe‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‪d¨³cÂ°‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§‪{ZÅ‬‬ 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‫{]‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ZÁY‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÌÀ»Y‬‬ ‫‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪^Å‬‬ ‫‪½Z^·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Áa½Zf¯Za‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪±‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪Zf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪dY‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY³‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Áa‬‬ ‫‪¶»Z e‬‬ ‫»‪¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¿‪ºÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Áa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪µ{ZÃZ´fY{Z‬‬ ‫§{‪ÊÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¨»Âa‬‬ ‫‪Ê¼ZÅ‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪ÁÓ‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê¨n‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪¶ÌZ¼YÉÆ‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÉiÂ‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Â¬ Ë‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¼u‬‬ ‫¯‪,½ZËÂeZ‬‬ ‫‪|Y‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫]‪½ZÌr»Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪ËÆ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:°‬‬ ‫‪¾u‬‬ ‫«‪Z§/É|WZ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»YÌa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~Ì¨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»YÌa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~Ì¨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫‪ÃËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫‪ÃËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä¬¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ä¬¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÃZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌZ¼Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌZ¼Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Yv]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zf¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{³Z‬‬ ‫‪eZXe‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‪d¨³cÂ°‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{³Z‬‬ ‫‪eZXe‬‬ ‫‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‪d¨³cÂ°‬‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪ÊÀË|·Yz‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪Ê¸17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ|‪¾ËYºË‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪Ê»3838‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪fÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:Ê¼ZÅ‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Áa‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪Ã|¿ÁaÃZ´fY{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´fY{Z‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪ËÆ‬‬ ‫¯‪ËÆ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»YÌa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~Ì¨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»YÌa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~Ì¨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫‪ÃËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫‪ÃËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä¬¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ä¬¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮیﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪{»Ìa‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Â¸Ì‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪½Z{Ây88‬‬ ‫»‪¹fv‬‬ ‫‪dY‬‬ ‫¿‬ ‫‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫]‪ÉY‬‬ ‫§‪Ä¼Z‬‬ ‫‪:Â·ÂmM‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭیﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮیﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨‬ ‫‪ÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Â³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪Ìa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Â³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪Ê¸17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ|‪¾ËYºË‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪Ê»3838‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪fÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:Ê¼ZÅ‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ 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‫»‪ZaÌv‬‬ ‫^‪½Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¹Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÁ‬‬ ‫‪À»ÂeYaY‬‬ ‫»‪½Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z· cZ‬‬ ‫‪^Å‬‬ ‫‪YÊ‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫]‪ÉZ‬‬ ‫‪-¾ÌeÂa‬‬ ‫‪zf¿Y‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä»Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ÁÌa‬‬ ‫¼ ‬ ‫ ‪Ê‬‬ ‫] ‪Å‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌ´f‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫]‪Â] ¬r»Y{Z‬‬ ‫{‪Y‬‬ ‫¼| ‪ Ë‬‬ ‫‪Z]×Y‬‬ ‫»‪v‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪,É‬‬ ‫{]‪|YÃZ‬‬ ‫¯‪iÂ‬‬ ‫‪,½ZË‬‬ ‫¯‪¶ÉÌÂeZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Áa‬‬ ‫‪Y Z¼Y‬‬ ‫‪|Ì ¼u‬‬ ‫¿‪{Â‬‬ ‫^‪½Â{Â‬‬ ‫‪ËËÂ‬‬ ‫]‪Á ¿ {Â‬‬ ‫‪¸eÊ¿Zf ]ZeÉ ZÅ‬‬ ‫] ‪µZË Ê‬‬ ‫‪½ Z»Âe 1000 Ä/ v¨ 100 /1388 {Y { » 25‬‬ ‫‪/ ¹ Á{ÃZ¼ µÁY‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪µ Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê¸Ì¸v‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪eÉ‬‬ ‫‪, ^y Ä »Z¿Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪Ê|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫¨‪ÄÌWv‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫¿‪Â¹» Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫½ ‪³ Ád‬‬ ‫‪¨³Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪{ °¸¼½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫] ‪ ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÉY Ã| Á¿ a‬‬ ‫»‪ÉÂaÆ‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪ ÊÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¼ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÊ‬‬ ‫»¨§¸‬ ‫¿‪,Ê ¨n‬‬ ‫{‪µ‬‬ ‫{‪Z ÁÓ‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﯽﺁﺑﺎﺩی ‪-‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪی ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÃ|Á‬‬ ‫§‪|¿{Y{ Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻮﺳﻮی ﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪½YËÁ j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfÌ¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ ﺑﺎﺯیﻫﺎی ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍی ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﯽﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍیﺭﺍی ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍیﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺗﻘﻠﺐﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﯽ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫»‪ZÀ¯ { :½ZËn ½Z³‬‬ ‫‪ºËY] ½{ Z |a‬‬ ‫‪{Â] ZËÁ ®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪±] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫»‪.|ÀÀ¯ Ê »ÄqÁ { -½YY{ ÄËZ‬‬ ‫‪:Ê¼ÌÅY]Y¹ÔÓYdnu‬‬ ‫| ‪ÃZ^» µZ‬‬ ‫ | ‪Ã Z ^»µ Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZÅÂ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽﻫﺎ ﺭﻭی ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﯾﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍی ﺳﺮﯾﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫]‪ºËY]½{Â‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪ZËÁZ‬‬ ‫®‬ ‫‪|aË‬‬ ‫»‪¦Ëve ÉZm Ä]: ZÌ¿ \nfÀ‬‬ ‫‪|Å{Ê¼¿ ÉY‬‬ ‫¿‪º·ZZ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪|ÌZ] Â´zZa ËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê]ÓÄ]¸n» Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ ‪ --‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZÅÂ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩی ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪی ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﻎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪18‬ﺯﯾ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽﺩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﺍیﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺭ‬ ‫‪Ã| ÀËºMÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫‪fÀ‬‬ ‫» ‪»Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê» ÌÌ¤e‬‬ ‫‪Y Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ZÀ¯ { : ½ZËn½Z³‬‬ ‫‪: Z]ÊËZÅÂ³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺑﺎﻥ «‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫‪ISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫یﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝﻪ ﺍﺑ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‪20‬ﺮﺯﺮ‬ ‫ﺴﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺗ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻪ»‬ ‫‪08-5281‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘ ﻟ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺸﮕﺎﻩﺑﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺁ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾ‬ ‫‪M‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻪ‬ ‫‪OSALA‬ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺍﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﯽﺩﻤ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺴﻌﻮ‬ ‫‪S.IR‬‬ ‫ﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪14‬ﻧﺎ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﭘﻣ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺭ ی‬ ‫ﯽﻧﺍ ﻧﺍﺼﺎ ﺭ‬ ‫ﯽ ‪ --‬ﻠﻋﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺪﺍﯾﺍﯾﺘ ﺘ‬ ‫ﻦ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺴﻴ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧ ﻪ زﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺳ ﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑ ﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨ ﻨ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﯽﮐ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﯾﯽ ﻨ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﺎﯾﻤ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ ﻨﺭﮔ‬ ‫ﺖﺑ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی ﻟﻭﺩﺩﻭ ﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺎ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽﺎﺳ ﺎ ﻫﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻗﻭ ﺘ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﯽ ﺧ ﻧﺎﺪﺍ ﻥ ﺣﮑﻴ ﻢ‬ ‫ﻧ ﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻧﺯ ﻪ‬ ‫‪½YËÁj¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½YËÁ‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ﺷ ‪/‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠ‪/‬ﻢ‪ 15‬ﺷﻬ ﺮﯾ ﻮﺭ ‪116 /138 8‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ‬ ‫‪M OSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 20 08‬‬ ‫‪-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫¯‪Ê]Ô¬¿Y Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫»‪{ÂÂÆ¼mÌWºÅÉÆ‬‬ ‫»‪|À¯Ê»¶¼{Y¿É|¼uY¶j‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪«Áfe» ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Áa‬‬ ‫‪ÓÂaZ¯ {Â§ º¸Ì§ ¾ËyM‬‬ ‫»‪¦Ëve ÉZm Ä] :ZÌ¿\nfÀ‬‬ ‫‪|ÌZ] Â´zZa ËZ«Á‬‬ ‫ﺮﺥﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻣﺭﺍ ﻴﻣﻴ ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺮ‬ ‫ﺥ‬ ‫ﯽﺯﻣﻘ‬ ‫ﺴﻮﻫﺎﻫ‬ ‫ﺴﺣ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﻌﻮﻴ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥﻌ‬ ‫ﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﺼﺒﺎﺣ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻧﺎﺒﻔﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺳﻔﯽ‪-‬ﻣﻴﻔ‬ ‫ﺼﻣﺟ‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﺳﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﺫﺯﻫﻫﺯﻔﯾ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﯾ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﷲﺁﯾ‬ ‫ﻼﺭ‬ ‫ﺮیﻣﺮ ﻧ‪-‬ﻣ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺪ‪-‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﷲﺍ‬ ‫ﺪﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﻼﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺸﻏ‬ ‫ﯽﻋﻣ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺰ‬ ‫ﯽﺗ‪--‬ﻣ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻣﻣﺮ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤ ﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﻫﮑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﮑﻤ‬ ‫ﻴﺐﺍﺎﻫ‬ ‫ﻦﻧﮐﻮﺎﻫﺳﮐ‬ ‫ﻢﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻇﻢﻇ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫ﺷﮑ ﮐﺪﻘ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺤﺴ‬ ‫یﻩﮐﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺰ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺤﻬ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻤﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻣﺣﻣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻫﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻭ ﻴﻗﻌ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻙ ﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ؛ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺭ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ﻠ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪®Ë]Y] {168‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﯽﺁﺑﺎﺩی ‪-‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪی ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫¿‪| ÀfÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfÌ‬‬ ‫]‪::Z‬‬ ‫‪Z] ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫‪Ê ZËt¸Y‬‬ ‫‪tÅÂ³¸ Y‬‬ ‫‪Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪d ¨³‬‬ ‫]‪: YÊËZÅ Zf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﻣﻪ ﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻣﻧﺎﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺘﻫﻔ‬ ‫ﺧ ﺏﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺘﻪ ﻮ‬ ‫ﻔﻫ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪ZfyZ ÊÀÌu‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﻠﻋﻋﻠ ﯽﻣ ﺮﻣﻴﻴﺮ ﺯﺍﯾﺍﯾ ﯽ‬ ‫]‪: YÊËZÅ ÉZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺭﺯﺵﭘ ﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﯾﮏﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪-‬ﺩ ﻟﻭﺭﺋﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮐﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﺖﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭ ﺍﺩﺯ ﻟﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﻟﯽﺎ ﺴ ﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽﻋﻋﺎ ﻧﻟ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻄﯽ‬ ‫ﺼ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﯽ ﺮﻣ ﻔ‬ ‫ﯽﻣ‬ ‫ﺪ ﻴ‬ ‫ﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑ ﻪﻧﺯ ﻧﺯ ﮔ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﮕﺎ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻧﻧ ﻫ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪4 4‬‬ ‫ﺻ ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﻩ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‪-‬ﺯﻫ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺮی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺪﺍﻤﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﻌﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯽﯾ ﺘﺎﻌ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺷﺒ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮ‬ ‫ﺠﺷ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻤ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻣ ﺘ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻮﮔ ﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻕﻮﺭ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻮﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﻮﺯﯾﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺩﺮ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺟﻭﯾ‬ ‫ﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺳﭙﺯ‬ ‫یﺒﻧﺗﺭﻮﻻﭙ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﺼﺎﻓ‬ ‫ﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺱﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﻬﺪﻓﻣ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫یﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻋﺒﺎﮐﻋ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺮﺍﻬﻣﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﺭﺭﺒ‬ ‫ﮕﻋﻌ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪﻠ‬ ‫ﺴ‪- -‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ‪-‬ﺪﻤﻋ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻼﻡﺎ‬ ‫ﯽ‪-‬ﻮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﮐﻼ‪ -‬ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺣ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﮐ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻮﺎ‬ ‫ﯽ‪-‬ﻠﻫ‬ ‫یﻨ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻤ‬ ‫ﺯﯾ ‪-‬ﻴﻨﻣ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦﺩﺯﺒﯾ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻧﻮﺮ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻼﻴ‬ ‫ﻕﻨﺒﺭ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻦﻨ‬ ‫ﺴﻗ‬ ‫ﻮﺵﺩ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻗ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﺵﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﯾ ﻟﺍﺣﻟﻘ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﻮ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺪﻋﻣﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﻥﺑﯾ‬ ‫ﺪﯾﻴﺭ ﺩﺭﻤﻭ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤ‬ ‫ﺤﻣ ﺮﻓ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﭘ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﯽﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﮋﺍ ﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﻦﻮﻣﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﻨﻬﻟ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻴ‬ ‫ﺸﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺴﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻣ‬ ‫ﺷﮑ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻟ‬ ‫ﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻼ‪-‬‬ ‫ﯽ ﺍ‪--‬ﻓﻣ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪ‪--‬ﻏ‬ ‫ﷲﻘﻣ‬ ‫ﺪﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷ‬ ‫ﯽﺍ‬ ‫ﺏﻟ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﯽﺍﻣﻧﺼﻓ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽﺍﻘ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻥﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻞﻠﻴﮔﮔ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭘﻴ ﻨ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎ ﺎﻴﻋ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻤ‬ ‫‪| ÀÀ¯Ê»ÊËZ¼À³ d‬‬ ‫‪] Á· { ÉZÅÄ Z¿ Êf«Á‬‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪8 8‬‬ ‫ﺻ ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻔ‬ ‫‪ÉZÊY¿ ¸ - Ê fËY|Å ¾Ìu‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫]‪±] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫‪É‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩﭼﻬﺎﺭ م‪ 8 /‬ﺷﻬ ﺮ ﯾﻮﺭ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫»‪/‬ﻝ‪ÆÆ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ »‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪¸ Z]Z/‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪]Â³‬‬ ‫‪Â ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫¨‪d‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒ{ ﺮﻱ‪،³‬ﺗ‬ ‫‪{YÁ‬‬ ‫¿‪ [Zzf‬ﻧﻪ‪Á‬ﻣﺎ ﻪ‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Z‬‬ ‫‪z ¿Yf Ã{ {a a da‬ﻫﻔﺘ‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺩﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻥﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺴ ﮋﺍ‬ ‫ﺪیﻧﻋﺘ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺍﮋﻤ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺭﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺍ ﻐ ﺍﻤ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺭﺍیﻭﺯﻐ‬ ‫ﺕﻓﺭ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺍﻓ‬ ‫ﺨﺑﺮﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﺨﻭﺑﺘﺨ ﻟ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﺘ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺘﺍ‬ ‫ﻮیﯾﺮﺩﺭﺍ ﻧﺍﺩﻧﺎﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥﺮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺐﻮ ﺑﺳﺯﻧﺗ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﻨﺠﺎﻝﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳ ﺑﻭ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺑ‬ ‫ﺠﻪﺗﺎﻘ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﺋﺎ ﺑﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺷﺒ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺩﺩﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﺑﺭﻨﺍﺎ‬ ‫ﯽﺮ ﺮﻴ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﻝﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺤﺭ‬ ‫ﺕﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺁ ﺳﮐ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺩیﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺯﻣﺯ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺵﺩﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﺁﻴ‬ ‫ﯽﺎﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﮔﺯﺭﺁ‬ ‫ﺤﺑﯾ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺰ‬ ‫ﯽﺩﺭ‪ -‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻭﻋ‬ ‫ﯽ ‪-‬ﻠ‬ ‫ﻥﻗ‬ ‫ﺍﻥﮐ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻢﻫﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗ ﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺲﻔﺘ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻧﻧﺎﻣﺎﺪ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺷ ﺎﯾﮔ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻼء ﻣﻣﻴﻴ ﻣﺮﺮﻣﺤﺮ‬ ‫ﻋ ﻼء‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬ ﺮﯾ ﻮﺭ ‪100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔ ﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺳﻮ م ‪ /‬ﺍﻭ ﻝ‬ ‫¸‪- h‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭ»‪/j‬ﻝ‬ ‫‪Z]Â ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]Â³‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ ‪/ ¨³ { {،‬‬ ‫‪{Z Z¼f‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒ‪¼f‬‬ ‫‪YÉY‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ‪ Y‬ﻪ‪Y‬ﻧﻣﺎ ‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Y ÀÅ‬‬ ‫]‪ÀÅ Z]Z] ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪À Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪]ÌÌa a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY¨¿ 5ZË 4‬‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻧﺎﺯﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﯽ ﻟﻮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭ ﻟ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻴ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﮕﯽﺮﺍ ﻌ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻋ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﻠ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤ‪-‬‬ ‫ﯽ ﻣﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﺎﻭﺭﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﯾ‬ ‫ﻦﺭﮐﺸ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺟ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤ‬ ‫ﺑ ﻬﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪:Â· ÂmM Ä¼ §Z‬‬ ‫‪Â· ÂmM‬‬ ‫‪Ä¼ §Z‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮﻦی‪::‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬ﻧﻤﻴﻮﻴﺛﺮ]‪Z]Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﻞﺎ‬ ‫ﮕﻧ‬ ‫ﯽﺎﮐ‬ ‫ﺟﻬ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﻞﻬ‬ ‫‪Z‬ﻴﻤﺟﻴ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻕﻕﻤﺎ‪Ë‬‬ ‫‪ÅÂ³‬ﺳﻠﻋ‬ ‫ﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱﺳ‬ ‫‪Á‬یﻋ ‪-‬ﺳﺍﺍﺳ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬ﻧﺘﺮ‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫¨ﯽ ﮐ ﻼ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴ‪³‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008‬‬ ‫‪-5281‬‬ ‫‪ Âb‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½ZË‬‬ ‫‪©{Z‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫§‪³{ÓÂ‬‬ ‫‪{Á‬‬ ‫‪ËZm‬‬ ‫^‪ÌZ‬‬ ‫¿‬ ‫»‪Â‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫»‪ÂeZ¯|Æ‬‬ ‫‪Z^|Ì‬‬ ‫´‪É‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪×Y| ‬‬ ‫‪-Ê-¼u‬‬ ‫‪-ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-Ê‬‬ ‫‪Z¿ ¼u‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¯‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫‪-É^À‬‬ ‫‪»ÔY‬‬ ‫^‪ÂZ‬‬ ‫‪¸Å-|¿ÂÀ‬‬ ‫¬‪ºZ‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫‪Ë‬‬ ‫‪{¾¾Ì‬‬ ‫{©«‬ ‫»‪v‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫‪ÂË‬‬ ‫¼‪{Z‬‬ ‫‪Y· Â]YuZZ‬‬ ‫‪½Á‬‬ ‫‪|Ì‬‬ ‫‪Y{|¼v‬‬ ‫» §‪|Ë‬‬ ‫‪¾ Ì»Yw‬‬ ‫¬|‪¹‬‬ ‫‪ÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê Ì‬‬ ‫¿‪Â‬‬ ‫‪» Ê½ZÌ‬‬ ‫‪À‬‬ ‫¨‪Z‬‬ ‫‪-Ê‬‬ ‫»^‪uZ‬‬ ‫‪Æm¨ÂË‬‬ ‫‪»¾ËM‬‬ ‫»‪ÅÔ‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫¼|¿‪}ÂZ‬‬ ‫‪-{Y‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫‪»Ô‬‬ ‫¼|‬ ‫»‪ÂÉv‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪m°e‬‬ ‫»‪£v‬‬ ‫‪--Ê»¯Y‬‬ ‫¿‪-Ê½Z¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪-Ê‬‬ ‫»¬|‬ ‫‪¾ ¼ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪°ÅÂ‬‬ ‫‪\Ì‬‬ ‫¯‪ºZ‬‬ ‫‪É{ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¾v‬‬ ‫‪¯°‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫»‪¾v‬‬ ‫¼‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪|Ì»u‬‬ ‫»‪dÌ «YÁY ÃZe{ - h¸j‬‬ ‫ﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﯾﻠﺎ‬ ‫ﻌﻴﺪﻧ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﺋﻘ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻬﺪیﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱﻣ‪-‬ﻴﺪﺳﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻨﻣﺠ‪-‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺩیﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭیﻮﺯﺁﻋ‪-‬ﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻡﻋﻠﻋﻠﻴﭙ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼ ﺑﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻣﺤ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪-‬ﻮﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﻋ ﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫»‪ZÀ¯ { :½ZËn ½Z³‬‬ ‫‪ºËY] ½{ Z |a‬‬ ‫‪{Â] ZËÁ®Ë‬‬ ‫‪½YËÁj¯Y‬‬ ‫‪Z»Âe‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫¸‪Ê ËY Ì»Ê‬‬ ‫»‪h ¸j‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä »Z‬‬ ‫]‪Ä f¨Å Z‬‬ ‫‪[Â y Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËMº Ì¿Z‬‬ ‫‪fÀ‬‬ ‫»»‪»Ê‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎیﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍی ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfÌ‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫]‪: Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫‪Z»Âe‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪M OSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫»‪:Ê¼ZÅ |¼v‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫¨‪4 4Ä v‬‬ ‫·‪:½ZÌÆ‬‬ ‫‪Z^y‬‬ ‫‪Y Y ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÃÅ‬‬ ‫¼|‪Z-‬‬ ‫»‪ Êv‬‬ ‫‪ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY|¼f ‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪-ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫‪¯Z|¼ËÊ‬‬ ‫»‪ v‬‬ ‫»‪^fn‬‬ ‫]‪|¼ v» Z‬‬ ‫ »‪Â aÌ¿ |¼v‬‬‫‪{ÉZzf§Y‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ·Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y‬‬ ‫»‪YÀ»Â‬‬ ‫‪¿ ^¯Y|Ì¼m‬‬ ‫‪{¾Ìv»Ô£‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Â°‬‬ ‫‪Ä·§-Ó--Ê-Ê‬‬ ‫»¬|‪¹‬‬ ‫ ·‪Y‬‬ ‫^‪Ê¸ Z‬‬ ‫»‪[Ânv‬‬ ‫‪Y]Â‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫§‪eÁ‬‬ ‫‪»Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ê½Z¼Ìa‬‬ ‫‪¿Ê‬‬ ‫¸‪»YZÌ‬‬ ‫¸‪³¬ÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌZ¼Y‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﮑﻴﻢ ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭیﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ‪-‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﯾﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽﻫﺎ ﺭﻭی ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﯾﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍیﺳﺮﯾﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫| ‪ÃZ^»µZ‬‬ ‫‪¦Ëve‬‬ ‫¦‬ ‫»‪ÉZm Ä] :ZÌ¿\nfÀ‬‬ ‫‪|ÌZ] Â´zZa ËZ«Á‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe 1000Ä v¨100‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫»‪/138 8Â ËÆ8 /¹ZÆ q ÃZ¼ÉµÆ/‬‬ ‫‪ÁYµ Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê¸ Z]Â³‬‬ ‫‪Ê¸Ì¸v‬‬ ‫‪/ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪eÉ‬‬ ‫‪, ^y‬‬ ‫»‪{Ä‬‬ ‫‪YZ Á‬‬ ‫‪¿ Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y Ã {a da‬‬ ‫‪{ Z¼f‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪½Zf‬‬ ‫‪YÉYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É|¼u‬‬ ‫‪¿ ÉY‬‬ ‫]‪Z¿Y ¤ cZ‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¿‪[Zzf‬‬ ‫·‪Y§Y Y]d‬‬ ‫‪Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪½YËÁ‬‬ ‫{ ‪{Y‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫»‪ÉÂÂ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó Ä^W‬‬ ‫‪µZnÀm‬‬ ‫‪\¸¬e‬‬ ‫‪d·ÁZ{ Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY ¨¿ 5ZË 4‬‬ ‫¨ ‪8 8Ä v‬‬ ‫‪\ ¿ Ê· Z‬‬ ‫|‪Ê¨ »Ì» Ê³‬‬ ‫¿ ´‪Ä ¿] ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ÌW5‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÄZ‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫¨‪v‬‬ ‫¿‪¹Â» Z‬‬ ‫‪³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪½ Z»Z‬‬ ‫¨‪3 8Äv‬‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZ ÅÂ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÄÌZu aÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ä»Z¿®Ë|Ë|m‬‬ ‫»‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪{ Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫‪-dÌ‬‬ ‫‪»|y‬‬ ‫‪- Z°Ë»M‬‬ ‫·‪d‬‬ ‫]‪W Á-{ ÄÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe ½Y‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫·‪Z¯ d‬‬ ‫¿‪{ËY Á½Z‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫ ‪{ YY‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZÅÂ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪½ Z»Âe 1000Ä v‬‬ ‫‪/¨ 100 /1388ÂË Æµ ÁY/ ¹ Â‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZ¼ -h¸j‬‬ ‫‪µ/ÁYµ Z]ZÂ³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ê¸Ì¸v‬‬ ‫‪/ {e É‬‬ ‫‪,{Z¼f‬‬ ‫‪ ^yYÉ‬‬ ‫‪Ä Z»Y‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪Y ÀÅZ] ÊÀÌ] Ìa‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¯‪¾ iÂ‬‬ ‫‪Ì´¿ÊZÆm‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ì‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫‪¼Ì ©Zv‬‬ ‫‪¸Z¼Y‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y- É f Ô‬‬ ‫ ‪¿ ¯ÊÌ‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿Y‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Â yÊ‬‬ ‫{ ‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪¼ÌÌ{ÓÁ‬‬ ‫]‪Æ‬‬ ‫‪¸Æ‬‬ ‫»‪ºË‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫«‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¼u‬‬ ‫‪ÂÊ‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫‪· Á‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫‪Y¿«{Z‬‬ ‫‪{Ë‬‬ ‫‪ ‬‬ ‫‪Y¾Ì‬‬ ‫¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫´‬ ‫‪Ê--¸ À‬‬ ‫‪Ã-Ê‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪ÌÌu‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌv‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪»Ô‬‬ ‫‪Z¿ ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪¼u‬‬ ‫‪YeZ‬‬ ‫‪ËÊ¯µÔm‬‬ ‫¸‬ ‫]‪¾ ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪±‬‬ ‫{‪{ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪YÃ‬‬ ‫‪fÀ‬‬ ‫‪Á¿ Z]½ZËY³‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‬ ‫‪|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿‪ºÆ‬‬ ‫{‪ {d·Á‬‬ ‫‪YÃÉ‬‬ ‫‪dY‬‬ ‫‪|¿Y ÁZ]aÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¸n»¶Zf‬‬ ‫‪»Z ¿YeÃ |¿Á a‬‬ ‫‪½ Â´f‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪]ZÌr‬‬ ‫{‪¬ Y‬‬ ‫¼|{‪ËY‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Z] ×Y‬‬ ‫»‪v‬‬ ‫‪®,É‬‬ ‫‪|Y‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫¯‪Ë iÂ‬‬ ‫¯‪,½ZËÂeZ‬‬ ‫‪¶ÉÌZ¼Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Áa‬‬ ‫‪Y |Ì ¼u‬‬ ‫‪½Zf‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪.½Y‬‬ ‫‪dË‬‬ ‫‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪|À‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ËY¯Za‬‬ ‫‪½Y|¬f‬‬ ‫‪¹Â‬‬ ‫‪Ìv‬‬ ‫‪fÌÀ»Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Æ»¹Z‬‬ ‫^‪½Z‬‬ ‫»‪ »½Z‬‬ ‫]‪cZ‬‬ ‫‪ZÁ‬‬ ‫‪À»ÂeYaY‬‬ ‫‪Z· ZÉ‬‬ ‫‪^Å‬‬ ‫‪zf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫‪-¾Ì‬‬ ‫‪YÊ‬‬ ‫‪ÁÌa‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪eÂa¼Å‬‬ ‫]‪]Z¯Ê‬‬ ‫§{‪ÉÂaÊÁ‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ Æ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÊ‬‬ ‫‪¼ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫¨ ¸‬ ‫¿‪,Ê¨n‬‬ ‫{‪µ‬‬ ‫{‪Z» ÁÓ‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪½ÂË‬‬ ‫¿^‪{ Â¿{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÁËÂ¸eÊ‬‬ ‫‪{Â]Z¿ f ]ZeÉZÅ‬‬ ‫] ‪µZË Ê‬‬ ‫‪½ Z»Âe 1000Ä/v¨ 100 /138 8{Y { » 2/ 5¹ Á{ÃZ¼µ/ ÁY‬‬ ‫‪µ Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê¸Ì¸v‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪eÉ‬‬ ‫‪, ^yÄ »Z¿Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ ¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪ËÆ‬‬ ‫‪©Zv‬‬ ‫‪{½ZÌ]Y‬‬ ‫‪.|À‬‬ ‫¯‪ZYÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪cY‬‬ ‫‪Yv»»Äq‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪ÁÉ‬‬ ‫‪Á{Á‬‬ ‫‪ÊZ]MÌvË‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀË³‬‬ ‫{ ‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪YÊ‬‬ ‫‪¸-½YY‬‬ ‫¯‪º‬‬ ‫‪ËZÅÊ«{Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨³‬‬ ‫¿‬ ‫»‪{ ÄËZ‬‬ ‫‪Z¿Z‬‬ ‫ ‪|¼v»Ì» LÔ‬‬ ‫‪ZfyZ :ÊÀÌu‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{Ê» ÌÌ¤e Y Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ ‪ -‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ ‪ --‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪ -‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮیﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‪ --‬ﻣﻬﺪی ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻮی ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‪ --‬ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﯾﻦﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪--‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ ‪ --‬ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩیﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﺗﺸﮑﺮی ‪--‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‪--‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪ÉÆ» Ê¸ Z] Â³ Á d¨³ { YÁ‬‬ ‫‪YÁ [Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y Ã{a‬‬ ‫‪Ã{a da‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫»‪h ¸j‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä »Z‬‬ ‫]‪Ä f¨Å Z‬‬ ‫‪[Â y Ä f¨Å‬‬ ‫ﺤﻔﺤ‪4 4‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺻ ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺰﺩﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻠ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﯽﻼ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﯽ ﻟﻮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭ ﻟ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻌ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽﺮﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﻠ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻩﻣ‪---‬ﻋ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﯽﻋ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻭﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪﺸﮐﻋﻠﯾ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻤ ﺟﻦ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺣﻬ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺮﭘ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﻧ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺎﮋﺍ ﻬﺎﻡﻨ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﻴﻦﻣﻮﻟﺍﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺍﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﺴ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﻟ‬ ‫ﺷﮑ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﯽ ‪-‬ﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵﺍ ‪--‬ﻼﻏﻓ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺪﻡﻟ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷ‬ ‫ﺏﺑ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽﻣ‬ ‫ﯽﺍﷲﻘﻮ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﻧﺼ ﻣﺮﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘ‬ ‫ﺮﺿﺎﺮﺍﮔﻘﻨﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻴﻋﻠﮔﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺍ ﻋﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽﻃﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺠﻔﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠ ﻧﺭﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭ ﺭﺩﻻﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻟﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭی ﺯ‪-‬ﻫ ﺮﻩ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺮیﺎﯾﺭ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻌﺘﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺭﺿ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻤ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﯽﺘﯾﻌﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﺷ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻣﺤﺒﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺤﻣ ﺠﻣﻤ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‪-‬ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﻭﺑﻴﻨﺩ‪-‬ﻭﻪﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﯽ ﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﯽﻧ‬ ‫ﻄﻔﯽ ﻟﻋﺎﻋﺎ ﺴ‬ ‫ﺼ ﻔ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﯽ ﻴﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺪ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽﺑﻪﺯ ﻧﺯﮔﻧ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺑ‬ ‫ﮕﺎ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻧ‬ ‫| ‪: Ê¼Z‬‬ ‫»‪Å ¼v‬‬ ‫‪:Â · ÂmM Ä¼ §Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫] ‪ÊË ZÅ Zf¨ ³ Z]Z‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫»‪Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫{‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫¯‪ËÆ‬‬ ‫¯‪ËÆ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺻ ﺤﻔ‬ ‫‪{ Á‬‬ ‫‬ ‫½ ¼¸‪°‬‬ ‫»‪ Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉYZ‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫‪ÉY Ã| Á¿ a‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪100 /138 8‬‬ ‫»‪|Ì¿ YÂ yÊ‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫¼‪Ê» ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã Z¼¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪¾ ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪®Ë ]Y] { 168‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪É Ê]Ó Ä] ¸n» :Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫¿‪|Å{Ê¼¿ ÉY º·ZZ‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪ÉY ¨¿ 5ZË4‬‬ ‫‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﻥﺎ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺨﺎ ﯾ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩیﺎ‬ ‫ﺼﺩﺎ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﮔ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﻣﺮﺭﺘﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻗ ﻧﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺣﺮﻪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺲﺍ‬ ‫ﻕ ﭘﻴﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺨﻬ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﺯﺍ ﺭﺗﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻑﺎ‬ ‫ﺤ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺳﺍﺮﻬﻤﻭﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻣﺘﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﯽﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺎﻩ‪ 4‬ﺁ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻴ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﮔﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﯽﻋﻤﻋﻤﻗﺮﻗﮑﻠﯾﺮﺩﺍﺤﺭﯾﺍﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺮ ﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮمﺍﻭ ﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﯾ ﻮﺭ‬ ‫]‪ »Z‬ﻝ ‪¸j‬ﺷ‪-h‬‬ ‫‪³ Á d¨³‬ﺳﺎ‪]Â³‬ﻝﺍﻭ‪Z‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ¨‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪³ { { Z¼fY‬‬ ‫ﻱ‪¼Z‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ‪Yf‬ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ Y‬ﻪ‪É‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ‬ ‫]‪Y YYÀÅZ‬‬ ‫]‪ ÅÀ ZÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪]ÊÀÌ ]Ìa‬‬ ‫‪Ìa‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﺠﺐﺩ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﯽﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤ ﺧﻧ‬ ‫ﮕﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻤ‬ ‫ﺪﻨ‬ ‫ﺴ ﻣﺮﺍﺘﺮﻧ‬ ‫ﺣﻣﺍﺰ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺩ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻢﻋ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﻮ‬ ‫ﻥ ﯾ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺪﻴ‬ ‫ﮑﻴﮑ‪،‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺍﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺋﻮﻓ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻮ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺤﻓ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﻣﺋﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻟﻮﺍﺭ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺳﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﻘ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﺒﺎ ﺎﺒ ﭙﺑ‬ ‫ﯽ ﻋﻋ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻋ ﻠ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺩﮐﺘﮐ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪیﺮﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫گ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺭﻩﺳﻣ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻥﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍیﺩ‬ ‫ﺍیﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺖﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺖﻩ ﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻠﺲﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺭﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﻈﺎ ﺭﻣﺠ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻩ ﺍﻧ‬ ‫‪::ÃZ´f‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪´f‬‬ ‫‪Z]Y{ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫{‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪ Z‬ﯾ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫‪Z]®Ë‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬ﻣﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻥ‪،‬ﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ É‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‪ÃZY‬‬ ‫{]‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Áa‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎﻋ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á a‬ﺣﻤﺍ‪Y‬ﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫]‪: YÊËZÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ﺷ‪/‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩﺩﻭ م ‪ 25/‬ﻣ ﺮﺩﺍ ﺩ ‪ /1388‬ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮ]ﻦﺮی‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻮﻴﺛ‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅÂ³Á‬‬ ‫ﻞﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺟ‪Ë‬ﯽﮐﻬ‬ ‫ﻕﻤ‪Z‬ﻴﻤﺟﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻕﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫‪ÅÂ³‬‬ ‫ﺳﺍ‬ ‫ﺘﺮی‪-‬ﻋﺍﺍﺳ ﺤ‬ ‫‪Á d¨³‬‬ ‫¨‪d‬‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻋ‪³‬ﻴﺴ ﯽﮐ ﻧ‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﻔﺎﻫ ﺘﻪﻧﺎ ﻣﻪ ﻠﺜ ﺚ‬ ‫ﺧ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻫ ﻔﺘﻪ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺤﻪﻪ‪3 8‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Z‬ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺩی‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪیﺍﺍﺩﺩ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺪ ﻭﺯ]ﺯ‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫ﺣﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺮ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳ»ﻟﺍﺳﻢ‪j‬ﺤﺴﺳ¸‬ ‫‪ÃËÁ‬ﻘﻟﻮﺍﻮﺑﺍﺍﺑ ﺎﻮ‬ ‫‪ÃË‬‬ ‫ی‬ ‫‪ Á‬ﺘﺮﺍﺑ ﺑﺍﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻼ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺪﻧ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÂ³Á‬ﻴ‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫ﻴﺴﯽﮐ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪Z‬ﻋﺭﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪیﺧﻋ‪Å‬‬ ‫ﻬﺪی‬ ‫‪Â³Á‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻭ ﺩ ﻣﺘﮐ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ ¨ ³‬ﺣﺍ ﻤ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻕﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ؟‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺴﻋ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﮐﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﭘﺎﺩﭘﺎﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺎﻉﺭﻟﺎﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻣﻨﺗﻮﺘﻘﻃ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﺯی‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﺍﭘ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛ﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺯی‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽﺭﻧ‬ ‫ﮐﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻫﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯ ﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﻥﺍی‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍیﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﻩﺪﻩﺍی‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮﭘﻧﻭ ﺮﻭﻧ‬ ‫‪12 Ä¬¸u‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﻫﺎیﺗﺎﺑﺴ ﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﯽﺳﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪18 /‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺩ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻬﻨﺭﺭ‪5‬ﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺤﻪﻪ‪4‬‬ ‫ﺤﺑﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻈﺎﻡﻣ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻥﺻﻔﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎ‬ ‫ﻥﺯﻣﺎ ﻧ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﺚ‬ ‫‪M OSALA‬ﺧ ﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪ .SIR‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻟﻴﻮ ﻔ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺨﻔﯽﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙ ﻟﻮ ﺨ‬ ‫ﺎی‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺩﭙﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺯ ﺮﻫﺩ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽﺭﺩﺍ ﭘ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﯾﻭﺍ ﺑ‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯽﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺮﻩﮐﺩﻤﺩ‬ ‫ﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽﺭ‬ ‫ﺍی ﺪﺍﯾﺭﺩ ﺳﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺪﺩﻩ ﺟﺍ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺮﻧﻭ‬ ‫ﺸﺖﺮ ﺚﭘ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﭘ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻠﻣﺜ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ ﻫﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺏﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺧﻪ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺏ‬ ‫ﺘﻫﻔ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏﺑﺎﻫﻔﺘﺑﺎ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪¦Ì ¸v‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì‬‬ ‫‪¸vee Á~Ì¨Àe‬‬ ‫]‪~ Ì Àe¨ Y| ‬‬ ‫{‪| ] ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ ÄÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ä ÀÌÌ]Z]¯Z¯½Â»Y‬‬ ‫¿‪½Â »Y ÌÌaaÊ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿ Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä ¿¼Z¼³³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ 5 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 148 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﮐﻢ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﯾﯽﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﻥﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪﺩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫{§‪ÉYmZ» Y Z‬‬ ‫»® §‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪- -‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫]]‪|ÀÅYÂyÊ»ZÅÖÌ¸´¿Y:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫]]‪|¿Â»ZÌ]YZ»ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫´‪:Âa‬‬ ‫{‪|ÌÀ¯ [Yy Y ÀÅ Á d·Á{ ½ZÌ» Õ{Z¼fY Ö] YÂË‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂeÊ¼¿ Z°Ë»M : ÉYy‬‬ ‫‪{Ì´] Ã|Ë{Z¿ Y ½YËY‬‬ ‫{‪ÁMZÅ°¨ÀÁ:Ê°¼¿Ã‬‬ ‫{‪|Á¨]½Z¼¸Ì§|¿Y‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﯾﺖﻫﺎیﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎی ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰی‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪:Ê» ¾Ìu‬‬ ‫‪:Ê¬WZ§|Ì ‬‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪ ،،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪Ã{a da‬‬ ‫{‪YÁa ÊZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫¯‪| ] Á{ Ê¸¯Âe Á ÀÅZ] ¶j» Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪|¿ÂÊ» dÌuÔ‬‬ ‫‪É|¿ »Z Ì¸-‬‬ ‫‪Y e¹Â¸» ½ZËY´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfÅ ½Z^¸sÔY‬‬ ‫§‪ÉÁÌa ÉÂ Ä] Y‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍیﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZÅÂ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫]‪Ê¸ § ÉZÅÁ Y Ì£ ÊËZÅÁ Z‬‬ ‫‪dY ½ZËY´·ÂY ½M Y Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺳ ﺎﺭﻩ ﻱ ﻪ ﺎﻡ ﺎﺭ ﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭی ﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻩ ﮐ ﺭﮔﺮﺩ ﻥ ﭗ ﻓﻴﮑﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﮋﻭ ﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁ ﻬﺎﺳﻮ ﺩ ﺪ ﺭ ﺪ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻛﺴﺎ ﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺬ ﻛﺮﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪ 10/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺮﻭ ﺪﻩ ﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﻐ ﺮ ﻃﺮ ﻓ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗ ﻱ ﺭ ﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺼﺮ ‪ -‬ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪ ﺱ ﻭ ﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯ ﺩ ﻣﻮ ﻤﻦ ‪ -‬ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫ ﺷﻤﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺳﺮ ﻴﭙﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻮ ﯽ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿ ﺳﺠ ﺩ ﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺪﺭ ﻡ ﺳﻠﻄ ﯽ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻬﺸﺘﯽ ﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺮ ﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍ ﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻬ ﺭﺳﺘ ﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫ یﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻤﯽﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺪﻩﻫ ی ﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺏ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯ ﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﺮﻭ ﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫ ی ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ 19 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪:Ê«e Z|Ì¼u‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌfÌ¿ ª§YÂ» {Y¿É|¼uY Z] ZÅÁ { Z‬‬ ‫‪:¹Ô¯ Z^Ë ©{Z‬‬ ‫‪|Ê» Z¼ d]Â¿ {Á ZË Ë{ !Ê«e ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY´·ÂY ¹YÁ|Ì»Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Á] ¥Z^Ì·Z« ¶j» É{§ d¼ Ä‬‬ ‫‪É{Á Â » É ´ÉÊ‬‬ 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ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ؛ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪20..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪22...........‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪23......................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪24...................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ‪25................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‪27.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺞ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ‪30.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪32.........................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪34................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‪35.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﺥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪36...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩُﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺕ‪37.........................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺩ‪-‬ﺑﺮﺩ‪38.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪39....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎ ژﻧﻮ‪40................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ« ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ – ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪58.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ -‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪60..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪61..................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪62.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪63......................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪64..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪66............................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺟﻴﻮ ﻟﺌﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ‪68.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪70.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪44.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪46....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ؟‪48.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪50...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ ﺩﻭ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪51..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪52...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪54..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪55.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪56.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻤﻲﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻻﻧــﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺮﻕﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻧــﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻐﺰ ﻣﻮﻻﻧــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ‪72............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﭽﻪ؛ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ؛ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪75.........................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻦ‪77....................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺳﻮﻡ؛ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪78.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪79................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ‪80..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪-‬ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪-‬ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻛﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪82.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍ‪83.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪84........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‪86...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪87...............................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‪88............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪90......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪92...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪94...........................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ‪96........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔــﺖ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻔﺖ »ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﻤــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺛﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸــﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 84‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﮕــﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﻤــﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ؛ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺠﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣــﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻟﻔﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻃﺒﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺼــﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ« ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠــﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻔﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻲ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺳــﻠﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ 76‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻘــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻟﺖﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼــﺎﻑ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻲ ﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﺷــﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺲ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺑــﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻌــﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﺴــﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺄﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺳــﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟــﺰﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﻳﺎﻓﺘــﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒــﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺫﻟﺖﺁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﺯﺩﮔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻰﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺼــﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﮕــﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﺯﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﺯﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻊﺍﻻﺳﻒ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﻢﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺑــﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻢﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫»ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﻔﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺳــﺘﻢﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻮﺯﮔﻰ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﺯﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﻤــﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺸــﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺭﻯﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻰﻭﻃﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻔﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﭘﻴﺪﻥ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ« ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ!‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻯ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﭼﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮچ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﺪ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ!‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ!‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺑﺮگ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ!‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﻭﻓﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻔﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ!‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻓﻨﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﻮ!‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻱ‬ 9 ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ؛‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟ «‬ ‫‪10‬‬ 11 ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻚﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ »:‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ »:‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ 13 ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭﻭﮔﻠﺸﻴﻔﺘﻪﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺩﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺑﻪﭘﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺍﻣﺎﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﻛﻪﺍﺯﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻳﻚﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘﺪﺭﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﺣﻞﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻮﺭﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﮔﻠﺸــﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻞﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻮﺭﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻲﺻﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ « .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤــﻼﺕ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺏﻭﺷــﺘﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻓﻠﻔﻞ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﺏﻣﻌﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺒﺰﭘﻮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴــﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺒﺰﭘﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ »ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ« ﻭ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻞﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻳﺎﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺯﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻓﻠﻔﻞ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻃﻰ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻓﻠﻔﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ »:‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟« ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸــﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ؛ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻼ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ »ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﻛﺎﺷﻒ ﻓﻀﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺬﺍﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ »ﺍﻻﺭﺩﻥﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻞ ﻋﻔﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻇﻠﻢ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺣﺶ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳــﻊ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻰ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؟ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ؟« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ‪51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ‪49‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻚ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﻣﺤﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﺵ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻣﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭘﻮﻝﻳﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻳﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﻛﺶ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ؟«‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻲ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ‪25‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 55‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ 16 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻗــﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ‪ 11‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺘﺎﺏﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﻪ ﻛﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺟﺎﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪﻟﻄﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﺘﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺛﻤﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺷــﻰ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻩﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﺮﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻙ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﻤﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼــﺎﺏ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻣﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻇﺮﻳــﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻰﻧﻴــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺖ؟ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺑﺘﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻘﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻏﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ«ﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠــﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻣﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻓﺸﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻪﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺯﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﻚ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻗــﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳــﺰ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ؛ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼــﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤــﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢﻗﻄــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸــﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻐﻀﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺗﻚﺿﺮﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺳــﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺒﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺒﻄﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ »ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ«! ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦﻇﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ؟! ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺼﺪﺍﻳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳــﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﻴﺖ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ«! ﻳﺎ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺵﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟! ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺯﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺧﺐ! ﻣﮕﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﻧﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺘﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ »ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫــﻢ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜــﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ »ﺗﻮﻫﻢ«‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺒﻰ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻢﻛﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺘﻮﻫﻢ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ »ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒــﻲ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭﺍﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫»ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﻧﺎﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ«؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺳـﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳـﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺸـﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻗـﻮﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗـﻰ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨـﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻙﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳـﺒﺐ ﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻼﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺴﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 99‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼء ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﭗ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴـﺐ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬـﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴـﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳـﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣـﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀـﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨـﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﻓﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻰ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻗــﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﻤﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺟﺰﻣﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳــﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻰ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ (ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺫﻫﻨــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ )ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ( ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻰﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪» .‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒــﻰ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺸــﺘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻧﺒــﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﭘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻨﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ )ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ( ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄــﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﻐﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻐــﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﭽﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟــﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪» :‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ )ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ( ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻰﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺩ‪»:‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﺭﺍﻗﺒﻮﻝﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺁﺭﺍﺑﻪﻧﺴﺒﺖﺩﻭﺑﻪﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻻﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺤﺘﺸــﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﻻﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻭﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻓﻘﻂﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻭﻻﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﺷﻚﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩﻭﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲﻧﺒﻮﻱ‪:‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯﺑﺪﻭﻥﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻋﻀﻮﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯﺑﺎﺷﺪﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣــﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇــﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟«‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺖﻭﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 42‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﺮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ‪ 70 – 60‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﻞ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺝ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 2‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑــﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ؛ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﻢﺯﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻠﻮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ 10 ،‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ‪50‬ﻋﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﻰﺭﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﻼﺡﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺸــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲﺷــﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺷﺎﻛﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ »:‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻈــﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺻﺪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪25‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪50‬ﻧﻔﺮﺷﺪﻭﺩﺭﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰﻛﻪﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺰﺭگﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ‪ 100‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺷــﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧــﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺸــﻘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏــﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﻤﻌــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻗﻮﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻼﻯ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﻳﭻ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﮔﻴﻨﻒ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺴــﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻼﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1917‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺫﻭﺏ ﻓﻠﺰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ‪ 113‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1892‬ﻭ ‪ ،1903‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺖﻭﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﻤﻚ ﻗﺮﻭﺽ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻁ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣُﺴﻜِﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺠــﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ )ﺯﻣﺴﺘﻮﺱﻫﺎ( ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺭژﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﻜﻼ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ‪ 13‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻲ )‪ (1897‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 11/5‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ – ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ – ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺮﻣﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 1878‬ﻭ ‪ 1881‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﻛﺘﻔــﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﻜﻼﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠــﺐ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﭽﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ – ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﺁﻫﻨــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﭽﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻝﺩﻱﻭﺳــﺘﻚ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺭﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1904‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1905‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪1905‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1898‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ )ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ( ﻭ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ( ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﻠﺨﺎﻧﻒ ﻭ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻲﻫــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒــﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 1901‬ﻭ ‪ 1905‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 1955‬ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻳﻀﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪) .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺳــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺗﻜﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺰﻧﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ (.‬ﻣﻼﺣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦﭘﺘﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭگ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺳﻦﭘﺘﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭگ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧــﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﺒــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ )ﺩﻭﻣﺎ( ﺭﺍ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂﻭﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺒﺖ ﻏﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1914‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻛﻔﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺗﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻗﻠﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗــﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦﭘﺘﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭگ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 1917‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻜﻼﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣــﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒــﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺗﺴــﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻦ ﻟﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻗﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻧﺴﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﻮﻑ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﻓﻨﻼﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ( ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﮔﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺗﺴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﻮﻑ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻧﺴﻜﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳـﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ )ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎ( ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪﻫﺎ )ژﺍﭘــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ( ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻠﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1921‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،1922‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﮔﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻏﺎﻝﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ »ﺍﻭﺭﻭﺭ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 2‬ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫»ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﮔﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺗﺴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫)ﭼﻜﺎ(؛ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 1918‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺬﻫــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ« ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺸــﻌﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺖ – ﻟﻴﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ ،1918‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝﻭﺑﺎﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺁﻥ )ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ( ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻨﺪﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ )ﻛﻮﻻﻙﻫﺎ(‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳﻬﻴﻞ ﺳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﻘﻨﻮﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫‪.1386‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺰﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪.1383‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻼﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺎﻧﭽﺎﻧﻴﻨﻮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺒﺎﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.1383 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ‪) 1891-1924‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪﻯ (‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﻻﻧﺪﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻘﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﻰ‪.1388 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌــﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺩﺍﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭژﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻔﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ‪.1383 ،‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﮕﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ژ ﻧﻮ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺞ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﭙﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺧــﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻥﻛﻰ ﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻬﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 54‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ‪ 34‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﻬﻚ ﻭ‪ 47‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻏﻨــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻳــﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1384‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 28‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 1386‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 26‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ژﻧﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ« ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 4/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪19/75‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1500‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔــﺮﻡ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ »ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪» :‬ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ]ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ[‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ »ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ‪-‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ -200‬ﻛﻼﻫﻚ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳــﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ]ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ[‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ]ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ[ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 1957‬ﺗﺎ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 52‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺣﺴﻦﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1336) 1957‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ( ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ« ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1957‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ« ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1960‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪) 1967‬ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀــﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ( ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ‪ GA Technologies‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 41) 1968‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ( ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 1970‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 13‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 1969‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 1957‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ )‪ 13‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 1979‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 22‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ‪ (1357‬ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ )ﺍﻥﭘﻲﺗﻲ( ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1974‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭﺭﻙ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﻤﻨﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ!‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1974‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘــﻮﺭ ‪ 1200‬ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺎﺗﻢ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 950‬ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1975‬ﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺘﻮ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳــﺖ )ﺍﻡﺁﻱﺗﻲ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﻭﺩﻳﻒ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ ﻃﻔﺮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻘــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫــﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ‪ 23‬ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1974‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 1975‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1973‬ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻢ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ )ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1976‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻳﺮﺍ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1974‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 700‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﻴﻚﺯﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﻴﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1985‬ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻌﻘــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﺯ ﻟﻴﺰﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﭘﻼﺳــﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1980‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1990‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1991‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻌﻬــﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﮕﺰﺍ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﮕﺰﺍ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺮﺍ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴــﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ‪ 90‬ﺩﻳﻮﻛﺴﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1995‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻐﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻟﻴﺰﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﻭﺩﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﺮﺽ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ .1989‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1970‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2003‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1984‬ﻭ ‪ 1987‬ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1985‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻥ ﭘﻲﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻔﺮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈــﻢ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫)ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻬﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1868‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦﭘﺘﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭگ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺧﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺣﻲﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲﺍﺯﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻦﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒــﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﻭ »ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ« ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ – ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ؛ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺫﻫﻨــﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺱ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻦ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 2007‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫)‪ (Non -Proliferation Commating‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﻮﺭ ) ‪ (Gary Symore‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﺮﺍگ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪ (88/1/16) 2009‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻄﻖ ﭘﺮﺍگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ – ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺣﻲ؛ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪) 2009‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ (1388‬ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 2009‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒــﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺣﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2) 2009‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ (1388‬ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1877‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 5‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 9‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫) ‪( Concept Paper‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1877‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻠﻊﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 29‬ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ -‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴــﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴــﺪﻩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺣﻲ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،2010‬ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻓﻨﻲ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪﺑﺎﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺑﺎﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺳــﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺁﻛﺘــﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺍﻳﺰﻭﺗﻮپﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﺴــﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻭﭘﻨﺞﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺻﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ‪ 1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻼ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﺥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻣﻮﻻﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ژﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ‪ 1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 4‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 4‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﻨــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷــﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 2‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 4‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺣــﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 5+1‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻠﻈﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﺸﺖﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺣﻖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﻣﻌﺎﻫــﺪﻩ ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﭘﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺯﺩﺍﻳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩُ ﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺁﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﻏﻨﻰﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪3/5‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪﺑﻪﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴـﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺐ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ 120 .‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧـﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺳـﻤﺎ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪19/75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳـﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺳـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻏﻨﻰﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺳـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠـﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺰﺋــﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻧﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳــﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳـﻼﺡ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑـﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳـﻌﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﭽﺎﻯ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﭽﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻪ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠـﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑـﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻫــﻢ ﻣﺮﺿﻰﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻧﻘــﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﺍﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔــﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻃﻴــﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺣﺴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺴــﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸــﻰﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺷــﻔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻜﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺱ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕﺳﻮﺧﺖﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺩ‪-‬ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺍﻧــﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﺗﻮپﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﭗﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ‪ 5‬ﻣﮕﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1346‬ﺷﻤﺴــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 1967‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪ 235‬ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 93‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻮپ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1976‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪ 235‬ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﮕﻬــﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻳﺘﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1370‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻧﺴــﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺁﻛﺘــﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1370‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪- 3‬ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ( ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻀﻤــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 1600‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﮕﺰﺍﻓﻠﻮﺭﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ 1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺎ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ‪ 1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ )ﺑﻪﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻋﻮﺩﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻋﻮﺩﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻋﻮﺩﺕ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ!( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ 1600‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 13000‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 13‬ﺗــﻦ‪ 20 ،‬ﺗﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ‪ 660‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗــﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 4 ،3‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻭﺍﻓﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳــﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻘــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴــﻮﻡ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2003‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2006‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪1969‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪) 2006/12/23‬ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ‪ (85‬ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﺼــﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1737‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ،41‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2007‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1747‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1696‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2003‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2006‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1747‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺷــﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2006‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪5‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳــﻦ ‪ ،1386‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺗﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2003‬ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃــﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 21‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒــﺮ ‪ ،2003‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ )‪ (N.P.T‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑــﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺗــﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴــﻖ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻓــﺮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 23‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2004‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣــﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗــﺐ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2004‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ‪N.P.T‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻌﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲﺷــﺪﻩ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻚ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﻈــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﺼﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣــﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ‪ 50‬ﺗﻦ‬ ‫‪ UF6‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻮﺭﺩﻳﻒ( ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎ ژﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 26‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻠﻘــﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺗﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ 1200 ،‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1500‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻴــﺰﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪19/75‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺣﻠﻘــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1344‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴــﭗ ‪ 21‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﺼــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻯ ‪ 5‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻠﻤﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﺭژﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ(« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )ﻉ( ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒــﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ(« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ« ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 26‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2001) 1380‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﻓﺘــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005 ) 1384‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻰ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴــﺪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫»ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻜﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟــﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ژﻧﻮ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫)‪ (first class‬ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﻪ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘــﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺍﺭﺗﻘــﺎ ﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻰ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺒﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺵﻣﺸﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻭﻋﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺩﻡﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱﻭﻓﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ژﻧــﻮ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 17‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻠﻴﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ )ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺸــﺮﺗﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫــﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱﻭﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺻــﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺱﺗﻰ‪.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺒﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻟﻴﺴــﺎﻧﺲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﺳﻜﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1327‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺮﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒــﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1362‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،1364‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1364‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1367‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴــﺎء)ﺹ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1336‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1355‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1386‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻫــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 18‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1338‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2002‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺗــﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺶ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻧﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1327‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 1388‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1349‬ﻟﻴﺴــﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1354‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1357‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1359‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1364‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1376‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1388‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1977‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻡﺁﻯﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1361‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1363‬ﻭ ‪ 1368‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1372‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫»ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲﻭﭼﻨﺪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺩﻳﮕﺮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺧﺎﺻﻲﺑﻪﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺩﺭﻟﺰﻭﻡﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺑﺎﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﻮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺭﺍﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺤﻦﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻛﻪﻻﻳﺤﻪﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺭﺍﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻭﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺭﺍﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺭﺍﻩﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﺑﺎﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻨﻲﻃﺮﺡﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‪،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ‪ 15/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻓﺮﺽﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ 20/5‬ﻭ‪ 39/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﻣﺎﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺫﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 600‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ‪ 75‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪350‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺿﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 110‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 5‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﭘﺰ« ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﭘﺰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟــﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﭘﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪ 800‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺳﺎﻳﺮﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉﻧﺎﻥﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﻮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﭘﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﺁﺏﻭﺑﺮﻕﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﻟﻲﺍﻻﻥﺍﺯﻣﺮﺩﻡﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺯﺣﺬﻑﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻭﺑﺮﻕﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺮﺩﻡﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲﺍﺳﺖﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺍﺯﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﭘﻮﻝﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺮﻕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﺒﻘﻪﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺭﺍﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦﺑﻪﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﭼﻨﻴﻦﻃﺮﺣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖﺭﺍﺯﻣﻴﻦﮔﻴﺮ‪،‬ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﻣﻔﻠﺲﻭﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺭﺍﻣﺤﻮﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺟﺰﻳﻴــﺎﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﭘﺲﺍﺯﺣﺬﻑﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺭﺍﺩﺭﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻣﺎﻧﻜﺘﻪﺟﺎﻟﺐﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻭﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲﺍﺯﻧﺤﻮﻩﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﺩﻗﻴﻖﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺭﺍﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺑﺎﻣﺸﻜﻞﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺽ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻧﻘﺎﻁﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﺳﺖﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺑﺎﻗﻄﻊﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﻛﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺜﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻱﻗﻴﻤﺖﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻫﻢﻗﻄﻊﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺁﺭﺩﻣﻮﺛﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺰﻳﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺷﺪﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲﺍﺯﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 14‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔــﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﺑــﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻮﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 180‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻛﻮﭘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ 800‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 800‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫‪150‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻐﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ ‪ 620‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 450‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺎﻻﺑﺮگ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﺑﺮگ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 80‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 680‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 250‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷــﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 110‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺷــﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺷــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 750‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﺷﻴﺮﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 250‬ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳــﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴــﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﺮﺍﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘــﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻲﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪49‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 38‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻻﻫﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍ ﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻋﺪﺩﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻚ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ 10‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻫﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ » ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ« ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﻨــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ »ﺣﺬﻑ« ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠــﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻣﺮﻍ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻢﻣﺮﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟« ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 188‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ‪ 45 ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﻭ ‪ 6‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 241‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻭﻧﮓ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖﻭﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺘﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳــﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻊﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ« ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻝﺍﺳــﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻨﺠﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺁﻝﺍﺳــﺤﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ – 44‬ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ -‬ﺩﻭ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﺗﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔــﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺜﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﺴــﻮﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺳـﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳـﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺯﺳـﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡﺍﺳﺖﻭﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺑﻪﺛﺒﺎﺕﺧﻮﺑﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﺍﻳﻦﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺑﺎﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺯﺑﺎﺑﺖﻛﺎﻫﺶﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬ﻳﻚﻧﻜﺘﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻬﻢﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺗﻮﺳﻂﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻯﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳﻮﺯﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳﻮﺯﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺑﺎﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻰﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡﻓﻨﻰﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ»ﺧﺸﻚﻛﺎﺭﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ«ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﻗﻄﻌﻰﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻯﺍﻳﻦﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﺩﭼﺎﺭﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﺎﺭﺷﺪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻲﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻟﺐ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮓﺩﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻣﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ ﺩﻭ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺪﺍﻡﺑﺮﺧﻰﺍﺯﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖﺭﺍﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻘﺪﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﻗﺪﻡﺩﺭﺭﺍﻫﻰﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺭﺍﺑﺮﺁﻧﺎﻥﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﺎﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻃﺮﺡﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻫﻤﺴﻮﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺁﻧﻜﻪﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺯﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭﻯﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯﭼﻨﻴﻦﻃﺮﺣﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﻃﺮﺡﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻳﺪﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﺭﺷﺪﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺭﺍﺩﺭﺫﻫﻦﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺷﻮﺩﺑﻪﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﻮﺭﻡﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﺎﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰﻣﺎﻧﻊﺍﺯﺭﺷﺪﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯﺁﻥﻧﻴﺎﺯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺪﺭﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻛﻪﺑﺎﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﺩﻗﻴﻖﻭﺩﺭﺳﺖﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻓﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻓﺘﻰ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺑﺎﭼﻨﻴﻦﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﺍﺯﺣﺎﻻﺕﺩﻳﮕﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ‪ 5‬ﺭﻳﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ‪ 5‬ﺭﻳﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻣﻔﻠﺲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻚ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟـﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻻﻳﺤـﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﺷـﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳـﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺭﻡﺯﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭼـﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ‪24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸــﺪ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻛﺘﻔــﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫــﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺷـﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﺭ ﮔﺴــﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻰﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗــﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫـﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﭼـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻛﻤﻚﻛﻨﺪﻭﻟﻲﺍﻳﻦﺷﻮﺭﺍﺍﺯﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺘﮕـﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧـﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳـﻚ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺷـﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻚﺳــﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻳــﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﺎﺟﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫــﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺋﺰﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨــﮕﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﻨــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳــﻲ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺻﺤﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ‪ 68‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳــﻨﻨﺪﺟﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻳــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻙ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌــﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻱﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 35‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﻴﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻪﻗﺸﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪89‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻚ ﻧﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻚﻧﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻚﻧﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺻﻨــﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺗﻚﻧﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻃﻲ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﻓﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱﺧﺰﺭﻳﻌﻨﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‪CIS‬ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍﻫﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻃﻔﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 73‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 86‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 2/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﺍﺷـﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺗـﺎ ﭼـﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻـﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﭼــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁﻋﻤﻞﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺛﻘﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺰﺩﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺰﺩﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺰﺩﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺛﻘﻔــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻫــﺮ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺸــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃــﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻙ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻡ ﻣﻚﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻔﻞ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﻭﻳـﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻜﺴـﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻛـﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗـﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺑﺮﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﻣـﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻧﺮﺥﺍﺭﺯﻛﻪﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﺗﺎﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻭﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 4‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺭﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻲ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻃﻲ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ‪ 16‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 2/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻗﻮﻱﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺴــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ‪ GIS‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺣﺠــﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 266‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺭﺷــﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ« ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ – ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ )ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ( ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ )ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ( ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝﺑﻨــﺪﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷــﺼﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ )ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ )ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺭﻛﻮﻓﺴــﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳــﺰﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﺎﻳﻦ( ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ)ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺩﻭﻧﺪﻩ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ )ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 64‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ(‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻪ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯﻧﺴﺐ )ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪66‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ(‪» ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺵ«‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ )ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 66‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻗﺼﻪ(‪» ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﺶ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫)ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ(‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻰ )ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ(‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻰ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰﻓﺮ )ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ( ﻭ »ﻛﻠﻴﺪ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ )ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 69‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ( ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 65‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ)ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ(‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ »ﻧﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻰ« ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ« ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻛﺎﻧﻰﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎ«‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 11‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ‪ «2‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻳﻚﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟! ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷــﺼﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ )ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﮔﻴﺴﻮ )ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﻘﻰ(‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﺍﻝ )ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺭﺍﻋﻰ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ )ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻦ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻧﺼﺮ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻰ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ« ﻭ »ﮔﺒﻪ« ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 77‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺪﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﺿــﺎﻉ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺹﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﻪﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﻣــﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺪ )ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ )ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﻜﺪﺍﺭ(‪،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ )ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﻮﺳــﻔﻲ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ )ﺧﺴــﺮﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﺎﻳﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺁﻫﻨﻲ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝﺍﻑ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ )ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳــﺘﻤﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ )ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪﻱ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ )ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰﻓﺮ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ‪250‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺳﺪﺟﺪﻳﺪﻭﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫)ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،2‬ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ‪ ،2‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ( ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛــﻒ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﺮﺧﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭ ﻣﻮ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 29‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟــﻮگ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺩﻫﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟــﻮگ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ »ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ«‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭﻳــﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﻑ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻱﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ«‪» ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ »ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ)ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫)ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰ( ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ )ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ )ﺷــﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻑﭘﻮﺭ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺸــﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧــﺪﺍ )ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ( ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ )ﻭﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ( ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿــﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ‪ 250‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ؛ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ‪ 250‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ« ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ‪ 250‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﮔﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ«ﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 50‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺹ )ﺍﺳــﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ( ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﭼﺮﺧﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ )ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ(‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳــﺨﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺷــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻴﺰﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﻲﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻠﺒﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻧﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ -‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ« ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 29‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣــﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 4‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﺳــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻋــﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ« ﻭ »ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻧﮓ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔــﺎﻅ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧــﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻚﺳــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 70‬ﺳــﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ »ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻧﮓ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺒﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷــﺐ ﺑﺨﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ »ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ«‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱ« ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻫﻴﭻ« ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ »ﺩﻳﺪﻩ« ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ »ﻧﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻲ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻛﻒﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ )ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻔﻆ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺲ« ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻟﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﺸﻖ«‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﻭﻧﻲ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﻮﺽ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ؟ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ »ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻧﮓ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ‪ 23‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ‪ 5/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻚﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ‪ 800‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫــﺎ« ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖﺭﻧﮓ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺆﺗﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺪﻱ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻗﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﭘﺮﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﭘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﺗﻮﻕ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ »ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﭘﺴــﺘﭽﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺟﺎﻥ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺗﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳـﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔـﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧـﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻃـﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺠـﻲ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺣـﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﻋﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻭﻋﻴﺪﻫـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﭘـﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣـﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫـﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤـﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺵﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﻭﻱﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ( ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴـﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫـﺎ« ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓـﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ )ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ( ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ‪ 10‬ﺷﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻧﺲ ‪ 800‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻮﻡ )ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ( ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳــﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪12/5‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖﺭﻧﮓ«‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴــﺮ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻇــﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇــﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﺎﻩ )‪ 4‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ( ‪ 70‬ﺳــﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪» .‬ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ‪ 11‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭ ‪ 4‬ﺑﻌــﺪﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ )‪ 4‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺐ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ )‪ 5‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ( ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔــﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻧﮓ«‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ‪ Cast‬ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺸــﺮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺳــﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻠﻮﻏﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻼ »ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖﺭﻧﮓ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻚ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ« ﻭ »ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ« ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻔﺖﭘــﺮﺩﻩ« ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺐ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪ 80‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺑﺎﺝ ﺧﻮﺭ« ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻫﻔﺖ ‪ -‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ‪ ...‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ« ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻔﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭙﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻣﺎﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻟﮕﻰﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻛﺸﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞﺗﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻓﻴﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻫﻦ ﻛﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﻓﺮ ﺁ ﻳﻨـﺪ ﻧﻤﺎ ﻳـﺶ ﻳـﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳـﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻠـﻪ ﺍﺗﺼـﺎﻝ ﺳـﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳـﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭙﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭙﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻴـﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭙﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻼ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺭﺍﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﺟﺰﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻭﻣﻠﺖﻳﻚﺳﺎﻧﺲ‪ 2‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ‪ 3‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ‪ -‬ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ )‪ 3‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ( ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺻﺒــﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻡﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺴﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺒــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩﻭﺵ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻴـﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪» .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﻫــﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻓﻴـﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺳﺮﻭ ﺗﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﻡ ﺁﮔﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣـﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴـﺮﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻋـﻠـﻢ ﺍﻟﻬـﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴـﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻳـﺲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫـﻢ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻛـﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫـﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ« ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳـﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺸـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺧﺎﺹﺗﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹﺗﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ« ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 20 – 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ -‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧــﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺻﻨﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛـﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛـﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ» ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ« ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤــﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 70‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 70‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ«ﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ«ﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺝﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ )ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ( ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳــﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴــﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ )ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ( ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺸــﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻱ »ﻭﻱ ﺍچ ﺍﺱ« ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ – ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ – ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ »ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ«‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﻤﺶ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫»ﺗﺮﺍﻙ«ﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ )ﺁﻥ »ﺗﺮﺍﻙ«ﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪Track‬ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ(‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ )ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ( ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫)ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻧﺶ؟( ﻭﺍﺟﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﺍﭘﻴﺪﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺶ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺿــﺎﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻫﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭘﺎﺳﺎژ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﭼﺸﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ‪ DVD‬ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺭﭼﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪) ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ – ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ – ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺍﻣــﺎ« ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻡ(؛ ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺳــﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ )ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ! ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺷﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ(‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ – ﻣﺜﻼ – ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﻮﺭﺩ«‪» ،‬ﻫﺎﻛﺲ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﻜﻮﺭﺳــﻴﺰﻱ«‪) ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺮﻛــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ( ﻃﻌﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ؛ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺰﻣﺰﻩ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺶ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻳــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ )ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺹ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫)ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ )ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ(‪....‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺻﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻪﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻱ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻟﻪﻟﻬﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳــﻚ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﻲ‬ ‫– ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ – ﻣﺜﻼ – ﺍﺳﻜﻮﺭﺳﻴﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﻮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ )ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟!( ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺟﻠــﺪ »ﺩﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﻱ« ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﮔﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻔﺖﺗﻴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ( ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻲﺻﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺳﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺳُ ﺮﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﺵ ﺷﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ )ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻔﺮ ﺍﺑﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ( ﻭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳــﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ )ﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ( ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺠــﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺠــﺎ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮕــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ )ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﺪﻱﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺮ ﺍﺑﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺰﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻼﻧﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻛﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ( ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺶ؛ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﻨﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻨﺸﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻲﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﭘﺎﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺘﺲ ﻻﻧﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻳﭻ‪ ،‬ژﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﮔﻼﺱ ﺳﻴﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺟﻴﻮﻟﺌﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻼﻧﻲ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ – ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫– ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ )ﻣــﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟(‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺨﻴﻠــﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻲﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﺨﻴﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ – ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ – ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﻫﺮﮔﺰ( ﻣﻲﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﻭﺳــﺘﺮﻥ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﮔﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ )ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﺘﺲ ﻻﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟( ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺟﻴﻮ ﻟﺌﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻧﻴﻨﮕﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﮕﻮﻱ ﻗﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻲ ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﭘﺎﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻨﺸﺘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺧﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮ )ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ!‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻼ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺨﺖﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻻﻏﻴﺮ( ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻼﻥ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﻫﻢ – ﻳﻜﻲ – ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨــﻮ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺑﻠﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻁ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻟﭙﺴــﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ )ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ( ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣﺪ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﻫــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ«ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺑﻴــﺪﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ( ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩﻱ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘــﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ )ﺍﺯ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻏﻠﻴﻆ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴــﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﮔﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺭﻟﻨﻪ ﻳﺘﺮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻈﺎﻫــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ )ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎ( ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ – ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫–ﻣﺜﻼ–ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺕﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭﺣﻜﻢﻧﻮﻋﻲﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﻠﺪﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺟــﺎﻉ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ )ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘــﺬﻝ ﺑــﻲﺍﺭﺯﺵ( ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭﺳــﻂ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣــﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ )ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑــﺮﻭ( ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺍﺻﻞﻣﻄﻠﺐﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺍﺩﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﻳﻘﻪﺍﺕﺭﺍﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ – ﻣﺜــﻼ – ژﺍﻥ ﻟﻮﻙﮔﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ)ﻧﻤﺎ؟!( ﻋﺒﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺟــﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ )ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻳﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ – ﺣﺘﻲ – ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ( ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ )ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻟﭗﻓﻴﻜﺸﻦ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟( ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺟﺮﻋﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﺯﻱ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫)ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﺟﻌﻠﻲ( ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻴﻞ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺪﻟﻲ ﺟﻮﺧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﻭﺗﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ( ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺧﻪ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ – ﻣﺜﻼ – ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ )ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ(‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫)ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ »ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺮﻱ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟!(‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ )ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ (....‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﻧﺘــﺰﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‪» ،‬ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﺮﻱﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺠﻴﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﺍﻳــﻒ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺻﻒ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ«ﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪....‬‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺳﮕﺪﺍﻧﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺟﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜــﺶ‪ :‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜــﺶ‪ :‬ﺟﻠــﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ« ﻭ »ﺿﺪ ﻣــﺮگ« )ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻭﺱ( ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ« ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﺪﻻﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧــﺪ‪» .‬ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ« ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻧﻲ ﻟﻮﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺒﻴﻨﺪﺭ‪،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺍﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺪﺋﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻛﻬﺎﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻜﻲ ﺁﻳﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺟﻲﻧﻮﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺗﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﺙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﻪﻳﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻔﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩﺳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﻮﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‪ R‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺭﺍﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ‪،‬ﺧﻮﻥﻭﺧﻮﻥﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻞﻭﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭﺩﺭﺁﻥ‪،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻙﻭﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅﺭﻛﻴﻚﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1978‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭﺍﻓﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺏ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎﻛﺎﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ – ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ژﺍﻧﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﮔﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﻬــﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﻲﺍﻡ ﺁﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1945‬ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻠﻴﻚ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻘﻴﻘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ )ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺧﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻜﺲ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻪﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺰﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻧــﺰﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻮﻣﻮﺭﻳﻜﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﻜﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺰ ﺍﻭﺭﺗﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ژﺍﻙ ﻟﻮﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻮ ﺑﺎﻟﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻟﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻟﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻧﮓ ﺗﻴﻨﮓﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﺁﻻﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﻱ ﻓﻠﻜﺲ ‪ 435‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻭﻳﮋﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻓﻠﻜﺲ ﻣﻴﻠﻨﻴﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻛﺪﺍﻙ )ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﻮﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻲﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﻨﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺶ«‬ ‫)‪ (2003‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺶ« ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﮔﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ »ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛــﺮﺍﻡ ﻫﻮﻟﺘﺰ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺳــﺎﻡ ﻟﻮﻳﻦ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻳﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﮓ« ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ »ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻓﺎﺳﺒﻴﻨﺪﺭ« ﺭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺳﻨﺪﻟﺮ« ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺰ« ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﺙ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺑﺮﻳﺠﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻣﺮﺳﻤﺎﺭﻙ«‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﮔﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﺎﺳﺘﺎﺯﻳﺎﻛﻴﻨﺴﻜﻲ« ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺰﺍﺑﻞ ﻫﻮﭘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﺳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻟﺌﻮﻧﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﭘﺮﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻱﻭﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﻥﺁﺷــﺎﻣﺎﻥ )‪ ،(1915‬ﭘﺴــﺮﺑﭽﻪ )‪ ،(1925‬ﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻛﻮﻧﮓ‬ ‫)‪ ،(1933‬ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎ )‪ ،(1933‬ﺳﻴﻨﺪﺭﻻ )‪ ،(1937‬ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﺯ )‪ ،(1939‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻙ )‪ ،(1941‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻮ )‪،(1943‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ )‪ ،(1956‬ﺁﻻﻣﻮ )‪ ،(1960‬ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ )‪،(1967‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﺧﺸــﻤﮕﻴﻦ )‪ ،(1967‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺸــﻦ )‪،(1969‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻲ )‪ ،(1970‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺭﻭﻱﺑﻴﻦ )‪،(1972‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺳﻔﻴﺪ )‪ ،(1973‬ﺭﻭﻟﻮﺭ )‪ ،(1973‬ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺯﻭﻟﻮ )‪ ،(1979‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻤﻲ )‪ ،(1983‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ )‪ ،(1983‬ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫)‪ ،(1999‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺶ‪ :‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ )‪ (2004‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ‪ IMDB‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﮔﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻑﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄــﻼﺡ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﺍﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﭻﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸــﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﻥ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴــﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﺨﻞ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ« ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺰ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﻠﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺭﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ» ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺁﺑﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﺪﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﭼﻬﻞﻭﺷﺶ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺟﻮﺧﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﺪﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺴــﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻟﺪﻭﻯ ﺁﭘﺎﭼﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﭘﺎﭼﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺖﺳﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﺪﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻨﭻ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻮﺱ ﻛﻼﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻦ« ﻭ »ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ « ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻔﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺯﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻼﻧﻰ ﻟﻮﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺷﺶﺳﺎﻟﻪﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﻛﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰﭼﻮﻥﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‪،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻭ‪....‬ﺭﺍﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﺘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ ﻻﻧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﺋﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻟﮕﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﻭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﺑﻪﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﻼﻧﻰﻟﻮﺭﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺳﺰﺍﺭ)ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ(ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2007‬ﺍﺳﺖﻭﺧﻮﺩﺵﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻨﻞﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﻻﻧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻨﻞﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﻻﻧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﭼﻰ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺰ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﺍﻳﺒﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺠﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺮ ﺳﻤﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻰﻭﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﻳﺠﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻣﺮﺳﻤﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻳﺠﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺮﻳﺠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻔﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺠﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎﻣﺮﺳﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ :‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﭙﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺘﻬﻮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﻳﺠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻟﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺘﺮﻳﺶ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮ ﻭﻳﺘﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍﺙ )ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ( ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻴﺴــﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﻮﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻙ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺑﻠﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍﺙ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻧﻮﻭﻳﺘﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 2‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﭼﻰ ﻫﻴﻜﺎﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴــﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻣﺮﺳﻤﺎﺭﻙ )ﺑﺮﻳﺠﻴﺖ( ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﺪﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺠﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻣﺮﺳﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻓﺎﺳﺒﻴﻨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻰﻭﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﻔﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ«ﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺑﺎ »ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ« ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺟﻴﻮ ﻟﺌﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴـﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨـﻮ«‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼـﻮﻥ »ﭘﺎﻟﭗ ﻓﻴﻜﺸـﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺳـﮕﺪﺍﻧﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻴـﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺶ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻜﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻭﻥ« ﻳﺎ »ﺿﺪﻣﺮگ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺸـﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ »ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ« ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸـﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﻳﺖ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،Screen Crave‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻭ ‪.Indie London‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥﺳﺎﻝﺩﺭﭘﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‪،‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺖﺑﺮﺍﻱﺳﺎﺧﺖﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﭼﻪﺑﻮﺩﻭﭼﺮﺍﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﺩﻟﺖﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﺭژﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻛﻠﻮپ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ژﺍﻧــﺮ ﺭﺍ ژﺍﻧﺮ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺭﺍ »ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎﻛﺎﺭﻭﻧﻲ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ »ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﮔﺘﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﺭژﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳــﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺸﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﻨــﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﭘﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻫﻔﺖ ‪ -‬ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ »ﺑﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺶ« ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ »ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﺯﻭﻟﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ!‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻗﺒـﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴـﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺑـﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻳﭻ«‪» ،‬ﺳـﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﻓﻮﻟﺮ« ﻳﺎ »ﺳـﺮﺟﻴﻮ ﻟﺌﻮﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺟﻴﻮ ﻟﺌﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻻﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ«ﭼﻪﻧﻮﻉﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺟﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ« ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺷﺖ« ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺳﺮﺟﻴﻮ ﻟﺌﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢﻛﻪﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻛﺎﺭﻣﻦﺑﺎﻟﺌﻮﻧﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺯﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺳﺮﺟﻴﻮ ﻛﻮﺭﺑﻮﭼﻲ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺌﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﭼﻪ؟ﺁﻳﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑــﻢ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘــﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ »ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﺸــﻤﮕﻴﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﮕﺎﺩ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﺍﺯ »ژﺍﻥ ﺭﻧﻮﺍﺭ« ﻳﺎ »ﺟﻼﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﻧﺪ« ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺮﻳﺘﺲ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﮓ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻠﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ »ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻱ« ﻭ »ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ« ﺍﺯ »ژﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﺳﻦ« ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺟﻼﺩ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﮔﻼﺱ ﺳﻴﺮﻙ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺷﻤﺎﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﺍﺯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺟﻨﮓﺩﻭﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺟﻨﮓﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎﺍﺩﺍﻱﺩﻳﻦﺷﻤﺎﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻠﻖﺍﻳﻦﻓﻀﺎﻭﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﺻﻠﻲﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺻﺪﻭﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷـﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳـﺖ »ﺍﻟﺪﻭ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺺ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻮﺑـﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ »ﺁﻟﺪﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ »ﺁﻟﺪﻭ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺶ« ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻮﺱﻛﻼﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﻼﻥﻫــﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭگﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﭘﺎﭼﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻣﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ« ﻳﺎ »ﺑﺮﻳﮕﺎﺩ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﺪﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫــﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ»ﺑﺮﺍﺩﭘﻴﺖ«ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺭﭼﻪﻧﻮﻉﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ« ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦﻭﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ »ﺁﻟﺪﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ« ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣــﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻧﺶ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻴــﻦ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ DVD‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔـﺮﺩﺍﻥ )’‪ (directior cut s‬ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻣﺎﻏﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻦ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪﻛﻪﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬ﻭﺻﺮﻓﺎﺑﻪﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻــﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺑــﺪﺍ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭘﺴﺮﻙ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭘﺴﺮﻙ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺗﻴﭗﻛﻪﺍﺯﺑﺮﺍﺩﭘﻴﺖﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ‪DVD‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳــﺰﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ»ﺷﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﻭﻳﻮ ﻓﺎﻳﻨــﺪﺭ« )ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩﻳﺎﺏ( ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1941‬ﺗﺎ ‪1944‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﭘﻮﻻﻙ« ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ »ﺟﺮﻣﻴﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺭﺩﻓﻮﺭﺩ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ DVD‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ »ﺍﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﺙ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻣـﻲ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ »ﺩﻭﻧﻮﻭﻳﺘﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ‬ ‫»ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ »ﺍﻭﺯﻭﺋﻴﻚ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪ )ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫـﺎﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠـﻲ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﻑ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻮﺯﺧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ« ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛــﺮ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ«‪» ،‬ﭘﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺳــﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺻﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕﻋﺠﻴﺐﻭﻏﺮﻳﺐﺑﻲﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺍﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﻠﺒﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨــﻢ! ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﻜﻪ« )ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﻡ( ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻫﺮﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺍﺯﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺷﻤﺎﭼﻴﺴﺖﻭﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺧﺖﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺩﺑــﻲ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺒﺨﺸــﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫)ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ(‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ -‬ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ »ﺑﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺶ ‪ «3‬ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ‬‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﻡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻟﭗ ﻓﻴﻜﺸﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﺍﻳﺒﺮﺕ )ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ(‪ :‬ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺴــﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ‪،‬ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩﻭﺑﺮﺧﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﺭﺍﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬﻮﺕ؛ﻭﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪﻭﺑﻪﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺟﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰﺍﺳﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻫﻢﻛﻪﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻯﻓﻴﻠﻢﺍﻭﻛﺎﺭﻯﺭﺍﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1978‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻮ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎﻯﻏﻨﻰﻭﻋﻤﻴﻖﺳﻲﻭﭘﻨﺞﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺲﺍﺯﻛﺎﺭﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﮔﻮﻳﻰﺑﺎﻟﻤﺲﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﺑﻪﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ – ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ – ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﺭﺱ )ﺭﻭﻟﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺳـﺘﻮﻥ(‪ :‬ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﻞﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺰﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﻼﻳﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﺶ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻯﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶﺭﺍﺑﻪﺩﻭﻗﻄﺐﻛﺎﻣﻼﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺩﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﮓ )ﻳﻮﺍﺱﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻯ(‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺟﺴــﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻨﺶ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺸــﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺴــﻴﮋﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﺳــﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺑــﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ – ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻘﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﮔﻮﻳﻰﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﺟﻨﮓﺩﻭﻡﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻧﻪﭼﻴﺰﻯﻣﺠﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻚ ﻻﺳﺎﻝ )ﺳﺎﻧﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻴﻜﻞ(‪ :‬ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻭﻻﺩﺍﺭﮔﻴﺲ)ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ(‪:‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺍﻭﺑﺴﺎﻥﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺎﻋﺖﻭﺳﻰﻭﺩﻭﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻣﻮﻓﻖﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥﻭﺁﺯﺍﺭﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶﻧﺸﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ«ﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ« ﺍﺯ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀـﻮ ﺭ ﺳـﺘﺎ ﺭ ﻩ ﺍ ﻱ ﭼـﻮ ﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴـﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺭﺍﺑﺪﻝﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵﺣﺮﻑﺯﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗـﻚ ﺳـﺘﺎ ﺭ ﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤـﻲ ﭼـﻮ ﻥ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑـﺮﻭ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪» .‬ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﭼــﻮﻥ »ﺩﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﮔﺮ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ‪ -‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺗﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺁﻟﺪﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ« ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ »ﺁﻟﺪﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻄﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺮﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﻠــﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺵ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋــﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘــﺺ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼﻳﻚﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪،‬‬‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺺ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧــﻲ ﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸـﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱﺍﺳﺖﻭﻣﻦﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﻫﻔﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻧﻲ«ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻦ« ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻨﭽﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﺑﺎﺑﻞ« ﺍﻳﻨﺎﺭﻳﺘﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺗﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ‪ .‬ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻭﺣﺸﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻏﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﻝﻫﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ »ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﻦﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢﺑﺎﻳﺪﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﺑﻪﺷﺮﻃﻲﻛﻪﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻓﻴﻠﻢﺁﺯﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻕﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻧﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻐﺰ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻓﺮﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓـﺰﻭﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷـﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻻﻧـﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻕﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻧﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻐﺰ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﺍﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ»ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺖﻋﻠﻰ« ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰﺍﻻﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻛﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ« ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺟـﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴـﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ »ﻛﻠﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﺰ« )ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺍﺷـﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺷـﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳـﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﻬـﻰﺍﺵ ﺟـﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸـﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟــﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﺴــﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺜﻨــﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ )ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ( ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻭﻻ؛ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻧﺒﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ )ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ( ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ)‪ (1‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ« ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺢ)ﻉ( ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺋﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺐ‪،‬ﻛﻠﻤﻦﺑﺎﺭﻛﺰﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻨﺪﺗﺴﻠﻄﻰﺑﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﺎﻳﻚﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﻨﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﻴﻜﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩﺧﻠﻖﻛﺮﺩﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﺎﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰﺧﻄﺎ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻟــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻠﺴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥﺑﻪﻳﻚﺷﻌﺮﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﻭﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﺗﻨﺰﻝﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯﻣﻴﻞﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻭﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺭﺍﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸـﺶ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺷـﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺷـﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯﺍﺵ ﺷـﻤﺲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻋﺸﻖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫|ﺗﻨﻬﺎ| ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺢﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻟﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﻨﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺸﻖﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻚﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ »ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﺮگ«‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﻨﺮ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﻓﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﺌﻮ ﻭ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﭘﺮﻧﻐﺰﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻮﺭﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻏﻮﻃﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺸــﻮﻕ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳـﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨـﻮﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻌﻨـﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤـﺮﻭﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ)‪ (2‬ﻣﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻰ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﻣﺒﺮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺩﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺖ )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ( ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧـﺞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛﺮﻫﺎ )ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻛﻴـﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ )ﺍﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻨـﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ ﻧﻔـﺲ( ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴـﻄﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﭽﻦ ﻳـﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﺰﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺐ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖﻣﺂﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺰﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ |ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ| ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﻓﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖﻭﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺑﺎ ژﺭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳــﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ‪ 18‬ﻭ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﺳــﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻟﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﻦ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺒﻚ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﻣﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ(ﻛﺴﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺳﻨﺖ)ﺭﺳﻮﻡﻭﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ(ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ)‪ (3‬ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )ﺹ( ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﻓﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺧﻠﻂ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ( ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺸــﻮﻕ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ( ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻭﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫)ﺹ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫)ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻀﺒﻮﻁ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ( ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻄﻮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ( ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻏﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫)ﺹ( ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻌﻨــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺷﺪ )ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺵ )ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ( )‪ ، (4‬ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ )ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ( ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻴﺸــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻣﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﺸﺎء ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﻴــﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻩ ﺍﻭﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻐﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ)‪ (5‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻗﺺﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﻝﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻼﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻯ – ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﺍﻟﻬﻰ »ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻯ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎء ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ |ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ| ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺻﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺪ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ؟ ﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺴﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻳﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻰ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺧﻀﺮ)ﻉ( ‪ -‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻰ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ)ﻉ( ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻀﺮ)ﻉ( ﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺧﻀﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻀﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺺ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ )ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ( ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ)ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‪،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ(ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺭﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ﺍﮔﺮﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥﺑﻪﺧﺪﺍﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ)ﺭﺍﻩﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ(ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺣﻼﺝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼـﻮﻑ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﭼﺸـﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻗـﺎﺩﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻤﺸـﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﻮچ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﻓــﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟــﻰ ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺸﺮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳــﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ‪ 300‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺖﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭﺣﺸــﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯﻳﻚﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯﺁﻥﺩﻳﻦﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺗﺸــﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻨﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺮﺏﻳﺎﻋﺠﻢﺧﻼﺻﻪﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪،‬ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﻛﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ‪ 900‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺣﻼﺝ )ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺻﻮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮ ﻃﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﺮﻉ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪﻭﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑﺟﺎﻭﺍﻗﺎﺑﻞﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﻓﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺖ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺻﻮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯﺳﻴﺮﺕﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﻧﻘﺪﻧﻈﺎﻡﻛﺎﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺸﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﻼﺝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻼﺝ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﭼﺸــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪500‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺗﻨﻰﺗﺰ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﻭ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺭﺍﺟﻊﺑﻪﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﻭﻋﺸﻖﺍﻟﻬﻰﻭﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻰﺁﻻﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫‪www.counterpounch.org‬‬ ‫‪1.mindfulness of God‬‬ ‫‪2.mindless automons‬‬ ‫‪3.selfless charity‬‬ ‫‪4.spiritual aspirant/apprentice‬‬ ‫‪5.religious rights of ordinary practices of‬‬ ‫‪religion‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﭽﻪ؛ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ؛ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺁﺭﻧﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ *‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺎﺑﺰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺩﻭﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻨﺶﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺯﺭﺗﺸــﺖ« ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺵﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ« ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ‪»:‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺑﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻛﻼﺯﻭﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﺍﻛﻠﻴﺘﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻄﻠﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺸﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﻞِ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﻨﺦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨــﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﺶﺁﻣﻴﺰ!‬ ‫ﻧﻴﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﺶﺁﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻄــﻮﻑ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﻄﻌــﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻰﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺰ ﻧﻴﭽﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻛﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺸــﻰ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺴــﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳــﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻋﺘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ!‬ ‫ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫـﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻧﺰﺍﻛﺘﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺍﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺿـﺪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﺲ ﭘﻴﻦ‪/‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺎﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﺗﺮﻙﺗﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻭ ‪ ،90‬ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ )ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﺲ ﭘﻴﻦ )‪ ،(thomas paine‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺣﺪﻭﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻙ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺣﻚ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺟﺪﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺁﺑﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻧﻔﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻙ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺗــﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﭗ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ »ﭼﺮﺏﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﭙﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴــﻮﺱ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝﺷــﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮ )‪ (charta magna‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﺲ ﭘﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻪﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺻﻨﻌﺖﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﻊ ﺁﺧــﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ ،17‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻰﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪-‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﻯ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪» ،‬ﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﻯ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻼﺗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻟﻪﺑــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺰﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﻙ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺗﻴﺰ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻙ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﻭﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ )ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ( ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺟﺎﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺷﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﻜﺒﺨﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢﺗﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻙ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺣﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﺒﺸﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔــﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺣﻴــﺎﺕﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗــﺰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻙ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﺎﺻــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺳﻮﻡ؛ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ »ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ« ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻗﻠﻢﻓﺮﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ« ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤــﺎﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ »ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ )ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻻﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺘﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ )ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ – ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ( ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻻﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻻﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﻟﺖﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﺸــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻻﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻻﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﮓ ﭘﻠﻮﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1329‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ »ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﻛﻤﻚ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺘﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻂ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺿﺪﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸـﻢ‪ :‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻱ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ...... 32‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺗﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜــﺮ »ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻀﺞﮔﻴﺮﻱ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ« ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺺ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ« ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻧﺴﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻧﺴــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱِ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ »‪ «community‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺑﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ »‪ «society‬ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺷــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻣــﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ »ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ـ ﺷﻬﺮ« ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺴﻴﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪» ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﻨﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺻﺒﻐﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ »ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ« ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫»ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ« ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ؛ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻗﻔﺲ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ« ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪» ،‬ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ »ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ »ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺦ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﻱِ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲِ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ »‪ «Social Development‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲِ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺍ ُﺑﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻃﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴــﻖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(139‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ »ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ » ‪ ،«social position‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ »ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ »‪ «social control‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ )ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ »‪ «value system‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ( ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻡﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫»‪ «cultural borrowing‬ﻛﻪﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖﻋﺪﻡﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﺭﺥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻭﺍﻡﮔﻴﺮﻱﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺭﻭﻧﺪﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻏﺎﻟﺐﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮﺭﺍﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ :‬ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ :‬ﺍﻓﻼﻃــﻮﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﻴﺮﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺗﻨﻰ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜُﻞُ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺁﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺴﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺿﻴﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ – ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻰ ﻧﻔﺴــﻪ ﻛﺎﻭﺷﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺸــﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸــﮕﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ )ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻰ( ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﻳﺪﻩﺯﻳﺒﺎﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺳﺎﻳﺮﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻌﻨﻰﺣﺮﻛﺖﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯﺑﺴﺎﻃﺖﻫﺮﭼﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺭﺍﺩﺭﻛﺜﺮﺕﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﺍﺯﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﺩﺭﻛﺜﺮﺕﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻓﺖﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚﻧﺰﻭﻝﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟« ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭﭼﻨﻴﻦﺁﻏﺎﺯﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﻧﺰﺩﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺩﺭﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮﺵ‪،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺯﻳﺒﺎ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﻗﻴﺎﻥﻗﻮﺕﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﮔﺮﻓﺖﻭﻧﻘﺪﺍﻓﻠﻮﻃﻴﻦﺭﺍﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ «...‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺜﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﺮﺕﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯﻋﺎﻟﻢﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﻭﺷﻬﻮﺩﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰﻭﺍﺻﻮﻝﭘﻴﺶﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥﺑﺮﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻭﻛﺸﺶﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﻟﻮ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺤﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺷﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ -1 :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺴﺮﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﭘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻦ »ﭘﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻨﻪ« ﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ؟ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ‪ -2‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳــﻘﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺷــﻌﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﭘﻮﻟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍ ُﺯﻭﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺒﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻯ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖﻋﺸﻖﺍﺳﺖﻳﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰﻫﻤﻌﺮﺽﺁﻥ؟«ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺭﺿﺎﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﻭﻫﻴﭻﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖﻋﺸﻖﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻋﺸﻖﺗﻌﻠﻘﻰﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﺯﻳﺮﺍﺍﺻﻞﻋﺸﻖﻭﻋﺎﺷﻖﻭﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺳﻪﻳﻜﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕﺍﺻﻞﺍﺳﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟« ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺿﻴﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ »:‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺬﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻬﺪ؟« ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯﻛﺘﺎﺏﻧﻴﺰﺑﺮﺍﻯﭘﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯﺍﺯﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﻭﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﻨﺮﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥﺩﺭﻃﻰﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰﻭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒﺑﻴﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻰﺍﻱﺍﺯﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺩﺭﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺑﻪﺑﺮﺧﻰﺍﺯﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕﺁﻧﺎﻥﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﻨﺮﻭﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏﻛﻪﺩﺭ‪272‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺷﻤﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪2000‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻭﺑﻪﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪4600‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﺩﺭﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ 1388‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺟﻠﺪﺍﻭﻝﺍﺯﻃﺮﺡﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥﻭﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪Â–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼــﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪﺁﺷــﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻳﺎﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓــﻊ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،82‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ‪ «...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ «...‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ »ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺾ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨــﺪ؟« ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ »‪...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺵ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪613» :‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟« ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ‪ 4‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 800‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ‪ 350‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ؟ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﺸــﻚ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ»ﺭﻗﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ«‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪6‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺷــﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﻣﻔﻴﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈــﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﻛﻼﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻳﺎﺯﺭﻟﻮ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ« ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﺍﻓــﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰ‬ ‫)ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻯ( ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴــﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻧــﻊ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ »ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻤــﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺧﺸــﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷــﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ – ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺸــﻰ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰﺍﺵ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻧﻔﺖﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﺍﻭﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻭﺯﻳﺮﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻑ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿــﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭘــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺑﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺭﺵ ﭼﺮﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ )ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ( ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻑ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺑﮕﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ –ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺍﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﻰ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼـﺪﻯ ﭘﺴـﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺳـﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨـﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﻟﻴـﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑـﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴـﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻳـﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘـﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻰ )ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ -1357‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪(1358‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻨﺎﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﻮﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﻮﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘــﻰ ﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪57‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1379‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ‪60‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ﻭ‪ - 3‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ )‪ 1358‬ﺗﺎ ‪(1360‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻌــﺪﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 61‬ﺑﻪﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪،60‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ )‪(1360-1363‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 14‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴــﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻭ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻰ )‪(1363-1368‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛــﻪ ‪ 32‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ‪ 34‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴــﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻨﮓﺯﻧﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺶ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺑﺴﭙﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ )‪(1367-1376‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫــﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ MIT‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺻﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ )‪(1376-1380‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼــﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺬﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻨﺜﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭﺑــﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ )‪(1380-1384‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﻼ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ )‪(1384 -1386‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼــﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧــﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﭙﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-10‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ )‪(1386 -1388‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱﻛﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲﻓﻜﺮﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺑﻪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺷــﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻲ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺍﻭﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺣﺘﻲﺍﻭﺭﺍﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﺗﺎﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ – ﭘﺮﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻭﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻰﻭﺯﻳــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻬﻚ ﻣﺮﻳﺎﻧﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 30‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ «...‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﺠﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺻﻨــﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣــﻦ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ – ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﻫــﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﺟﻤﻊﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑــﻪ »ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫــﺶ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤــﻼﻝ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ »ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ« ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ )ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ( ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 194‬ﻣﺒﺘــﻼ‪ 16 ،‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺷﮕﻮﻥ ‪ H1N1‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 16‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ )ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﻰ ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ( ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺁﻣﺒﺮﻭﺟﻴﻮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ »ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ »‪ «A‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 194‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻱ ‪ A‬ﻣﺒﺘــﻼ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫‪ 98‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﻴــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻼﻙ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ژﻧﻮﺗﻴﭗ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﺟﻲ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧــﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ »‪ «A‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ »‪ «A‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ »‪ «A‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ »‪ «A‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪141‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻻﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻬﻠﺘﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫»ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻐﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻭﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺗﻮﻗﻊﺩﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ‪9‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﺻﻞ‪ 141‬ﺩﺭﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 141‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪9‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ 141‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳــﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ »ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺺ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 166‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫‪ 2008‬ﭘﻜــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺖﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰﻛﻞﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺭﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻦﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻙﻫﺎﻳﻰﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎﻩﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﺎﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪» .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨــﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴــﻚ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﻣــﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻥﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 2008‬ﭘﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺠﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻣــﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱﻭﺭﺯﺵﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣـﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺷـﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺷـﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤـﺪﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷـﺪ؛ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺷـﻐﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧـﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺷـﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲﺑﺎﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ]ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ[ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋــﻢ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻓﻴــﻊ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺻﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﻳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳــﻢ ﻧﺎﻇﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﻛــﺪﻝ )ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ )ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ(‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﺑﻰﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ« ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻃﻌﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 23‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﻪ ﺍﺣﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺧﻼﺹ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﺭﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﮕــﺬﺭﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲﺍﷲ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻨــﻊ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 174‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻚﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻘﺪﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﻛــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺟــﻮﺩﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣــﻲ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪«.‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﭘــﺎﺭﺱ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻤﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺷﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﺘﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺴــﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿــﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﺎﺗﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸـﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 141‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺷـﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺷﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺍﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻣﺸــﻐﻠﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﭙﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻐﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 141‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻭﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ! ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺳـﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺷـﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺳـﺎﺯﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼـﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳـﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗـﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳـﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸـﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝﻭﺣﻮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻮﺏ ﻃﻰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧــﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﺸـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺷـﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ‪.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻯﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻰﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺷـﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﺷـﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻜﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻣــﻊ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺗﻚﺷﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻔﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﻱ‪:‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻲﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﻭﻱﺑﺎﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻳﺪﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺻﻮﻝﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺭﺍﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪﺑﻠﻜﻪﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺣﺠﻢﺯﻳﺎﺩﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷـﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳـﻖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺳـﻌﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﺍﺳﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦﺳﺎﺑﻖﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻭﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥﺑﺤﺚﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﺟﺪﻱﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭ ﺷـﻐﻠﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷـﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﺮﺍﻱﻭﺭﺯﺵﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺜﻤﺮﺛﻤﺮﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲﻭﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻼء ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺳﻦ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻨﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1996‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ »ﺁﺭﺳــﻦ ﻛﻴﻪ؟«‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ژﺭﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫»ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻝﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ؟« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻲﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻭﺳــﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1969‬ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺗﺰﻳﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺭﺳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﭘﭽﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ 21‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1996‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 313‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﮔﻲﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ‪ 44‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻟﻜﺲ ﻓﺮﮔﻮﺳــﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻟﻴﻮﺭﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺳــﻨﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻳﻮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1983‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦﻳﺎﺑــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻨﻴﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻠﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﭘﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻧﺎﻛﻮ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1999‬ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺘﻲ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻧﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺳــﻨﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ؟ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﺎﻝﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻠﮕﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺁﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ »ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪63‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 67‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﮔﻲﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻦﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭگ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 68‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﻓﺎﻱ ‪ 2000‬ﻭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ‪ ،2006‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﻠﻜﻴﻨﺴــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1992‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﮔﻮﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ »ﺷﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﺗﻬﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺎﺗــﺢ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﻮﺭﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﻦﺗﺮ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﺭﺳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑــﺮﺩﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻜﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺑﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻓﺮﮔﻮﺳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻱ ﺭﺩﻧﭗ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺳــﻨﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﺎﺟﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪﺁﺷــﻴﻞ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪ 71‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻧﺎﻛﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻮﻛﺎﺳﻞ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1992‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1994‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1996‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﻳــﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﭙﻮﺱﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺳــﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪» .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ ﺳﻘﻔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻳﻠﻜﻴﻨﺴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪59‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 62‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻏﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻳﻚ ﺟــﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻭﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﺯﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ ،1992‬ﺑﻪﻧﺪﺭﺕﻭﻗﺘﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺣﺘﻲﺩﺭﺗﻮﻟﺪ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﻜﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺘﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻊﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺎﺯﻱﻭﺳﺘﻬﻢﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ ﺁﺭﺳﻨﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﮔﻮﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺗﻠﻨﺪﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﮔﻮﺳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻧﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‪«.‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ‪ 10‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺸــﻨﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺳــﻨﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 4‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ 98