ماهنامه مثلث شماره 14

‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‪ 17/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ 3 ‫‪60‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻲﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪ 30 ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪18...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪20....................‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪24...................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪26.....................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪27.......................‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ‪28....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ ‪30....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪31.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺞ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ‪33..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪34..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪36........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪37.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪38..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪39.............................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪40.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺻﻔﺮ‪42.........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪43................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ؟‪57.......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪58.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪».‬ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺑﺎﺷﻰ« ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻛﺎﻛﺘﻮﺱ«ﻫﺎ ﻭ »ﺯﻳﺮﺗﻴﻎ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ »ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺁﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﻰﻫﺎ‪60......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪62............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪64..................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‪66.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪68.....................‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ »ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪70..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪46....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪48................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪50................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪52..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪53.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪54....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪55.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ‪56....................................................................................‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺫﺑﺢ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻗﺪﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ »ﻣﻠﻌﺒﻪ« ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﺭﺯﺷﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺒﻪﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ!‪72..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪73..........................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪75....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪77..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪79......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪-‬ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ‪-‬ﺗﻮﺭﺝ ﺻﻔﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻓﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺴﻦﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺲ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻫــﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪82.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪84...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪85........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪86....................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‪88......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪90..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪91...................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ‪90‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪92..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪94...................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪96..................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪97.........................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 88/8/10‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﺎپ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 1‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 2‬ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 3‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺟﺰﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 4‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ »ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ« ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 5‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑــﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 6‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ )ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﺍﻱﻫﺎ( ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ 3‬ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ؛ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ‪ -‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ »ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﻴﻮﺯ؛‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺗﺤﻜﻴــﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 58‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ :‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺳــﻴﺪﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻭﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺭﺟﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗــﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳــﻪﻧﻔﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴــﻢ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻻﻧﻪ« ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥﭘﺮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﮕﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺎﻡﺑﻪﮔﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴﻜﻲ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴــﺪ‪ ....‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‪ ....‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 12‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 58‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 28‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪.1332‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﻗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺸــﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺪﻗﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻔﺎ ﭘﺸــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻐــﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺒﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1377‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻥ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺰ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ« ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒــﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﻮﻗــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨــﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺷﻤﻦﻓﺘﺢﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻭﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﭼﻨﺪﺗﻴﺮﻫﻢﺑﻪﻗﻠﺐﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥﺯﺩﻩﺷﺪﻭﺳﻨﺪﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﻭژ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﭼﻲ« ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ »ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﻏﻪﺍﻱ« ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ»ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻧﺰﻳﻪ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﭘﺸﺖﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻥﻛﺸﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻱ« ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ« ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﻓﻮﻛﻮﻳﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱﺟﻮﺍﻥﺍﻣﺎﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮﺟﻴﻊﺑﻨﺪﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻭﺩﺭﻗﺎﻣﺖﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺸــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﮔﺮﻱﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺷﻤﺴــﻲ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺗﺶﺯﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻮﺱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ« ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪﻫﺴﺖﺍﻣﺎﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﮔﺮﻱﭼﭗﻫﺎ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺩﻭﻡﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻪﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕﺳﺎﺑﻖﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﺗﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺩﻭﻣﻲﻫﺎ«ﻋﺰﻡﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺑﻪﺷﻌﺎﺭ»ﻣﺮگﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ«ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ 30.‬ﺳﺎﻝﺍﺯ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﺳﻜﻮﺕﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺒﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻭﺭﺿﺎﺳﻴﻒﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲﺩﺭﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲﻭﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﺷــﺘﻲﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﺨــﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﮔﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮگﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻰﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ )ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺟﻮﺷﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ( ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﺶ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱﻫﺎﺳﺖﻳﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔــﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺪﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻜﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﻓﺪﻝ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻰ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺤﻖ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺫﻧﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻃﻨﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻳﻮﻡﺍﷲ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻱ ‪13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 32‬ﺗﺎ ‪22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﻮﻻﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ 9 ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ‪ 21‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ؟ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ 11 ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﻒﺍ‪...‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪D8‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪D8‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻛﻮﺍﻻﻻﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ D8‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺍﻻﻻﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ‪ D8‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ 13 ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ؛ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ؛ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ 1322‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻝ‪ ,‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1361‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 70‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪﻧﺎﺷﻲﺍﺯ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺮﺧﻲﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺷﺎﺧﺺﻭﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(ﺭﺍﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ﻫﺮﻣﻜﺘﺒﻲﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻭﻳﮋﻩﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﺮﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﻛﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺎ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺮﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍژﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﺍﻣﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻠﺖﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪﻭﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﻭﻗﺘﻲﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻣﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺷﻜﻞﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻗﺸﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ« ﻭ »ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﻳﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻧــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛــﻪ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨــﻰ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟــﺰﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺝ ﻧﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺣﻀﻮﺭﺑﻨﺪﻩﺩﺭﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﻫﻨﻮﺯﻗﻄﻌﻰﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺳﻤﺖﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﻭﻱﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺭﺩﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰﻫﻢﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﻫﻢﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺑﻪﺁﻥﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﻯﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﻭﻟﻰﺣﻀﻮﺭﻭﻯﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺳﻤﺖﻧﻴﺎﺯﺑﻪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﻣﺠﻠﺲﻭﺭﺍﻯﻣﺜﺒﺖﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺑﻪﺁﻥﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻛﻪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪102‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻁﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻨﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺫﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎءﺍﷲ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺴﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺫﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1310‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 60‬ﻭ ‪ ،70‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳﺮﻭﺩ »ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ«‪» ،‬ﻃﻼﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ« ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪1300‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻐﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺫﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺫﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﻣﺆﺫﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺫﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ)‪ (110‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ‪ 700‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 330‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ )‪ (1360-1380‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪1358‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳــﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻗﺎﻃــﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻰﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ 16 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻲﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪ 30 ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻲﺷﺎﻥ ‪ 22‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻠﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻯ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﻃﺒــﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ )‪13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ (1370‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻻﻧﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺏ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 444‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﻃــﻼﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺳــﺘﻮﺭ )‪ (1983 / 10 / 10‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺗﺒــﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣــﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘــﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻐــﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﻇﺮﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﻤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 69‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭗ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 77‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻢﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺼﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺰﻭﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﺳﻨﻲﺷﺎﻥ ‪ 22‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸــﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻄــﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒــﺎﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳــﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐــﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺰﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ژﻭﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 59‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 63‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 66‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 68‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺣﺰﺑﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻠﻮﻓﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﻯ ‪ 19‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ )‪ 1378‬ﺗﺎ ‪ (1382‬ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻳــﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ؟ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﻫــﺎ؟ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ؟ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻏﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ‪ 250‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ )ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ( ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺘﻌﻠــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻛﻪﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﺑﻪﻻﻧﻪﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧـﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺴـﺘﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳـﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ 13 .‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪58‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪57‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 58‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺘﻢﺷــﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻨﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪58‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻲﻛﻔﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺴـﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1332‬ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﭽﺎﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺭﺍ‪ -‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ‪-‬ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 40‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 58‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻠﺚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻭﻳﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐــﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﭼﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﭼﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺮﻗـﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻳـﺎ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐــﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻲﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻣﻦ‪،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻫﻢﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﻧﻮﻉﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻻﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﻂ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 40‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧــﺪﻭﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺐ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻢﻣﺮﻍﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜـﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴـﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﻔﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺳــﻨﺨﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﺸــﻴﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻲﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳــﻢ‪ 5 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺁﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺷﺒﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 2‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﺭﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺜﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺜﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻗﺮ ﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭙﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺷﺐ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠــﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣُﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻳﺘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻝ ﻫﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮓ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﭼــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻠﻨﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺐ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻲﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺶﺳــﭙﻴﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻳﺶﺳــﭙﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﺐ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺠﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﭙﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺨﻨﻲ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻣــﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣــﺪ؛ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ »ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻟﺒﻴﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﭙﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ‪ 7‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺠﺞﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ‪ 7‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﺪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﻠــﺖ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ‪ 7‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘــﺪﻡ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕــﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕــﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻰﺩﻣﻨــﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻨــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨــﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭼﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ«‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻘــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻠــﺢ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻲ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻓﻜﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺸــﻘﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻌﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗــﻒ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻛﻨــﻲ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻫﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯﻳﻚﺷﺨﺺﻭﺳﭙﺲﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷـﻔﺎﻑ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻨـﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺳـﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴـﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴـﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴـﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺒﻰ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄـﻮﺭ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳـﻤﺘﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﻓـﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻋﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺷـﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺸـﺘﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺴـﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺗﻮﻫﻢ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻓــﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴـﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﭼﻨـﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨــﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻰ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪﺍﻳﻦﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻـﻼ ﺩﻳـﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒـﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳـﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷـﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎ ﺣـﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻀﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫـﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣـﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﻝﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺨﺺ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸـﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐﺧــﻮﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﻨﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨـﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﺴـﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭﺭﺍﺱﻫﺮﻡﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺧﻮﺩﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪﻛﺎﻣﻼﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﻭﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺑﺎﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﻭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻣــﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 60‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴــﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺳﺨﻦﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ »ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ« ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ« ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ -‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪50 .‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻲ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 53‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 23‬ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕــﻲ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ »ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 90‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 53‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 52‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺧﻞﻭﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 55‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻞﻭﺧﺮﺝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 53‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 55‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺾ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﻧﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤــﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺳﻰ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﺪﺩ ‪10:10‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻰﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﺜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﺧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﺡ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠــﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﺮﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻘــﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻛﺸــﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﺮﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺩﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 1789‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻢﻛﺮﻩ ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ )ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ( ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﺤﻈــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺷــﺎﻥ – ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﺟﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ )ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1919‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ -‬ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ‪ (...‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ‪ 14‬ژﻭﺋﻴــﻪ ‪ 1789‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳــﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ »ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﺩﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ؛ »ﺁﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 1789‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻰ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺑﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ‪ 1776‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺳــﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ« ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1789‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ« ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ 1200‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪ 83‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻠﻐﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺭﺍﺛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1791‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ )ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ( ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ »ﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺖ« ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ »ﻣﺎﻛﺴــﻴﻤﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﺴﭙﻴﺮ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺴــﭙﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺰ »ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ« ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺧﻮﻥﺁﺷﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1789‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄــﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ؛ ﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺻﻒ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻛﻮﺑﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ژﻳﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻠﻮپﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻮپﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻠﻮپﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻦژﺍﻙ« ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻮﭘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ژﺍﻛﻮﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ »ژﻳﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ژﻳﺮﻭﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ژﻳﺮﻭﻧﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ژﺍﻛﻮﺑﻦﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1793‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ژﺍﻛﻮﺑﻦﻫــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ »ﻣﺎﻛﺴــﻴﻤﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺴــﭙﻴﺮ« ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺴــﭙﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ژﺍﻛﻮﺑﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻰ ژﻳﺮﻭﻧﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ژﺍﻛﻮﺑﻦﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ژﻳﺮﻭﻧﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﺴــﭙﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ؛ »ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﻣﺮگ« ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﺴﭙﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ »ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫»ژﻭﺯﻑ ﺍﻳﮕﻨﺎﺱ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ« ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻥﺯﺩﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﻓﻨﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴــﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻥﺯﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 1792‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻭﺭﺳــﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻛﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺍﻋــﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﺴﭙﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ 17‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1793‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ »ﻣﺎﺭﺳــﻴﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺘﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺴﭙﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ژﺍﻛﻮﺑﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻰﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ‪ 16‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 16‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﺴﭙﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺴﭙﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 1794‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺴــﭙﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺣﺸﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﺟﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﺴــﭙﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 26‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺁﺩﻡﻛﺸﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺑﺴﭙﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ 22 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ‪ 28‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1794‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ »ﺗﺮﻣﻴﺪﻭﺭ« ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﺴﭙﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﮔﻴﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪36 ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﻧﺎﻣـﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴـﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷـﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺋﺘـﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸـﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴـﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺁﺷـﺘﻰﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﺷﺘﻰﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔـﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗـﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫـﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷـﻔﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫـﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻄـﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳـﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻣـﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒـﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷـﻔﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘـﻪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬـﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛـﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼـﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛـﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪2001‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺧـﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳـﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﺍﻳﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔـﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺧـﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠـﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ‪ 17‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﺘﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺨﺸـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﺷﺘﻰﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﺷﺘﻰﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﻜﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎﺳﻮﺍﻝﻣﻦﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﻤﺎﭼﻘﺪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻈﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ؟ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﻰ‪21 ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ‪ AFPAK‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻀــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣــﺪﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﻰ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷـﺨﺺ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺧﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻃﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻨــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ »ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺣﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠــﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﻳﻚﻣﻘﺎﻡﺭﺳﻤﻰﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣــﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺿﺪﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻭﻣﺤﻠﻰﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﺟﺪﻯﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯﺍﻳﻦﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺴــﻴﻢ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠــﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﺘﺎﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺗﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪،‬ﻳﻚﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﺩﺭﻣﺮﻛﺰﻛﺎﺑﻞﻧﻈﺮﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﺣﺎﻣﺪﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﺯﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺕﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﺍﻭﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺣﻴﺎﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻭﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺴﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ؛ ﻫﺮﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄــﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ »ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ« ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺑﻠﻴﻮ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺮﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻝ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻟﻮﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﷲ ﻟﻮﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺷــﻮﻕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺮﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺄﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻧﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻨﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺤــﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭘﺸــﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎ ﻗﻤﻠﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻮﻑ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ – ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ – ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻝﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ – ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ – ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃــﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﺪﻧــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻟﻴﻤﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻲ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺏ ﮔﻞﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲﺭﺍﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺑﺮﺧﻲﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻭﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦﺣﺎﻛﻲﺍﺯﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎﻱﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪ 60‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺗﺮﻭﺭﻭﻭﺣﺸﺖﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﻋﺮﺑﻲﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ – ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻛﻪﻫﻤﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﻋﺮﺑﻲﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﻫﻢﺩﺍﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩﺭﺍﻩﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﻧﺒﺮﺩ – ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﮓ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﻼﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺯﻋــﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲﻣﻬﺘﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘـﻲ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺸـﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻐـﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ‪ 13‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻳﻜﺸـﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺘﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸـﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻗـﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳـﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫– ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒــﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﺗـﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻤﺒﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 700‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺳـﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺠﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌـﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻐــﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺺﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺷﻤﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺣﻞﺷﻮﺩﻭﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺸــﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪) ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩ(‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺷــﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺘــﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫)ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ( ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻃﻲ ‪ 1400‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ 22 .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 57‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 12‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ .2003‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺯﻭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺳــﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ – ﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ -‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2003‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﻥﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻗﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 75‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 100‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺫﻏﺎﻝﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﻰﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2010‬ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺮگ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ALISSA J. RUBIN :‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ؛ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ!‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳــﻪ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤــﺮﻙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ؛ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ )ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ( ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻰﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯﻧﻘﺶﻓﻌﺎﻝﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯﺗﻮﺭﮔﻮﺕﺍﻭﺯﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞﺩﻫﻪ‪ 1990‬ﻭﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺯﺍﻝ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺧﺎﺭﺝﻭﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺁﻏﺎﺯﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻣﻨﺰﻝﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2003‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ – ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻏﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺠﻢﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﺩﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1996‬ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺵ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ – ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻰ ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻨﻬــﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﺮﺷــﻜﻦ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃــﻊﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘــﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺣﺎﻛﻢﺑﺮﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺪﻩﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨــﺪﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﻛﻮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﮔﻞ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪﺑﻪﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺩﺭﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺑﺎﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺩﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥﺑﺎﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﺩﻭﻫﺪﻑﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥﻭﺯﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ‪ -‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪2009‬‬ ‫)‪ (88/8/8‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛــﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻫﻮﻟﺒﻮﺭﻙ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ (88/7/27) 2009‬ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ« )‪ (Situation Room‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ »ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ‪ -‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁ‪ -‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 180‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ‪ 176‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺴﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ‪ 20‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ‪ 11‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤــﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 2001‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ‪ -‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺴــﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺻﺮﻓــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﻤﺮ‬ ‫) ‪ (Ian Bremer‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻛﺘﺒــﺮ ﻣﺠﻠــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫)‪ (Foreign Policy‬ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪-‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤـﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺣـﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ‪ 250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ 44 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻟــﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪﻱ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻛــﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 70‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻟﻪﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﻗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖﺩﺭﻣﺴﺠﺪﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺣﺎﺿﺮﺷﺪﻭﺑﻪﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻲ‪،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪»:‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱﻛﻪﺷﺎﻩﺑﺎﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﻭﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱﺳﺨﺖﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯﻗﻴﺪﺩﻭﻟﺖﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪﺟﻤﻊﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺷﺪﻭﺁﻧﺎﻥﺭﺍﺩﻟﺪﺍﺭﻱﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪»:‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲﺻﺤﺒﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢﻛﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﺑﺪﻱﺭﺥﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺁﻝﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﺭﺍﺑﺎﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱﺻﻮﺭﺕﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻗﺼﺪﺩﺍﺭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﻧﺸﺪﻩﻛﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻧﻬﺎﺩﺩﻭﻟﺖﭼﻨﻴﻦﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﺍﻋﻼﻡﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﻜﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨــﺎﻑ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨــﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩﻩﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﺁﻧﭽﻪﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﺷﺪﻩﺑﺎﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﻮﻇﻒﺷﺪﻛﻪﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‪500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﮔﺎﻡﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺁﻥﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺧﺒﺮﻱﻧﺒﻮﺩﺗﺎﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻛﻪﮔﻮﻳﺎﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪﻗﺼﺪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﺑﺎﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﺑﻪﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻭﭘﺲﺍﺯﺁﻥﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺷﻮﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖﻛﻨﺪﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺗﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺷﻌﺒﻪﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮﺍﺯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺩﻋﻮﺕﺑﻮﺩﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑﺍﺯﻭﺟﻮﺩﭼﻨﻴﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴــﺮ؟ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﺒﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻡﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺍﺯﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﺮﻧﻬﺎﺩﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﻛﻪﺑﺎﻋﺚﻛﺎﻫﺶﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻜــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﭼﻨﻴﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﺠﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﺛﺒﺖﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﺗﺎﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﺍﻳﻦﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺗﺎﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪﮔﺮﭼﻪﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻗﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑﻭﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪500‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﻋﻤﻠﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺤﺚ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﺩﻭﻟﺖﻭﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑﻭﺑﺎﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲﺭﺍﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﻛﻨﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻭﻟﻲﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲﻛﻪﺭﺥﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﻫﻴﭻﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﺗﻨﻬﺎﺍﺯﻧﺎﻡﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑﻭﺍﻡﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻱﻛﺎﺵﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱﻛﻪﺍﺯﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺍﻣﻮﺭﺑﻪﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺩﺍﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﺍﻣﻮﺭﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺭﺍﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﻟﻲﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺽﺍﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﻞﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 28‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 60‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 49‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﻳــﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ « .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﺪﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻱ‪،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﮕﻮﺩﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﻋﺰﻳـﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌـﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳـﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﺭﺍﻫﺒـﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻱﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﻀﻨﻔــﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﺗﺮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﺮﻭﻩﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﻠﻴﻠـﻴـﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﺩ ﻛﺸـﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪:‬ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒـﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳـﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌـﺎﺩﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀـﻰ ﺑﺨﺘﻴـﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴـﺘﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻬﺮ ﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﻬﺎﺩﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺳــﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻠﻊ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪﻛﻪﺷﺎﻳﺪﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﺘﺨﻠــﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣــﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻤــﺐ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳـﻚ ﺷـﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴـﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴـﻢ ﺳـﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗـﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ‪ 10‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻼ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺼــﻮﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣــﺪﺕ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ‪ 50‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺐ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ‪، POS‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ ‪ 500‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔــﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺒــﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪ 253‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 77‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥﺗﺎﺳﻘﻒ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﺯﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻣﻌﺎﻑﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩﻭﻟﻰﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺭﺩﻫﻴﭻﺳﻨﺪﻭﻣﺪﺭﻛﻰﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻧﺸﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺩﺭﻫﻴﭻﻛﺠﺎﻯﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﻗﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﻫﻤﻪﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺎﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﭘﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﭘﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪﻣﺎﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐﺩﺭﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻧﻈﺎﻡﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﻭﻃﺮﺡﺗﺤﻮﻝﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ‪،POS‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ‪ 29‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺐ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰﺷﺎﻳﺪﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰﻧﻘﻞﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﺩﻳﺮﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﮕﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﻛﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻗــﺪﻡ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﻭﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻣﻰﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺟــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﻘﺼــﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻔﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻧﻈﻢﺩﻫﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠـﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑـﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻗـﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑـﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﻴﻤـﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴـﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﺎﻫـﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴـﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔـﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠـﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤــﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻨـﺎﻑ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺗـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻨــﺎﻑ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫــﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻙ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴـﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳـﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺻـﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷـﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﺛـﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷـﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﻳﻜﺒـﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ‪ 50‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ 200‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳـﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺳﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﻧﻮﺩﻩﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷـﻌﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﺑـﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺁﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻃــﻰ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴــﺮﻩ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 86‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 350‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﺪ ‪12‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺠﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺷﺮﻕﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺴــﺘﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺾ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺷﺮﻕﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﭙﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻲ ‪ 35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻐﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺑﺪﻗﻠﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻰ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭﺿــﺎﻉ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭗ ﺷﻴﭗ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﭗ ﺷــﻴﭗ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﭗ ﺷﻴﭗ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺸﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻰ ﺷــﻮﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺸــﻜﻰ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﺧﻔﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻏﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪ 35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻌﻰ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻣﺸﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸـﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷـﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﺒــﻮﻉ ﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻮﻏﺎﺕ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 60‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻋﺪﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ 50‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ 200‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻥﺍﻳﻠﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯﺗﺎﺯﻩﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻨــﺎﻑ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‪23‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﺩﻩﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺦﻧﻤﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑﺭﺍﺑﻪﺁﻥﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﻧﻮﺩﻩﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻩﻛﻪﻃﻰﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﺍﺧﻴﺮﺑﻪﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﭼﺎﺩﺭﻣﺸﻜﻲﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻧﻊﺍﺯﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻯﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﭼﺎﺩﺭﻣﺸﻜﻰﺗﻤﺎﻡﺗﻼﺷﺶﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﺑﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻣﺸﻜﻰﺩﺭﺩﺍﺧﻞﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰﻣﺎﺣﺘﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﺑﻪﺩﺍﻧﺶﻓﻨﻰﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﭼﺎﺩﺭﻣﺸﻜﻰﺑﺎﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻰﺑﺎﻻﻫﻢﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﻛﺎﻫﺶﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﭼﺎﺩﺭﻣﺸﻜﻰﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻛﻪﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝﺍﺳﺖﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﺷﺪﻩﻭﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰﺭﺍﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪﺍﻳﻦﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝﻫﻨﻮﺯﺍﻳﻦﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﺩﻳﮕﺮﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺪﺕﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻭﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶﺭﺍﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺩﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﭼﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻰﺑﻪﺣﺪﻯﺯﻳﺎﺩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻫﺮﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰﺭﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺑﺮﺍﻯﭼﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺳﻮﺩﺑﻪﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪﻭﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝﺑﻪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﻫﻢﺭﺍﻫﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺣﻘﻮﻕﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﺍﻱﺭﺍﻛﻪﺩﺭﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰﻛﻤﺘﺮﺍﺯﻳﻚﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺍﺧﻞﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪ 25‬ﺗﺎ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺑﻪﻓﺮﻭﺵﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺯﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﻭﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲﺭﺍﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰﻫﻢﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﺑﻴﻦﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻫﻤﻴﻦﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﻫﻢﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻛﻨﻴﻢﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺍﺯﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺗﺎﺣﺪﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﭘﻴﺶﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ 76 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ‪ 52‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫‪ 86‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﺮ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺘﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻎﺑﺮ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻲﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻔﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺳــﻒﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ »ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ« ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻟﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪».‬ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺑﺎﺷﻰ« ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻛﺎﻛﺘﻮﺱ«ﻫﺎ ﻭ »ﺯﻳﺮﺗﻴﻎ«‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ »ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ« ﻭ »ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺷﺐ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ« ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘــﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪».‬ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺑﺎﺷــﻰ« ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻛﺎﻛﺘﻮﺱ«ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺯﻳﺮﺗﻴﻎ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ »ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤــﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﻏﻤﺒﺎﺭ »ﺯﻳﺮﺗﻴﻎ«‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻭﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺿﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷــﻨﮓ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﭼﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻴﻜﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴــﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺟﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﭘﻠﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ‪ 45‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫»ﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﺑﻴﮕﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ »ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮ‪ «3‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮ‪ «3‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ »ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ »ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ »ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻋﻤﻮ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺴــﺘﺮﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ« ﻭ »ﻛﻤــﺎﻝ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ« ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫»ﺣﺴــﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ« ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ« ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮ‪ «3‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺞﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺘﺮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻋﻄﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺮﺍ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﺟﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪» .‬ﺧﺴﺘﻪﺩﻻﻥ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 14‬ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺭﺷــﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻳــﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻣﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻮﺭﺵ ﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺯﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ«‪» ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺟﻚ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺣﻠﻪ« ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ »ﺧﺴــﺘﻪﺩﻻﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺻــﺮ ﭼﺸــﻢﺁﺫﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳــﻢ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺍﻧــﻪ ﺗﻴﺘــﺮﺍژ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺴــﺘﻪﺩﻻﻥ« ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩﺷﺒﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﻰ »ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻣﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺷــﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ »ﺩﻟﻨﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳــﻬﻴﻠﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ« ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ »ﺩﻟﻨﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺷــﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ« ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤــﻪ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﻮﺩﺷــﺒﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺒﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠــﺦ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺝﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺝﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ‪ 33‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ »ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻟﻚﭘﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻠﻴﺠــﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫»ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﮔﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻟﻚﭘﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺤﺮ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﻜﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺯﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺤﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻇﻤــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴــﮋﻥ ﺑﻨﻔﺸــﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﻣﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﺩﻭﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘــﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﻬﺪﻱ ژﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﺎﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺒﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﺮﺡ« ﻭ »ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻳﻪ ﻟﻘﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫــﺮ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕﻧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﷲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ« ﻭ »ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﭘﺮ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻮﺩﺷﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ »ﺍﻭﺳﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍ ﻛﻨــﻮ ﻥ ﻣﻘﺪ ﻣــﻪ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮ ﻋــﻪ ﻃﻨــﺰ ﺷــﺒﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﺳﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ« ﺩﺭ ‪ 50‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺍﻭﺳــﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ« ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺟﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ« ﻭ »ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﭘﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﺿﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﻮﺵ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺨﺒﺮ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺻﻴﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻣﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺿﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﻭﻝﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﺿﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﭘﺨﺸﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ »ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳــﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ‪ 26‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 87‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻫﻮ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺴﻞ ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﺘﻲ ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻠﻮﻓﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ ﺻﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ »ﺣﺴﻦ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻲ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻮ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﺩﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺸﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻱ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳــﻢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ« ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ« ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﭙﺎﺭﻱ »ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ«‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‪ 20‬ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ‪ 45‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﺪﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫»ﻗﺎﺳﻢﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ«ﺗﻬﻴﻪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲﺭﻭﺯﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪11‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ« ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﺪﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 38‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ »ﻫﺪﻱ« ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺟﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺣﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺸﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﻔﺎﺧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻳــﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻏﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺳﻔﻴﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻡﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1366‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻨﮓﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫)ﺳــﻬﻴﻼ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ )ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻦ ﭘﻮﺭﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ )ﺑﻴﮋﻥ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩ )ﺳﻴﻤﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ )ﻓﺮﺍﺯ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ )ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ )ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻲ‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺎﺑﻲ )ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ(‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪﺧﺖ ﻣﻬﻴﻤﻦ )ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻲ )ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐــﺮ ﻧﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ )ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ( ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ »ﻫﻮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 7‬ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ‪ 185‬ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪» .‬ﻫﻮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﺗﻮﺙ‪ ،‬ﻫﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻗﺖ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓــﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ )ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ( ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺶ )ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﻧﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺒﻬﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻣــﺮﺍﻥ )ﻛﻴﻜﺎﻭﺱ ﻳﺎﻛﻴﺪﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﻛﻴﻜﺎﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻛﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺛﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 20:30‬ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻡ؛ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺲ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰءﺟﺰء‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﻮﺥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ؛ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ .1362‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻰﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺑﺤﺒﻮﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﺿﺎژﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺟﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﭘﺴــﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻻﻟﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﭙﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺐﺍﻫﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ )‪ (1363‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺎﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1336‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1388‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ 32‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺑﻴﺎ )‪ ،(1362‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ )‪،(1363‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻻﻏﺮ )‪ ،(1364‬ﻫﺎﭼﻴﻦﻭﻭﺍﭼﻴﻦ )‪ (1365‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ )‪(1366‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻮ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻨــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺧــﻼﻕ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ( ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﭗﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﭘﺴــﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺟﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺒﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻄﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1377‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1380‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷــﺼﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪ (1370‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻨــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﮔﺮﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﻪ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧــﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﻨﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴــﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻮﻣــﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳــﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺳــﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﻛﺎﺵ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ )ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻴــﺎﻥ( ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳــﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ‪ 52‬ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﭘﻨﺠــﺎﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺳــﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﻦﺗﺮﺍﺑــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻭﻩﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻯ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺳــﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ )ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ‪ ( 1384-‬ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ )ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ‪(1387-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1385‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﻘﺺ ﺭﺳــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﺧﺮ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻴﻦﺗﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺭﺍﻣﺒﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺗﻨﻪﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻫﻨــﺮﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺣــﻖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻧــﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳــﺒﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﺣﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳــﺎﺩﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪ 1376‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1386‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭼﻨﺘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﺷــﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﻴﻨﺪﺭﻻ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨــﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫)‪ (1381‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺰ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ )‪ (1377‬ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ )‪ (1379‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﻢﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟! ﻛﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻬــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﺐ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ »ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺩﺍﺭﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﺵ ﺁﺫﺭﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ‪15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1913‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴــﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗـﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻨﻬـﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺗـﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؛ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻳﻨﻬﻮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻣﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺰﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺘﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻴﺎﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ »ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺶ )ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﮔﻮﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻮﺣﻲ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ )ﻭﺿﻮﺡ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﭘﺰﻳﺘﻴﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻭﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴـﺨﻪ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ‪35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻲﻣﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻭﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﺴـﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﻣﻦﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮﻫﺴﺘﻢ؛ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻗﺎﺏﺑﻨﺪﻱﻳﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻻﻣﭗ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠــﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺷــﺼﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻧﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺿﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻭﺩﻱ« ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻧﻔﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻛﻮﭘﺎژ ﺭﺍ ﺟــﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻏﻠﻂﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﻙ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻛﺸــﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺗـﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﺮﻳﺦ ﻣﻮﺭﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ‪ ...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺶ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺑﻮﺭﮔﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻼﺳﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﺴــﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘـﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻛـﻢ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺷــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻟﻮﺗﻬﺎﺭ )ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻪ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻧﻮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻴﺮﺑﻴﺨﻠﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﺮﻳﺦ ﺗﻮﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄــﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﻮ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﺸـﺨﻴﺺ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺑـﺎﻥ ﺳـﻔﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻛﺸـﻴﺶ ﭘﺴـﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﺸـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣـﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪....‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻑﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺼﻔﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺳـﺖﻛﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻠﻖﺁﻭﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲﻣﺰﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪100‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻧﺘﺰﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﻳﮕﻨﻴﺘﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺮﺑﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﺰﻭﻓﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺏﻭﺩﺍﻏﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺼﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺭژﻳﺴﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺭژﻳﺴﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﺪﺍﺭﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﭙﺰﻳــﻚ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﻭﻛﻲﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﭼــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻑ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺳﻲ!‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴـﺨﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﻣﻲﮔـﺬﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﻫﻢ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡﻛﻪﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒــﻼ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮگ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺗﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻟﻮﺗﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦﺍﺯﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱﺑﻲﻣﺰﻩﻭﺑﻨﻲﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺷﺪﻡﻭﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﺍﺝﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻭﺍﺯﺁﻥﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﺗﻨﻬﺎﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺫﻫﻨﻢﺭﺍﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻛﻴــﭗ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﺰﻩ ﺗﺤﻤﻞﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱﻛﻪﺍﺯﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻧﺎﺷﻲﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸــﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ »ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺸــﺎﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﺮﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺳــﻢ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺟﺐﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟــﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﺎپ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻰﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺝﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺮﺍﺳﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﭼﺎﻭﻭﺷﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺳﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫» ﻓﻀــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ»ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺟﺐﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 120‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﺎﻩﺭﻳﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺴــﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺟﺐﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 120‬ﻧﺎﺷــﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﭘﺮﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻲﭘﻮﺵ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﻭﺍﻳﺴﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ« ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﭘﺎپ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﺶ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸـﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺴـﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟‬ ‫)ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ(‬ ‫ﻧـﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺑﺎ ﺻــﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ(‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺑﭙﺮﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺼﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺧــﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﺳــﻌﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﺑﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷــﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺼﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗــﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺠﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻜﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻜﺸﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺲ ﺑﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻱ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﺧــﻲ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺣﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍ ِ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺸﻮﻱ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻐﺰﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻣﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺻﺪﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻲﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺁﺳــﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺟﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ( ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻟﻮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻂ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺧﺪﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻕ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻮﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺭﻓﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﭙــﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺟﻮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﺪﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﻮﺧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻛﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺸــﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺠــﻮﺯﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻢ ﺳﻮژﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺕ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻡ ﻟﻄﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ«‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﭼﻲ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻨﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ »ﺗﻤﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻱ‪ «.‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦ ﺷﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻨﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻘﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮ ﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮ ﺯﺩ؟ ﻛﺎﺵ ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺸــﻨﮓ ]ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 5:42‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ[ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺗﺎﻳﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻫﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ؟ ﺣﺲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻛﻠﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﻝ ﻧﺎﺯﻛﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻝ ﻧﺎﺯﻛﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺠﺎﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﺵ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺭﻭﺩﺭﻭﺍﻳﺴــﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫)ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻲ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ(‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻚ ﻫﻤﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺼﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺼﻪﺍﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﻚ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻏﺼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻐﺾ ﻛﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘــﺎپ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭپ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭپ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺭپﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﻳﺎﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ CD‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻜﻞ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻛﻨﺴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ »ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﺴـﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ »ﺑﻬﺸـﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮ« ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﭼﺸﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ(‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ؛ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻣﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺒﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠـﻮﺯ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺴـﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﻳـﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺶ‪ -‬ﻣﻬـﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺳـﭙﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻴﺐ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 7‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﺴـﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﺎ« ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳـﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿـﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺨﺼﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﭽﺴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺮﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺑﻬﺸـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮ« ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴـﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﻫﻮﻭ«ﺑﻪﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮ« ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﺎ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺑﻬﺸـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮ« ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺘﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻋﻼﻗـﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼﻣﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻼﻣﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻣﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻜﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳـﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣـﺲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻟﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺎژﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻯ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺴﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ 20 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻃﻨﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻏﺼﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺍﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎژﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﺷﻤﺎﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ؛‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍﻫﻪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ »ﺑﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟﺤﻨﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗـﻮﻯ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺑﻬﺸـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮ« ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷـﻠﻮﻏﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ »ﺁﺗﻴﺶ ﻋﺸﻖ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ »ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻮﻧﺪﻩ‪ «...‬ﻳﺎ »ﺗﻮﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻓﻠﺰ‪ /‬ﻭﺳﻂ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﻮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‪ /‬ﻣﻨﻮ ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺒﺮ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15-16‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 18-19‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴــﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1379‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺷــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮ« ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀـﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧـﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1370‬ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻬــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻴﺘﺎﺭﺑﻴﺲ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﻤــﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ‪ 4‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 5‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﻡ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﻲﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ »ﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﺎ« ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺑﺎﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ »ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﺑﻲ«‪ -‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺰ )ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ( ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺫﺑﺢ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻗﺪﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ »ﻣﻠﻌﺒﻪ« ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﺭﺯﺷﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺒﻪﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ!‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺫﺑﺢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳــﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﺪﻝﮔﺴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺮﻩ ﺗﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺑﺴﻂ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﺌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻬﺎ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺳﺮﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ »ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﻱﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﻧﻘﺾ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ »ﻋﺪﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ« ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻤــﺰﻭﺝ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ« ﻋﺪﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﻨﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻒ ﺁﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷــﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﻱﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺎ ﺩﺷﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻋﺪﻝﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺻﻴﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﺪﻭﺡ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻻﻏﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﺯﺩ؟ ﺩﺭﻙ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩژ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻋــﺪﻝ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﺌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﺖﻋﺪﻝﮔﺴﺘﺮﻓﻘﻂﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﻣﻦﺩﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﺑﺎﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲﺍﻡ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ‪» ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻀﺎ »ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺰﻡ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﺑﺢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻝﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﻭ »ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ« ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻝﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ »ﮔﻮﻻﻙﻫﺎﻱ« ﻣﺨﻮﻑ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺫﺑﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﭙﺴــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺝﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺠﺎ؟ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻝ ﭘﻮﺷﺸــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧــﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ »ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻟﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ »ﻣﺼﺮﻑ« ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ »ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ »ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻏﻲ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺫﺑﺢ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻗﺪﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ »ﻣﻠﻌﺒﻪ« ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﺒﻪﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﻭ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺷــﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻛﻔﺎﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺧﺮﻭﺵﻗﺪﺳﻲﺍﻱﺍﺯﻣﻜﻪﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖﻭﺷﺒﻪﻋﺪﻝﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪﺁﻧﺎﻥﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻧﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻨﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﮕﻞ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺟﺰﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘــﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻠﺘــﺎﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻼﻳﺮﻣﺎﺧﺮ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣــﺮ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫــﺮ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺰﻡ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴــﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷــﺨﺺﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﺤﺘــﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﻲﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻠﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺭﺟﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﻧﻚ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﻮﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ژﺍﻥ ژﺍﻙ ﺭﻭﺳــﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﻮﭼــﻚ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭﺭﻭﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻼﻳﺮﻣﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﺘﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﻤﻴﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻮﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻻﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻔﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻔﻬﻢ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴــﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺶﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻔﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳــﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟــﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻔﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺩﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﻬﻢ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻲﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﻔﺴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻣﻨــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻔﻬﻢ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻣﻨــﺪﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫــﺎ ﻣﻘــﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺤــﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻘــﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛــﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﺑــﻪ ﻃﺮﻗﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ )ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻱ( ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟــﺰء ﻭ ﻛﻞ( ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻔﻬﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺾﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺤــﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸــﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﭼــﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣــﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺴﻼﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺗﻔﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺳــﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺤﺾ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸــﻤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻘﻮﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻘﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺤﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺎﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻟــﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫)ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ( ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻘــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺑﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳــﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻴﺴﻰﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ ‪-‬ﺑﻨﺖﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻔﺖﮔﻮ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻴﺴﻰﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺤـﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ؛ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴـﺖ؛ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴـﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗـﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻬﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻏﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﻋﺪﻝ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻃﻮﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻪ ﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻻﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻳﺎ؛ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺴــﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻰ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺫﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺣﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻪ ﻓﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻯ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻰ ﻟﻪ؛ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻟﻐﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽـﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟـﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳـﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻤﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺟﺰﻭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺳــﺮﻫﺎ )ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ( ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺟﺰﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺫﻳﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺫﻳﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻌﺪﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﻮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻫــﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒــﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻤﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻯ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺋﻨﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﻮﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﺍﺳــﺖ‪ -1 :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ )ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ(‪ -2 ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ -3،‬ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴـﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻔﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘﻰ ﻧﻔﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻧﻔﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪﺑﻪﺑﺤﺚﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺯﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺍﺑﻮﻋﻠﻰﻣﺴﻜﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻀﺒﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻃﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺶ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﻻﻋﻄﺎء ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻭﻱ ﻓﻮﺍﻳـﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫـﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘـﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ )ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ( ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴــﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺠﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺫﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺫﺍﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﺎ ﻭ‪ -2 ،(...‬ﻣﺨﻔﻰ )ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺖ ﺳــﺮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮ ﻧﮓ ﻭ‪ -3 ،(...‬ﺳﺘﻢ )ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻞ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺫﺍﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ؛ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻯ؛ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻘﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺴـﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴـﻜﻮﻳﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺶ )ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻻﺧﻼﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ )ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ(‪-2 ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‪ -3 ،‬ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺻﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺣﺴــﻨﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -1 :‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ(‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﻗﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ -2 .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔــﻮﺱ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴـﻮﻑ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸـﻔﻰ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺸــﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﺋــﻒ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻓﻰ ﺳــﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﺋــﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤــﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻛﺠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻠﻮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ -1 :‬ﺻﻔﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ )ﭼﻮﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﻯﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ -2 ،(.‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻭﻋﻆ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀــﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ‪ -4 ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺳــﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‪ -5 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ‪ -6‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺸﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻋﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼــﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺴــﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺸﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻴﺮﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺗﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳـﻴﺮ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ »ﻛﻼﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ؛ ﺩﺭ »ﻓﻘﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿــﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ؛ ﺩﺭ» ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ»ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺋﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻭﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺻﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻭﮔــﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ »ﺣــﺲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ »ﻛﺎﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ »ﻧﻴﻚ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻬﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ »ﺯﺷﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ »ﻧﻴﻜﻮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺘﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻉ ﻛﺎﺷﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ـ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ـ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺣﺴــﻦ« ﻳﺎ »ﻗﺒﺢ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ »ﺯﺷــﺖ«ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ »ﺯﻳﺒﺎ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭ »ﺯﺷﺖ« ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻌﻮﺙ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﮕﺰﻳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺘﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺯﺥ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻴﺢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺒﻴﺢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﻕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻓﺮﻳﺐﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺻﺪﻕ‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺰﺍﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻧﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺣﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻗﺒﻴﺢ ﻳﺎ ﺣَ ﺴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ »ﻋﺪﻝ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴـﻮﻑ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻦ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ )ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻰ )ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒــﺪﺍ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺣــﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ـ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ـ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﺴﺴﺘﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻠﺐ )ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻪ( ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ »ﺁﺭﺍء ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫـﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑـﻰ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧـﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘـﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ »ﺗﺤﺼﻴـﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻌﺎﺩﻩ«‪» ،‬ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻰﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳـﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺴـﻌﺎﺩﻩ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨـﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺿﻠـﻪ« ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺳــﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺤﺒــﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ »ﻋﺪﻝ« ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﻋﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‪» ،‬ﺳــﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻼﺯﻣﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻦﺳـﻴﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤــﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴـﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴـﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼــﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﻨﺨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺤﻚ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸـﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷـﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺑﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘـﺎﺏ ﻟﻮﻳﺎﺗـﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳـﭙﻴﻨﻮﺯﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛـﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺯﺍﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻛﻬﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻜﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻛﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻄﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺾ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳــﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﻂﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﻳﻨﺎﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 57‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺩﻻﻟﻰ ‪ 100‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 150‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ‪ 500‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻻﻟﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 43‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫــﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻟﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﻭﺣﺸــﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰﺗﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺲ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺭﺍﻳﺞﺗﺮﻳﻦﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉﺗﻘﻠﺐﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻳﺎﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﻴﺪﻩ؛ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻏﻞﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻻﻳﻨﻔﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺳـﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻼﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﻼﺳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤـﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻛﭙﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺴـﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﺏﺩﻭﻍ ﺧﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻏﻞﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺮﺿﮕﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻠﻤﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮژﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳــﺞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻗﺎﻋــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔــﻮﺍﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧــﺎﻙ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﻛﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ ﺁﮔﻬﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﮔﻬﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺒﺎﺏ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﮕﻨﺠﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺑﺮﻛﺘﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ)!( ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮژﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻞ ﻛﻨﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻐــﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴــﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ ‪ 600‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ 80 .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ‪ 130‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻨﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻗﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ‪20 ،10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻳــﺎﺏ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪» ،‬ﻛــﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ« ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﭘﺲﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﺧﺴﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻛﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺮﻧﺲ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳــﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻫﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻓﺎﻕ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﻏﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﻛﺎﻏﺬﭘــﺎﺭﻩ«ﺍﻯ ﻗﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻗﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ؛ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫــﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟــﻊ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﻬﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ – ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ -‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ »ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻳﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‪ ...‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻤﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫»ﺷﺒﻪﻋﻠﻢ« ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ »ﻋﻠﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻗﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺷﺒﻪﻋﻠﻢ« ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻭﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ »ﻋﻠﻢ« ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ )ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ )ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ(‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺿﻲ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻪﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺑﺎﻝ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻇﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ -‬ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ‪ -‬ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ )ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ – ﻻﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ! – ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘــﻦ ﻋﻘﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻢﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ – ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ – ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻮﻓﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ‪ -‬ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻰ )ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ( ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ – ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ‪ -‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ – ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ – ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺐ ﺳــﻮﺯﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺻــﻒ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘــﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‪ -‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻪﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﻊﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﻳﻰ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ!(‪ ،‬ﻛﻒﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ – ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ – ﺷــﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ)!( ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ – ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ – ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ -‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ -‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴــﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺒﺎﻓﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻟﻢﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﻠــﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢﻧﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺯﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺯﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺯﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻰ ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻣﺮﺟﻊﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏﻋﻠﻤﻰﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺫﺍﺗﻰﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯﻛﻪﺍﺯﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻰ ‪ :‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪ :‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﻮﻝﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺑﻰﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺷــﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﮔﺎﻑ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻮﺽﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻛﺴــﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺣﺸﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﻣﻼﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ (.‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻟﻐﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺴــﻢ« ﻭ »ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘــﺮﺩﺍﻑ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻃﺮﻓﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﮔﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻠﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫)ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ( ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺗﺮﻓﻴﻊ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭﭘﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻌــﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻠــﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘــﺮﺍﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﻃﺮﺡ »ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻤﻦﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺧﻴﺰ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﻟــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑــﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ )ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴــﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘــﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳــﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﻠﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻭﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺳــﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻛﭙﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺘﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 35‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺧــﺬ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺭﻓﺮﻧﺲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﮔﺎﺭﻧﺮ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﻻﺱ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺩﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻰﺩﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻄﺮﺡﻋﻠﻤﻰﺩﺭﺩﺍﺧﻞﻭﺧﺎﺭﺝﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫– ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻇﻦ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻯ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻠﺮ )ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ( ﻳﻚ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﻤــﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﭽــﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻰﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﭙﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗــﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﭽــﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺳــﺮﻗﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺒــﺖ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻰﻧﻮﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﭗﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪A‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻜﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 5000‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 195‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧــﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻈﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ‪15‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻛﻮﺩﻙﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 7‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 7‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻟﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗــﻮپ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔــﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﺸــﻤﺘﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ»ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻰ ﻛﻼﺱﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺳــﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰﺳﻮﺍﻝﻣﻬﻢﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﭼﺮﺍﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ‪16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻊ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻌﻠﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻨــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻞ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﺑﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 4‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 1372‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻟــﻮگ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻧــﺪ ‪ UHF‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫــﺎﻯ ‪ 679/25‬ﺗﺎ ‪684/75‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻞﺳﺖ ‪ 902‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 30‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻣــﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻴﮕﻨﺎﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪ 2‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﮕﻨﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳــﻴﻪ )‪ (ABU‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 14‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻯ ‪ A‬ﻭ ﻻﻟﻴﮕﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻧﺪﺱﻟﻴﮕﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺏﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺒﻚ ‪ 90‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 82‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ 82‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ‪ 23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ 21 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪ 28‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ‪ 82‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ 83 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ‪ 81‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ‪ 44‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ »ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﻔﻴﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﻔﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺷـﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺮﺣـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﻔﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ‪ 25‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻌــﻜﺎﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ‪ 90‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﺎﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻳــﺰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺷﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻜﺲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴـﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 90‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻡ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﺗـﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻢﻓﺼﻞ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻳﺘﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠـﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﺗـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣــﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺧﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻫﺴـﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ‪ 90‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻫﻢ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 90‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﻓﻨـﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺸــﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴـﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻏﺮﺽﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪ 3‬ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﮔﻮﺳــﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﺐ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﮓ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻀــﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺶ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ‪ 3‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺧﺎﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔـﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺼـﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﻓـﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﭼـﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳـﻚ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻋـﺚ ﺩﻟﺨـﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘـﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓـﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋـﻲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌـﻜﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻳـﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃـﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻓـﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳـﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫـﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼـﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫـﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺸـﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺎﻳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴـﺮ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟـﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﻭﻛﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺳﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻴــﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺳﺎﺳﻮﻧﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴـﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻳﻚﻭﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘـﺶ ﺍﺭﺷـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳـﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸـﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺧـﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺫﻛﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻨــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺟــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺵ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻘـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺧﺼﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ 90‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺸــﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰﮔﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﭼــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻢﺗﺤﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪15‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‪ 1322‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ )‪ 55‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ( ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺵﺫﻭﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ‪ 21‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1322‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳــﻮﺋﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺷﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻭﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺷــﺪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺑﻎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺵ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺠﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 48‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ‪ 51‬ﺩﻫﻠﻲﻧﻮ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺻﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻲﻧﻮ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺻﻮﺕ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺛﻤﺮﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺳﺎﻡ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺻﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1353‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1974‬ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ)‪ (1353‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1353‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1353‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ )ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻄﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﺶ( ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ )ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ( ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1355‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻙ ﺧﺪﺍﺑﺨﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 2‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1356‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﻃﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،60‬ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪﺷــﺐﻫﺎ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﻔﻴﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻔﻴﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺍﺑــﻲ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺷﻔﻴﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،60‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﮔﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﻬﻤﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻟــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼــﺮ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠــﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ‪،AFC‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ‪ 88‬ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺸــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺧﺘﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩ – ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﮔﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ 98