ماهنامه مثلث شماره 15

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ﮐﻪﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﯽﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎیﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭﯾﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎی ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎی ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫‪:ʇZ§ ¾Ë|·YµÔm‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪ž«YÁ‬‬ ‫‪€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪ÕZ‡Á‬‬ ‫§|‪½Â̇Y‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪֋Á‬‬ ‫‪ÖfŒ¯.d‡Y‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Š·Zq‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Õ{ZË‬‬ ‫‪Ä]Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‹|‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫»‪¾Ë€f¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫¿‪Ö»Z¯Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪®Ìb¼·Y‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ{Z¬f¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Õ{ZË‬‬ ‫»‪ÄmÂf‬‬ ‫‪ÕÁ‬‬ ‫¯€{‪.‬‬ ‫‪Ö¿Y{‚Ë‬‬ ‫‪¹€y‬‬ ‫‪ՁÁ‬‬ ‫«‪½Z»€Æ‬‬ ‫‪½ZÆm‬‬ ‫‹‪,{Â‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪¾Ì¼Å‬‬ ‫{·‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪Ö°Ë‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪ÕZ‡Á‬‬ ‫§|‪½Â̇Y‬‬ ‫‪ÕZÅ‬‬ ‫‪֋Á‬‬ ‫‪xËZe‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫{‪.|À¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Z»Y‬‬ ‫‪”u‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪-d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫§|‪½Â̇Y‬‬ ‫‪µZ^Ì·YÁ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯Œ‪.Öf‬‬ ‫‪ÁY‬‬ ‫»‪Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫‪{YÁ‬‬ 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‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪Ã|¿Á€aÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ʸŸ17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‹|‪¾ËYºË‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪Ê»3838‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪Ã|¿Á€aÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭیﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮیﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ʸŸ17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‹|‪¾ËYºË‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪Ê»3838‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ 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‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪Ã|¿Á€aÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭیﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮیﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ʸŸ17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‹|‪¾ËYºË‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪Ê»3838‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪½Z‹{Ây88‬‬ ‫»‪¹€fv‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫¿œ€‬ ‫‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫§‪ļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪:·ÂmM‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮیﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫¿^‪{Â‬‬ ‫¿‪{Â‬‬ ‫]€‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡€‪µZË‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Zfˆ]Ze‬‬ ‫‪ʇ€]½Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä»Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫»‪–Ìv‬‬ ‫‪€ˆ¼ÅdˆË‬‬ ‫‪-¾ÌeÂa‬‬ ‫‪ÂeY€aY‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪ɁÁ€Ìaʇ|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{]€‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Z“ÁY‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÌÀ»Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪€^Å‬‬ ‫—‪½Z^·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a½Zfˆ¯Za‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»€‪±‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪Zœf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€³‬‬ ‫‡‪ÊfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪¶»Z e‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ 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‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪µZnÀm‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‡€‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉYÁ‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Y{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪ɇÂ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪ÊËY€Ì‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ʻԇY‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪×Y| ‬‬ ‫¿‪ɀÌ‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪ɸÅ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]YÂb‡Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Z¼u‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫‪½Á|ˀ§©{Z‬‬ ‫‪-|¿ÂÀˆu‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫¯‪½ZˁÂeZ‬‬ ‫‡‪{Z¼Ÿ|Ì‬‬ ‫‪-ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É‬‬ ‫»‪É{ÁÂ‬‬ ‫‪©{Z‬‬ ‫‪Z^Ë‬‬ ‫¯‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪‰ÂËY{ÊËZm‬‬ ‫«‪-ɀ^À‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫§‪Lԟ€³{ÓÂ‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v»€Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê«{Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭیﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮیﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪½Z‹{Ây88‬‬ ‫»‪¹€fv‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫¿œ€‬ ‫‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫§‪ļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪:·ÂmM‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮیﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮیﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏ ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪ ،،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫{¯‪Ê¿Zz¼‹ ʸŸ , ¥Z^Ì·Z« €«Z] |¼v» €f‬‬ ‫{¯‪½Z¬Å{ ¾Ìˆu ,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y ¾ˆv» €f‬‬ ‫»‪ʼˀ¯É|Æ» , Z¼ »Ê^m |Ìn‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW Z“ Á É{€°Å{ ʸŸ ,ÊËԟ ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪‘Y€fŸY|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪¶°Œe‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫]€‪Êy‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌ»Zu‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Y‚Å‬‬ ‫{·‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ä«Ô‬‬ ‫»‪¹|À‬‬ ‫‪dËM‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫»‪¹Z°‬‬ ‫‹‪ɁY€Ì‬‬ ‫‪É|e‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫»Œ€‪d̟Á‬‬ ‫¿|‪{Y‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‪¡Ô]Y‬‬ ‫‹|‪Ê]Y€eÂ]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»¬‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪ºœ ‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^Å‬‬ ‫»^‪ÊÀ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ 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‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe‬‬ ‫¿‪½Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ë-d»|y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ʬÀ̸Ÿ:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ʋ»Zy‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫{­‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪dÌ «YÁ‬‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe‬‬ ‫¿‪½Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ë-d»|y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ʬÀ̸Ÿ:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ʋ»Zy‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫{­‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪dÌ «YÁ‬‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯾﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎی‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫{‪««Y‚´f»|y» d·Á‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫¯€{‪¹‬‬ ‫¯€€{{‬ ‫¯€{‬ ‫‪€¯ ¹Z»Y‬‬ ‫‪¹ZZ» [Zf¯ {YÁ ¾» Y‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫»‪¹Z‬‬ ‫‪cY€]Zz» ¶¯ €Ë|» Z] ³ Á d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭی ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪] ËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d ¨³‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩی ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪی ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠ ﻴﻤ ﯽ‬ ‫ ﺣﺴﻴ ﻦ‬‫ﺮﯾﺎﺭیﻮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺪﻟ‬ ‫ﯽﻴ ﻟ‬ ‫ﺳﻌی‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻠﯽﻋﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ ﻠ‬ ‫ﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺴﻴ‪-‬ﻩ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺤﻴﻋﺭﺯﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻼﻝﺸﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﻦﺟ ﮐ ﯾ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤ ﻤ‬ ‫ﻬﺑ‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫ﻦ ﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﺮی‬ ‫ﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺎﮕﮐﻮﻴﺛﻧﮕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻞﻬﮐﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻕﻋﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻠ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱ ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻋ ﺍﯽ ‪-‬ﺤ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮ ی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﯽﻴﺪﺭ ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴ‬ ‫‪-h ¸j »Z]Z] ³ ³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪¨ ³ {{{Z¼f‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫]‪¼Z YŸf É YY Y Y€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫]‪€ ÅÀ ZÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪]ÊÀÌ ŠÌa‬‬ ‫Š‬ ‫‪] Ìa‬‬ ‫‪+48‬‬ ‫‪ZÅÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫‪|¿|¿Z» ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÃ| ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY €¨¿ 5ZË 4‬‬ ‫§ ‪: · ÂmM ļ— Z‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴ ﺐ‬ ‫ﯽﻧ‬ ‫ﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎ ﺴ‬ ‫ﻄﻔﯽ ﻟﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺼ ﻔ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄ‬ ‫ﯽﻣ ﻴﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺪﺯ‬ ‫ﮕﺎﻫﯽﺑﻪ ﻧﺯ ﮔﻧ‬ ‫ﯽﺑ‬ ‫ﻧﮕ ﺎﻫ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪8 8‬‬ ‫ﺤ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝ ﺍﻭﻝﺷ‪/‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮم‪ /‬ﺍﻭ ﻝ ﺷﻬ ﺮﯾﻮﺭ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ ‪/‬ﻪ ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻪﻪ‪4‬ﻪ‪4‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧ‪4‬ﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺻ ﻔ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﺘﻧﻪﺎﻧﺎﻣ ﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻔ‬ ‫ﻮﺏﺑ ﺎﻫ‬ ‫ﺧﻪ ﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪ ،،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﯽ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪«Á€fe» ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÓÂaZ¯ {§ º¸Ì§ ¾Ë€yM‬‬ ‫¯‪Ê]Ô¬¿Y Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺩی‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴ ﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ ﻫﺎ ﺭﻭیﻟﺒ ﺗﻪﻴﻎ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪزﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﯾﺖﻫﺎیﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﮐﺸﯽ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭی ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﭼﺎی ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎی ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰی‬ ‫§€‪|¿{Y{Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅ Zf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺎﺩﺗﻮﮐ ﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻤ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮔﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻔ ﺩﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﻫﺎیﺮ‬ ‫ﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﺑ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﮐﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯیﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﮔﺸﺖﺧ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺑ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻪ‬ ‫ﻖﺍﺑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍیﺍﻭﺮ‬ ‫ﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﮕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﯾﺑ‬ ‫ﻬﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﮐﮐﺗﻌﭼﺗﻌﻬﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﻧﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺎﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﯾ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺍﻮﻤﻤ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺩﮔﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﮔ‬ ‫ﭼﺮ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﯽﻮ‬ ‫ﻘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻠ‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴ‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﺧ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺴ‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤ‬ ‫ﺮﻏﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬ﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﻋﺒ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬ﻋ ﺒ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬ﻓﺮ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙ‬ ‫ﯽﺣﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ ﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺧﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﯾ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺮ‬ ‫ﻬﺪیﺍﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﯽ‪،‬ﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﺍﻓ‬ ‫ﻦ‪،‬ﻣ‬ ‫ﻌﯽ‪،‬ﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﺙﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﻮﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻋﻠ‬ ‫‪: Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫{‪ÁMZŀ°¨À‹Á:Ê°¼¿Ã‬‬ ‫{‪Ã‬‬ ‫{‪|‹Á€¨]½ZŒ¼¸Ì§|¿Y‬‬ ‫{{‪YY‬‬ ‫{‪Y‬‬ ‫‪: |Ì¿Y‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫»‪ÂyÊ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪à Z‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫¾‬ ‫{‪{ËY‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤ ﻧﺎ ﻪ ﻧز ﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋ ﻠﻲﺑﺁ ﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪: Ê‬‬ ‫]‪Y ËZÅ  Zf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪{ ÂÊ‬‬ ‫¯‪|À‬‬ ‫‪‹Â»Æ¼m‬‬ ‫‪¶: Ê‬‬ ‫†{ Ÿ¼‬ ‫‪¼ÌÅY„ÌW‬‬ ‫¼|‪Y€¿ ]Y É‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪Éd‬‬ ‫˜‪€uYÆ‬‬ ‫‪nu‬‬ ‫»‪¶»j‬‬ ‫]‪:: Z‬‬ ‫‪Z] ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪ÊË Z ų‬‬ ‫‪ųÁÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨ ³‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 20 08 -5281 M OSALA S .IR‬‬ ‫یﻧﺎﺴﺴﻮ ﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺭﺟ ﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺍﺿﺭﻧﺍﺭﺿﺎﺎ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻋ ﺪﻤ‬ ‫ﯽ‪- -‬ﺤﻠ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻥ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺘﯾ ‪-‬ﻣ‬ ‫ﻥﺘ‬ ‫ﺪﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﻧﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﻦ ﺮﻤﯾﻫ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻦﻫ‬ ‫ﺣ ﺴﻴ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻣﺤ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫{‪YÁ€a ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫{§‪ÉY€mZ» Y Z‬‬ ‫»® §‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪ZË ©Y€§ Z] Ä¿Z» º£‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪22‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ‬ ‫ﻤﻬ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﻬ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺎﻥﺟﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎی ﺟ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﻟﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻬﻢ ﻟﻮ ﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷ‬ ‫ﺤ ﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫‪ 116 /138 8‬ﺻﻔ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬ ﺮﯾ ﻮﺭ‬ ‫]€‪ZÀ¯ { :ºËY‬‬ ‫‪½ Zˀn‬‬ ‫]‪½{Â‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫‡‪‹Z‬‬ ‫»„‪½Z³‬‬ ‫®‬ ‫‪|aË‬‬ ‫»^‪à  Z‬‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴ ﻢ‬ ‫‪µ‬ﻥ‬ ‫‡‪Z‬ﻧﺎ ﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﯽ|ﺧ‬ ‫ﻧ ﮕﺎﻫﯽﺑ ﻪ ﻧﺯ ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ Z y Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ؛ ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫]‪¦Ë€ve|̋Z‬‬ ‫]‪É Ä‬‬ ‫‪Zm‬‬ ‫‪´z: ‡Za‬‬ ‫‪\n‬‬ ‫¿‪ZÌ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫»‪fÀ‬‬ ‫‪« Ó‬‬ ‫¯‪Á €ÂaZ‬‬ ‫]‪fe {»Ã Z‬‬ ‫§‪  §{º ¸Ì‬‬ ‫¾‪É Y‬‬ ‫‪à |¿Á‬‬ ‫‪ˀ yM‬‬ ‫‪€a‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 20 08-5281 M OSALA S .IR‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴ ﻦ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﺎ‬ ‫ﺸ ﻧﺋﻘ‬ ‫ﺧﺑﻬﻓ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻬﺪی ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳ‬ ‫ﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩیﻭﻣ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻨ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‪-‬‬ ‫ﯽﻓﺯﺁ‪-‬ﺮ‬ ‫ﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻡﺑﻴﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺖﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺣﺠ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋ ﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫]]‪|ÀÅYÂyÊ»ZÅֈ̸´¿Y:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫]]‪|¿Â»ZÌ]YZ»ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓ ﺴﻨﺠﻧﺎ ﯽ ﻫﺎ ﺭﻭیﻟﺒ ﻪﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂeʼ¿ Z°Ë€»M : ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪{€Ì´] Ã|Ë{Z¿ Y ½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪:Âa‬‬ ‫{‪|ÌÀ¯ [Y€y Y €ÀÅ Á d·Á{½ZÌ» Õ{Z¼fŸY Ö]YÂË‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y¹Ô‡ÓYdnu‬‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺧﻴﺎ «‬ ‫ﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﻧ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﺑﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻤ‬ ‫یﺍﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﺴﻴﺮﺩﻭﺮﻪﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﺯﯾ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺗﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻪ»‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊﻪﻧﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫‪18‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﻧﺎﻣﻟﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍیﺑﺑﺯﺍ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺸﮕﺎﻩﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﯽﺁ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺎﯾﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘ ﻤ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﮐﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑ‬ ‫‪14‬ﻌﻮ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻪﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺧﺭﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻙﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨ ﻨ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬ﮐﻣ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫{ﯽ‬ ‫ﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﻨﻤ‬ ‫ﺖ‪ 8‬ﮔﺰﺭ‪ 1 6‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی ﺑ‬ ‫یﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﻧﺎ ﻫﻪﺎ ﺩ ﻟﻭ‬ ‫{‪ ºÅ‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﺭ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫‪Ê»€Ì̤‬ﺘﻭﻗ ﺭ‬ ‫‡‪ ZfyZ‬‬ ‫‪e Y Ä¿Zze‬‬ ‫‪: ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫‪É ZÅ Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|Å{Ä] Ê‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫¿‪É Y: º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Ô m‬‬ ‫‪Ê ]Ô¬ ¿Y‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎ ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ﺷ‪ /‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠ ‪/‬ﻢ‪15‬ﺷ ﻬﺮ ﯾ ﻮﺭ ‪116 /138 8‬‬ ‫ﻧﻣ‬ ‫‪M OSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺩﻕﻮﺭﺎ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻕﺩ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺩﮔ ﮔﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﭙﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﺩﯾ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺯﭙ‬ ‫ﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺮیﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻬﺪیﻋﺒﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯽﺁﻓﻣ ﺗﻮﺎﻓ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺱﮐ‬ ‫ﺪی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺒ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻬ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺤﻴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﮕ‬ ‫ﺪﻋ‪-‬ﺭﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪ‪-‬ﻠ‬ ‫ی‪-‬ﻋ‪-‬‬ ‫ﯽ‪-‬ﻴﻡﯾﻋ‬ ‫ﮐﻼ‪-‬ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬ﻮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻤ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻧﺪ‪--‬ﻧ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻨﻴﻫﻠﺩﺪ‬ ‫یﺭﮐﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻨﻮ ﺣﺮ‬ ‫ﻦﻨﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﯾ‬ ‫ﺒﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ ﺒﻨ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻨ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺵﺎﺪ‬ ‫ﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ ﻗ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﺎﺣ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺭﯾﻮﻋﻘﻟﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺑﻮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺩﺍﺭﺑﯾﺍﻣﺮﻋ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺩﺍءﻣ‬ ‫ﻋﻼ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﻓ‬ ‫ﻋﻣ ﻼ‬ ‫ﺥﺭ ﻣﻴ ﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪ ﺭﻡﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎ ﺪﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺼﺒﺎﺣﺶﻌﻣﻫ‬ ‫ﻴﻌ‬ ‫ﺣ‪-‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﺷﻔ‪-‬ﻔﻴ‬ ‫ﯽﻴﻔ‬ ‫ﺼﺒﻫ‬ ‫ﻦﺭﺎﻨ‬ ‫ﻮﺳﻔﺷﻣ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻼﺯﻣﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫ‬ ‫ﷲ ﺁﺫﻮﺭﯾ‬ ‫ﺭﯾ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻣﯾ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣ ﻧﺩﺁ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺕﻮﺍ‪-‬‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺪﺮ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻤ‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺰﺟ‬ ‫ﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺤﻣﻏ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑ‪--‬‬ ‫ﺸﻋ‬ ‫ﯽ‪-‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﯽ‪---‬‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫ﻮﻫﮑ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻣﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﺐ‬ ‫ﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺪﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﻢﺍﮐﻮ‬ ‫ﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﮐﻴ‬ ‫ﻦﻣﻘﺎﻫ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻇﮐ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﮑ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻤﺰ ﺰﻩﮐﺎ‬ ‫ﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺤﻬ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻣﺣ ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺘ‬ ‫ﺴﺘﺎﻥﻴ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺕﺍ‬ ‫ﺴﺑﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﯽﻨ‬ ‫ﺤﺯﺭﻓﻐﻣﻭﺍﻧﺎﻣﺍﺭﺮﺍ ﮐ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﻣ‬ ‫ﺩیﻭﻪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﭼﺯ‬ ‫ﺨﺑﯾﺎﺁﺩﺑﺎﺑﺎﭼ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﯽﺯﺍﺯﮔﺍﻧﺘﺨﺁ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽﺍﻋﻋﻠ ﺍ ﻭﺭﺘﻧﻠ‬ ‫ﻠﺐﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻢﯾ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲﻫﻪ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺎﮐﻘ‬ ‫ﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﺋﺒ ﺩﺍﺘﺗﻪﮔﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺎﯾﺮﻣﺒﺋﻧﻧﺎﺎ‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪¿t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬ ﺮ ﯾﻮﺭ‪1 00 /138 8‬‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻤﺎﮋﺍ ﻤﺎﮋﺍﺩﺯ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍیﻧ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪیﺍ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭ ﻧﺘﻋﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻤ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺎﺏﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍیﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ ﺍ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻟﺖﺍ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺨﻭﻧﺘﻭ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻥﺮﻟﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍ ﻥﺑ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻮﺯﯾﻭﻮ‬ ‫یﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺎ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳ ﺑ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨ‬ ‫ﺠ‬ ‫ﻻﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺯ ﻟﺩﻭﻭ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ م‪8/‬‬ ‫»˜‪É €Æ‬‬ ‫˜ﺷ‪€/‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬ﺍﻭ ﻝ‪Æ‬‬ ‫¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪Z]Z]/ ³‬ﺳﺎ Ÿﻝ »‬ ‫‪³ Á d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻱﺗ¨‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫{‪،³‬‬ ‫ﻣﻪ{ﺮ ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ‬ ‫‪Y‬ﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻧﻪ‪Y‬‬ ‫[‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Á Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Z z‬‬ ‫[‬ ‫‪f ÿY {€{€ a dŒa‬‬ ‫Œ‪d‬‬ ‫‪a a‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ ﻭﻌﺍﻗ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻙ ﺗﺎﺯ ﻩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺚ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺩﺭ؛ﺩ‬ ‫ﻣ ﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﯽﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎیﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ ﺑﺎﺯیﻫﺎی ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍی ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÃ|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫§€‪|¿{Y{ Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩی ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪی ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫]‪¦Ë€ve|̋Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫¿‪: ZÌ‬‬ ‫‪\n‬‬ ‫»‪ž fÀ‬‬ ‫‪ËZ«Á‬‬ ‫]€‪ ZÀ¯{ :ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪½Zˀn‬‬ ‫]‪½{Â‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫»„‪ZËÁ½Z³‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪: Z]ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 20 08-5281‬‬ ‫ﯾﻠﺎﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺸﻧﻤ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺑﻬﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤ ﻓﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩیﻭﻣ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠ‪-‬ﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻨ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻋ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭیﺯﺁ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻡ ﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼ‪-‬ﺑﻴ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻗ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺗ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻋﻤﺪﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫‪|½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÀfˆÌ¿t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﯽﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﯾﻨ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﺪﯾ‬ ‫ﻘﯽﻟ‬ ‫ﯽﻡ‬ ‫ﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼ ﺍﻏﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻡﻣﻡ ﻴﺗﺗﻘ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻣ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎﺍﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎﺍ‬ ‫»˜‪{‹ÂƼm†ÌWºÅɀÆ‬‬ ‫»‪|À¯Ê»¶¼Ÿ{Y„¿É|¼uY¶j‬‬ ‫¯‪Ê]Ô¬¿Y Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪«Á€fe» ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÓÂaZ¯ {§ º¸Ì§ ¾Ë€yM‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻤ ﺎﻧﻪ زﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺳ ﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋ ﻠﻲﺑﺁ ﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺼﺮﻴ ﺮ‬ ‫یﯾ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺍ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺯﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﻣﻧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺪﻣﻧ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻠ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ‪ --‬ﺳﻋﻌﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺴ ﻦﺍ ﺳ ﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻣﺤﺤ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠ‪/‬ﻢ‪15‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾ ﻮﺭ ‪116 /138 8‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﻪﺮﻱ ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫‪M OSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨ ﻨ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﯽﮐ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﯾﯽ ﻨ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﻨ ﻤﺎﺎﯾﻤ ﻣ‬ ‫‪68‬ﺑﺰ‪1‬ﻨﺰﺭﮔ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی ﺑ‬ ‫ی ﺩ ﻟﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺎ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺳ ﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺘ‬ ‫ﺵﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪﺭﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ‪-‬ﺩﻭﺭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺯﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪::Z]Z] ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ê ZË Å³ Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪d ¨³‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴ ‪Z‬ﻢ ‪Ã‬‬ ‫ﻥ»^‬ ‫ﺪﮔﯽ|ﺧ ﻧﺎ‡‪Z‬ﺪﺍ ‪µ‬‬ ‫ﻧ ﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑ ﻪ ﻧﺯ ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ م‪8 /‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﯾ ﻮﺭ‪ 100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫˜€‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫»˜‪/‬ﻝ‪ƀÆ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ŸZ]Z/ ]Â‬ﺳﺎ ﻝ »‬ ‫‪³ ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫¨‪d‬‬ ‫ﻱ‪³‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ{ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫‪{Y‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‪ Á‬ﻪ‪Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ[ﻪ ‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Zz ¿Yf Ã{ {€a€a dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Œa‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ﻟﯽﺎ ﺴﻧ ﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽﻋﻋﺎ ﻟ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻄﯽ‬ ‫ﺼ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﯽﻴ ﺮﻣ ﻔ‬ ‫ﺪ ﯽﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﯽ ﺑ ﻪﻧﺯ ﻧﺯ ﮔ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﮕﺎ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻧ ﻧﮕﺎﻫ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺧﻴﺎ «‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺪﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﻧ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﺑ‬ ‫ﺍیﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝﻭﺮﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﺯﯾﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺗﻭ‬ ‫‪18‬ﻪﻧﺎﺩﺭﻪ»‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﻟﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻘ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍیﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺑﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﯽﺁﺑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﻤ‬ ‫ﯽﮔﻔﺘﻤﻴ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺍ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻌﻮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺭﻧ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﮑ‬ ‫ﻋﺘ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﺩ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺍیﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴ ﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺭﺧ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺴﺴﻮ ﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺭیﻧﻬ‬ ‫ﺟﺭی‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺼﻧ‬ ‫ﺪﺭ ﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﺤﻤ ﯽﺍ‬ ‫ﻥ ‪-‬ﻣ‪- -‬ﻋﻠﻠﻋ‬ ‫ﯽﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﺎﯾﻤﺘ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘ‬ ‫ﻦﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴ ﺪﺍﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻦﻫ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﺴ‬ ‫ﺣﻣ ﺤﻴ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫]‪: YÊËZÅ Zf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤ ﺤﻪ‪8 8‬‬ ‫ﺻ‬ ‫ﻔ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ ﻴﺍﻗﻌ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻙ ﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ؛ﺩ‬ ‫ﺚ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻣ ﺜﻠ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008‬‬ ‫‪-5281‬‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺮ ی‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺮﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲﻣﻴﻧﻴﺮ ﺯﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﯽﻣﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﺪﻌﻋﻋﻠ ﺍ‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫ﻼ ﯽ‪- -‬ﺳ ﻠ‬ ‫ﺴ ﻦﺍﺍﺳﺳ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﺤﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﻣﻣ‬ ‫‪: ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÉZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﮔﻮ ﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫یﺎ‬ ‫ﻥﺩ‬ ‫ﻕﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺟﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺻ‬ ‫ﺤﯾ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺯﭙ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺳﭙ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫یﻋﺒﺭ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﻓ‬ ‫ﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱﻣﺗ‬ ‫ﻬﺪ ﺍﺎﻮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﯽﺁ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻬ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻋﺮﻣ ﻋﮐ‬ ‫ﺪﻋﺭﺒﻣﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﮕﻴﻠ‬ ‫ﺴﮕ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺴﯾﻋ‪-‬ﻴ‬ ‫ﺣ‪-‬ﺎ‪--‬ﻋﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻤ‬ ‫ی‪ -‬ﻧ‬ ‫ی‪-‬‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪-‬ﻮ‬ ‫ﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬ﯽ‬ ‫ﻼﻡ‬ ‫ی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻴﻨﻨﻤ‬ ‫ﺪ‪-‬ﮐﻠﻫ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺮﻗ‬ ‫ﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢﺒ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﻦﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﯾ‬ ‫ﺣﻗﻨﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺩ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻨ‬ ‫ﺴﻨﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺪ‬ ‫ﺵﻤﺎﺩﻟﻘﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻥﺎﻤ‬ ‫ﺻ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺤ‬ ‫ﺪﺑﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ ﺭﻋﯾ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻣﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﯾ‬ ‫ﻼءﻓﻤﻤﺪﺭﻴﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺤﻣ‬ ‫ﻋ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺷ ﻬﺮ ﯾ ﻮﺭ ‪100 /138 8‬ﺻﻔ ﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺳﻮ م ‪/‬ﺍﻭ ﻝ‬ ‫‪h‬ﻝ ‪-‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﻝ »‪j‬ﺍﻭ ‪¸/‬‬ ‫‪Z] /³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]³‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫{ ‪¨³‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Z¼f‬ﺮ ‪{Z‬ﻱ‪،‬ﺗ {‬ ‫ﺧﺒŸ‪¼f‬‬ ‫‪YÉY‬ﻪ‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ‪ Y‬ﻪ‬ ‫]‪Y €ÀÅ ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫]‪ZÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪] Ê‬‬ ‫Š ‪À‬‬ ‫‪Ì]ŠÌÌa a‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎ ﮋﺍﺎﺩﺯ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ی ﮋﺍ‬ ‫ﺪیﻋﺘﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻧﻤ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺏﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻤ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺭﺍیﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍیﺎ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺨﻭﺑﺘﺮﺍﻭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺎﺍ ﺩ ﻟ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥﺮ‬ ‫ی ﺩﻧ‬ ‫ﻮیﻭﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺗ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺑ ﺯﯾ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﯽﺎ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺖﻣ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﻨ‬ ‫ﺠ‬ ‫ﻻﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻭﻭ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺩﺍﺯﺯ ﻟﺩ‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭ ی‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ی ‪-‬ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﻤﮐﺍﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺷﺎﮐ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾ ﺘﺎﻌ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽﯾ‬ ‫ﺷﺒ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻤ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻣ ﺘ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﻣﻴ ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺥ ﻡ‬ ‫ﯽﻘﺎﻫ ﺪﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽﻣ‬ ‫ﺷ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻴﻌ‬ ‫ﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥﺣ‬ ‫ﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﯽ ﻌﻔﻴ‬ ‫ﺷﻔ‬ ‫ﺼﻣﺯﺷﺎﻣﻔﻴﺎﺒ‬ ‫ﻦﻮﻣ‬ ‫ﺳﯾ‬ ‫ﻮﺫ ﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧ‪-‬ﻧﻮ‪-‬ﯾﺭﺩﺁ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺰﺕﺍﻣﺮﻤ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫یﻮ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺕﻏ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮﻏﻋ‪-‬ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﯽ‪-‬ﻣ‪-‬ﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺸ‪-‬ﻋ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻣﺮ‪-‬‬ ‫ﯽ‪-‬ﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳ‬ ‫ﺪﮑ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢﮐ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﮑ‬ ‫ﺷﻣﻘ‬ ‫ﻢﻤ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﻴﻫﻇ‬ ‫ﻦﻮﺎﻫ‬ ‫یﮐ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﺪﺎﮐﮑ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻦﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻫﻬ‬ ‫ﺣﻣﻣﻣﻤﺰﺤ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﺴﺑﺭﮐﺮﻨﺍ‬ ‫ﯽﻧﺎ ﺍﺮﺘﻴ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺤﺍﻐﺭ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺕﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻓ ﻐ‬ ‫ﺕﺍ‬ ‫یﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺭﺯﺵﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﻣﺯﺍﻓ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺁﻨﺑ‬ ‫ﺨﯾ‬ ‫ﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﺯﮔﺭﺍﺯﺁ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍ ﻭﺰﺘﺑﻧ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻢﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻢﻋ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻠ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺲﻪﻫﺍ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﺭﮐ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪﻧ ﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺋﺒﻪﻔ‬ ‫ﻔﺘﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻧﻧﺎﻣﺎﺎﺷﺩﺎﺩﺘﺍﻘﺗ‬ ‫ﺷ ﺒﯾﮔﺋ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺼﻴ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩﺍ‬ ‫ﻼﻧ‬ ‫ﯽ‪--‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺭیﺩ ﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﻮﻣﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﻟ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﻨ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩﻣﻮﮋﺍ‬ ‫ﺴﺩ‬ ‫ﺮﭘﻧﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﺸﻴﺪﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻪﺷ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻓﻣ‬ ‫ﺟﻤ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺵ‪-‬ﯽ‪-‬ﻏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏﺗﺮﺑﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﯽﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺪﻮﻘﻣ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻓ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻥﺍﻣﻧﺼ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﻠﻴﮔﮔ ﻣﺮﺍﻘ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﺳ ﺎﻴﻋ ﭘﻴ ﻨ‬ ‫ﺍﻤ‬ ‫‪:· ÂmMļ— §Z‬‬ ‫‪· ÂmM‬‬ ‫‪ļ— §Z‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻦ‪:‬ی‪:‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬ﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬ﻧﻤﻴﮕﻧﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﯽﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬ‬ ‫ﻕﻴﻤﺟﻬ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫‪ų‬ﺤﺎﺳﻠ‪ZË‬‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫‪ Ád‬ﻋ ﺒﺎﺳﺍ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫¯‪|®ÀÀ‬‬ ‫]€‪Ë €]Y‬‬ ‫]‚‪ÊË Z¼À³‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ { 1 d‬‬ ‫‡ ¿‪ Á· { ÉZÅÄ Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Êf«Á€Ì̤‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫‪e Y Ä¿Zze‬‬ ‫‪: ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪†¸nÉY‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪» Ê·Ô‬‬ ‫¿‪: º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪m‬‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪4 4‬‬ ‫ﺻ ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻔ‬ ‫ﺪیﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﯽﻟ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺪﺮ‬ ‫ﻮﺛﺮ‬ 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‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎی ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴ ﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭ ﺷﮑﺴﺘ ﮕﯽ ﺁﺧﺮ ﯾﻦ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﮔ ﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﯽ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎی ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﯽﮐﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍی ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫‪É|¿€ »Z“€ ̸Ÿ -‬‬ ‫»‪:Ê^Ì^u Ê^¿ |¼v‬‬ ‫‪ºˆË{Y„¿É|¼uY {ÂmÁ‬‬ ‫‪¹Y|¿ µÂ^« Y‬‬ ‫{]‪ɇ» Á ʼ‹ZŠĘ]Y ÃZ‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫¿^‪½Â̇Ż Ä] |ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ºË{€¯Ö» {Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪ 24/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﻠﻲ‪:‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺎ ﺪﻣﻘﺎ ﻞ‬ ‫ﻴﮕﺎ ﮕﺎﻥﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﺮ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ ﻪﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ ﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺎﺭﻩ ﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺎ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒ ﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ ﻤﻴﻦ‪ -‬ﻴﮋﻥ ﻮ ﻭﻩ ‪ -‬ﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﮐ ﻇﻢ ﺒ ﺭ ﻮ ﯽ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒ ﺱ ﻮﺳﻠﯽ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳ ﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺻﻐﺮ ﺯ ﺭﻋﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍ ﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮ ﯽ ﺁﻣﺮ ﮑ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯ ﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﻴ ﺕ ﺟﺘﻤ ﻋﯽ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒ ﻃﺒ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤ یﺧ ﮕﯽﺩﺭﺳﻮ ﺮﻣ ﺭﮐﺖﻫ‬ ‫ﺤﺮ ﻢ ﺻ ﺩﺭ ﺕ ﻨﺰ ﻦ ﻪ ﺮ ﻥ‬ ‫ﭼ ﺶ ﺩﻭ ﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻴﮓ ﺮ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﯾﺎزﺩﻫﻢ‪ 26 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫]‪²¿ Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪d‡ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩی ﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬ﻋﻠ ﯽ ﺧ ﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎ ﻗ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫¿¼‪| Å{Ä]Ê‬‬ ‫¿‪†¸n»ÉYº·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ{ Ê»€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫‪YÄ¿ZzeY‬‬ ‫‪ÊÀ̈uÁ‬‬ ‫{ ]€‪®Ë€]Y‬‬ ‫{‪: |Ì¿YÂy Ê»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪:| Ì¿YÂy Ê»ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ »ÃZ¼ ‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪:| Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Âmd·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫·‪Ä¿Z zf‬‬ ‫|‪¥Y‬‬ ‫{‪ˆŸ¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‬ ‫ˆ‪Ä¿Z z¥Â‬‬ ‫{ Ÿ‪f ·Y| ¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‬ ‫Ÿ |‪Âmd·Y‬‬ ‫ˆ‪Ä¿Zzf¥Â‬‬ ‫{ |‪·Y‬‬ ‫§‪Ÿ¸Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ |‪Âm d·Y‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ì a‬‬ ‫»‪ºËª§Â‬‬ ‫‪: É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪|‹ Z ] ¾ËY…Z‬‬ ‫‪- É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪ À¼Ê¸¿ÉZ‬‬ ‫‪Ÿ «M‬‬ ‫{‪:| Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ ‪:| Ì¿YÂy Ê »ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ ‪: |Ì¿YÂy Ê»ÃZ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪-h¸j»Z] ³Ád¨³ {{Z¼fŸY ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Y €ÀÅZ]ÊÀÌ] ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪‡Y¹€f‬‬ ‫‪Ê ^m‬‬ ‫‹‪v»½Z‬‬ ‫‪º¿Zy{Ây‬‬ ‫¿œ€‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪d‡YÊ^m‬‬ ‫‪¹€f v» º‬‬ ‫‪½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫¿œ€‪¿Zy‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪d‡YÊ‬‬ ‫»‪¹€fv‬‬ ‫‪^mº‬‬ ‫‪½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫¿œ€ ‪¿Zy‬‬ 3 ‫‪58‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪18........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‪21........................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪22..............................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪23..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ‪24.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪26.....................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‪27........................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻫﺴﺖ‪28.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪29...............................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪30...................‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ‪32.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ‪ - 2‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺻﻔﺮ‪33.........................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1975‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻴﺘﻮﻝ ﻫﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺞ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ‪30.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪32.........................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﻨﻴﺴﻢ ‪36.................................................‬‬ ‫ژﺭﻣﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪38.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‪39.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪40....................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺎﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‪42.......................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪43......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ‪44.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻢ ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪46....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪48................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ؛ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‪49 .......................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ‪50.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪52..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‪53.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪54.........................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪56...................................................‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧــﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻳﺎﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ‪58...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪60.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪62................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪63............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡﻻﺯﻡﺍﺳﺖ‪64.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪65.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰﺩﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪66.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻦﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪68............................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱﺑﺰﺭگ‪69.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ّ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ‪72............................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢِ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪74..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‪76.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪78................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪79........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪80...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫‪d ¨ ³‬‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏ ﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺮﺕﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥوﺝوﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ 5 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 148 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ 12 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﯾﺎزﺩﻫﻢ‪ 26 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪5 4‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪½Z‹{Ây‬‬ ‫»‪¹€fv‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫¿œ€‬ ‫‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫§‪ļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪:·ÂmM‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪{€°‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪Ã‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫¨‪4Äv‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪d¨³Ê‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪¾ËYºË|‹†ÌW‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪Ê»8‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫¿´‪ÊÅZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫¿|‪ʳ‬‬ ‫»‪ʨ˜»€Ì‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ê·Z‬‬ ‫¿ˆ\‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪44Äv¨{€»€Ìa‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫¨‪88Äv‬‬ ‫‪Êf«Á‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫]‚‪ÊËZ¼À³‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪|ÀÀ‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¹Á‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫»€{‪/1388{Y‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‡¸‪ʼÌ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫‪©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪d¨³É€Ì´¿ZÆm‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Â‬‬ ‫‪µÁY/‬‬ ‫‹‪ÂˀÆ‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪/¹ZÆq‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‹‪ÂˀÆ‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫‪µZnÀm‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‡€‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉYÁ‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Y{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪ɇÂ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪Zœf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€³‬‬ ‫‡‪ÊfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪¶»Z e‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¿‪ºÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ʸ À̈u‬‬ ‫‹‪µÔmÉZˀÆ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪Ã{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡‪·|Ì ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Z¼u‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Y{‚Ë‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪|¼v»€Ì»Ô‬‬ ‫‪Ê«{Z‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫]‪¾¼Æ‬‬ ‫¯Œ‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‡¸‪ʼÌ‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫‪Ê«€e‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»€‪ºË‬‬ ‫]‪ɁÁ€Æ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ʈÌ‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀf¿Ô‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀiÂ‬‬ ‫‡€»‪ÄËZ‬‬ ‫{‪½YY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪Z¿.|ÀÀ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀ˂³‬‬ ‫‪cYÁ‬‬ ‫‪{Z‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪†¿Z‬‬ ‫¯‪º‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ]Y€v‬‬ ‫‹‪Ä^WZ‬‬ ‫‪\¸¬e‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫وﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺭوﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫وﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺭوﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﯽﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﭘﺮوﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺗﺘﺮو«‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪|̼u‬‬ ‫¯‪,½ZˁÂeZ‬‬ ‫‪|‡Y‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫]‪½ZÌr»Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪€ˆ¼Å‬‬ ‫‪-¾ÌeÂa‬‬ ‫‪ÂeY€aY‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪ɁÁ€Ìaʇ|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{]€‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Z“ÁY‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÌÀ»Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪€^Å‬‬ ‫—‪½Z^·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a½Zfˆ¯Za‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»€‪±‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫¿‪Âa€Ì‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌÆ·Y‬‬ ‫»‪Ê^fn‬‬ ‫‹‪ɀ¯Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Z^y‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‹€‪ÉY|¼f Ë‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ɀ°Œe‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫¿‪}Â‬‬ ‫‹¨‪Ê Ì‬‬ ‫‪É{ZÅ‬‬ ‫»¬|‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪-ÊŁÔ‬‬ ‫‹‪w€ÅZ‬‬ ‫‪¼u¾Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‹‪\Ì°‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ‚‪c‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫‪½Z̨‡ÂË‬‬ ‫‡‪º›Z¯|Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê»€¯Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪{YÂm‬‬ ‫‪¾ËM‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv»ŠÀ‬‬ ‫¯‪¾°ÅÂ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪Z“€»Ô£‬‬ ‫»^‪ÊuZ‬‬ ‫»¬|‪¹‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪ɸÅ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]YÂb‡Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Z¼u‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫‪½Á|ˀ§©{Z‬‬ ‫‪-|¿ÂÀˆu‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫¯‪½ZˁÂeZ‬‬ ‫‡‪{Z¼Ÿ|Ì‬‬ ‫‪-ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É‬‬ ‫»‪É{ÁÂ‬‬ ‫‪©{Z‬‬ ‫‪Z^Ë‬‬ ‫¯‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪‰ÂËY{ÊËZm‬‬ ‫«‪-ɀ^À‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫§‪Lԟ€³{ÓÂ‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v»€Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê«{Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫Ÿ‪µ{Z‬‬ ‫§€{‪ʇÁ‬‬ ‫‪ʨ˜»Âa‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫—^‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪ÁÓ‬‬ ‫¿‪ʨn‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡YɀÆ‬‬ ‫¯‪,ɀiÂ‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫¿^‪{Â‬‬ ‫¿‪{Â‬‬ ‫]€‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡€‪µZË‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Zfˆ]Ze‬‬ ‫‪ʇ€]½Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä»Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫»‪–Ìv‬‬ ‫‪dˆË‬‬ ‫¿‪½Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ë-d»|y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ʬÀ̸Ÿ:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪-ʋ»Zy‬‬ ‫‹‪°‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼Ìa{Y„¿€^¯Y‬‬ ‫§€‪-‰Á‬‬ ‫‪|̌¼m‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪ʸ ‡Z‬‬ ‫‪-Ê·Y‬‬ ‫§€‹‪{Z‬‬ ‫»‪ÊÀ»Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Z“€Ì‬‬ ‫»‪-[Ânv‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆv»Ô£‬‬ ‫‪×Y€¿¹ZÆ·Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Y€e‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪Ä·Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZzf§Y‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê»Y€³‬‬ ‫»¬|‪¹‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪ÊfËY|Å‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ¿Y‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫¿€‪½Z¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Âˆ¿ZÆm‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪ÊËY€Ì‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ʻԇY‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪×Y| ‬‬ ‫¿‪ɀÌ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€e‬‬ ‫‪¶Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪,ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Zŀ^y‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪‰Y‚³‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u-Y‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ 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‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ؛ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ŠËYM‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ŠËYMºÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪Ã|¿Á€aÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪Ã|¿Á€aÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫¿^‪{Â‬‬ ‫¿‪{Â‬‬ ‫]€‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡€‪µZË‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Zfˆ]Ze‬‬ ‫‪ʇ€]½Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä»Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫»‪–Ìv‬‬ ‫‪€ˆ¼ÅdˆË‬‬ ‫‪-¾ÌeÂa‬‬ ‫‪ÂeY€aY‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪ɁÁ€Ìaʇ|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{]€‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Z“ÁY‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÌÀ»Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪€^Å‬‬ ‫—‪½Z^·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a½Zfˆ¯Za‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»€‪±‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪Zœf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€³‬‬ ‫‡‪ÊfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪¶»Z e‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¿‪ºÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪µ{ZŸÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫§€{‪ʇÁ‬‬ ‫‪ʨ˜»Âa‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫—^‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪ÁÓ‬‬ ‫¿‪ʨn‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡YɀÆ‬‬ ‫¯‪,ɀiÂ‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë‬‬ ‫‪|̼u‬‬ ‫¯‪,½ZˁÂeZ‬‬ ‫‪|‡Y‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫]‪½ZÌr»Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻲﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ʸ À̈u‬‬ ‫‹‪µÔmÉZˀÆ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪Ã{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ 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‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪/¹ZÆq‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‹‪ÂˀÆ‬‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪Êf«Á½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫‡‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫]‚‪ÊËZ¼À³‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪|ÀÀ‬‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‡€»‪ÄËZ‬‬ ‫{‪½YY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪Z¿.|ÀÀ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀ˂³‬‬ ‫‪cYÁ‬‬ ‫‪{Z‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪†¿Z‬‬ ‫¯‪º‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ]Y€v‬‬ ‫‹‪Ä^WZ‬‬ ‫‪\¸¬e‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪µZnÀm‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‡€‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉYÁ‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Y{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪ɇÂ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪ÊËY€Ì‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪ʻԇY‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪×Y| ‬‬ ‫¿‪ɀÌ‬‬ ‫»‪Z“|¼v‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪ɸÅ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]YÂb‡Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Z¼u‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫‪½Á|ˀ§©{Z‬‬ ‫‪-|¿ÂÀˆu‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫¯‪½ZˁÂeZ‬‬ ‫‡‪{Z¼Ÿ|Ì‬‬ ‫‪-ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É‬‬ ‫»‪É{ÁÂ‬‬ ‫‪©{Z‬‬ ‫‪Z^Ë‬‬ ‫¯‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪‰ÂËY{ÊËZm‬‬ ‫«‪-ɀ^À‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫§‪Lԟ€³{ÓÂ‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v»€Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê«{Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪Ã|¿Á€aÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪17‬ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷﺪﻳﻢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪3838‬ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫¿^‪{Â‬‬ ‫¿‪{Â‬‬ ‫]€‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡€‪µZË‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Zfˆ]Ze‬‬ ‫‪ʇ€]½Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä»Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫»‪–Ìv‬‬ ‫‪€ˆ¼ÅdˆË‬‬ ‫‪-¾ÌeÂa‬‬ ‫‪ÂeY€aY‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪ɁÁ€Ìaʇ|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{]€‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Z“ÁY‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÌÀ»Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪€^Å‬‬ ‫—‪½Z^·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a½Zfˆ¯Za‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»€‪±‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪Zœf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€³‬‬ ‫‡‪ÊfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪¶»Z e‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¿‪ºÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪µ{ZŸÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫§€{‪ʇÁ‬‬ ‫‪ʨ˜»Âa‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫—^‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪ÁÓ‬‬ ‫¿‪ʨn‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡YɀÆ‬‬ ‫¯‪,ɀiÂ‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë‬‬ ‫‪|̼u‬‬ ‫¯‪,½ZˁÂeZ‬‬ ‫‪|‡Y‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫]‪½ZÌr»Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻲﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ʸ À̈u‬‬ ‫‹‪µÔmÉZˀÆ‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË‬‬ ‫‪Ã{Y‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡‪·|Ì ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Z¼u‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Y{‚Ë‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪|¼v»€Ì»Ô‬‬ ‫‪Ê«{Z‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫]‪¾¼Æ‬‬ ‫¯Œ‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‡¸‪ʼÌ‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫‪Ê«€e‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫»€‪ºË‬‬ ‫]‪ɁÁ€Æ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪ʈÌ‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀf¿Ô‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀiÂ‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‡¸‪ʼÌ‬‬ ‫¿¼‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫‪©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪d¨³É€Ì´¿ZÆm‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¹Á‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫»€{‪/1388{Y‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Z‡½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‰Á‬‬ 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‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪88‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫وﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻟﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺭوﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪‘Y€fŸY|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪¶°Œe‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫]€‪Êy‬‬ ‫‪½ZÌ»Zu‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Y‚Å‬‬ ‫{·‪¶Ì‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪Ä«Ô‬‬ ‫»‪¹|À‬‬ ‫‪dËM‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫»‪¹Z°‬‬ ‫‹‪ɁY€Ì‬‬ ‫‪É|e‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫»Œ€‪d̟Á‬‬ ‫¿|‪{Y‬‬ ‫»Œ‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‪¡Ô]Y‬‬ ‫‹|‪Ê]Y€eÂ]Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»¬‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪ºœ ‬‬ ‫‪ɀ^Å‬‬ ‫»^‪ÊÀ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫‪¾f‹Y~³‬‬ ‫‪ZË|À¨/‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ºŒ//q‬‬ ‫¿‪¹Z¿Â°‬‬ ‫‪ºÌe‬‬ ‫{‪ÊËY‬‬ ‫»‪[Â^v‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZm‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪½Z¼‡M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫‪-¥Â·ÂaÂe‬‬ ‫‬ ‫{«‪ĬÌ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫»€‪ʇ€]±‬‬ ‫»‪ž“Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫«^‪µZ‬‬ ‫»ˆ¸¼‪½Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìq‬‬ ‫‪š§ZuY|y‬‬ ‫¯‪,ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Ô‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫`‪?AE3>3EW‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪†°‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‪…Z§ É|WZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ 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‫‹‪­€Æ‬‬ ‫»€{‪ʇ€]½Z³‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪4{€°‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É{Zf«Y‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Z¼Æf‬‬ ‫‪†a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪,©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪kZu‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪µÂ‡,½Z̧ÂW‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪Z]ZÌ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫{­‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪dÌ «YÁ‬‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪:†°‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆu‬‬ ‫«‪…Z§/É|WZ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪dŒaMOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪ÊËY|m‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì‡†Ì·Âb‡€a‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫{‪{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‡‪Ä‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ã|¿Á€aZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¾Ì]Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪ÃZ³Y€«Ê¨z‬‬ ‫‪-¥€‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪­€Æ‬‬ ‫»€{‪ʇ€]½Z³‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪4{€°‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪É{Zf«Y‬‬ ‫{‪ÃZ³{Y‬‬ ‫»‪½Z¼Æf‬‬ ‫‪†a‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÊÌvË|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪µM‬‬ ‫‪,©Zv‡Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪kZu‬‬ ‫“‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪×Y|‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪É{ÓÁY‬‬ ‫‪º‡Z¬·YÂ]Y‬‬ ‫‪µÂ‡,½Z̧ÂW‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪Z]ZÌ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫¿‪½Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ë-d»|y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ʬÀ̸Ÿ:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ʋ»Zy‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪tÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫§‪d¨³tÌ‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪d¨³É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¿‪¦n‬‬ ‫{‪½Y€v]É|À]ZË‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫¯‪½Y{€³Z‬‬ ‫‪€eZXe‬‬ ‫‡‪²‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫‡‪d¨³c°‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪{ZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪€ŸÊÀË|·Y€z‬‬ ‫‪€Ÿ|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR|Ë|m‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.ir‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe‬‬ ‫¿‪½Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ë-d»|y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ʬÀ̸Ÿ:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ʋ»Zy‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫{­‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪dÌ «YÁ‬‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻱ‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe‬‬ ‫¿‪½Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪|Ë|m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‡‪Z¼Ì‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»”‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¯‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪®Ë-d»|y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪Ä̋Zu€a‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ʬÀ̸Ÿ:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ʋ»Zy‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫{­‬ ‫‪ÁZe‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪dÌ «YÁ‬‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Âe‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻲﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥوﺭﺯﺵﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪﺑﺮو‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺒﯽ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫وﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ و ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻱ‪ ،،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،،‬ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱﻭﻓﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪،،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ و ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮐﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩوﻟﺖ »ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ««‬ ‫ﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ وﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮوﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺗﺘﺮو«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫{¯‪Ê¿Zz¼‹ ʸŸ , ¥Z^Ì·Z« €«Z] |¼v» €f‬‬ ‫{¯‪½Z¬Å{ ¾Ìˆu ,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y ¾ˆv» €f‬‬ ‫»‪ʼˀ¯É|Æ» , Z¼ »Ê^m |Ìn‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW Z“ Á É{€°Å{ ʸŸ ,ÊËԟ ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪+48‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﯽﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﮏﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ 15 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫¿‪: |Ì‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿ÂYÊ‬‬ ‫‪YÂyy‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪» ¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫{‪»¼Ã‹ Z ¼‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺷﺎﻟﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﭼﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪Z]: Z]ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪Êd‬‬ ‫‪ËZŨÂų³³Á‬‬ ‫‪Á d¨ ³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻧﻤﮑﯽ‪:‬ﺭوﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻫﺎﺁﺭﺯو‬ ‫ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥﺑﻔﺮوﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺩﺍﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪزﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﮏ ﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﻜﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﯽ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩوﻟﺖ وﻫﻨﺮﺭﺍﺧﺮﺍﺏﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮑﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫] ‪:Y Ê ËZÅZ f¨ ³ Z‬‬ ‫‪|½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÀfˆÌ ¿t¸Y‬‬ ‫¸‪t‬‬ ‫‪€j¯YY‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ‪،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻃﺒﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮ ‪،‬ﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪:Z ] Ê ËZ Š³Ád¨ ³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱﻫﻢﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻋﻤﻞﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅÃ|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫§€‪|¿{Y{ Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﯽ ﭘﺮوﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪:Z] Ê Ë ZųÁd¨ ³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫¿¨€|‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¼‪¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫¿ ‪ZË‬‬ ‫‪|½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪Àfˆ Ì¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫¸‪t‬‬ ‫‪€j¯YY‬‬ ‫‪: Ê‬‬ ‫]‪Y ËZÅ ÉZf ¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪: Ê‬‬ ‫]‪Y ËZ ÅÉZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‹‪ÃZ´f‬‬ ‫‪Z ]ÊË‬‬ ‫‪Y{Z]ZÅÂ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë³ÃÁZd‬‬ ‫{]‬ ‫‪¨É‬‬ ‫‪³Yà |¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪:Y ÊË‬‬ ‫‪Ê ËZÅZ‬‬ ‫]‪ZÅZf¨f¨³³Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮوﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ»ﺗﺘﺮو«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﭘﻮﻻ‬ ‫‪|Àf‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪ˆ Ì¿ t¸Y‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪: Ê‬‬ ‫] ‪Y ËZÅ Zf¨ ³Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪ÉY|¿€¨¿ÁMÊ‬‬ ‫‪5ZË 4‬‬ ‫‪: Ê‬‬ ‫] ‪Y ËZÅ  Zf ¨ ³Z‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭوﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﺭﻭﻱﻟﺒﻪﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫‹¼‪à Z‬‬ ‫‪| Ì¿ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪ÂY y‬‬ ‫{»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ ¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ‪-‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﮓ‬ ‫ﺶ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﯽ ﭘﺮوﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪Z ] Ê Ë Z Å Â ³Á‬‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪90..............................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪92.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪94.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪95..........................................‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ‪96...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪-‬ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪-‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140548 :‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪82..............................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‪84.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‪85.............................................‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪86..........................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪88....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪ 24/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬ﻋ ﻠﻲ ﺧ ﺮ ‪،‬ﻡ ﻫ ﺎ ﺩﻱ ﻗ ﺍﻮ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘــﺎﺭﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨــﮓ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗــﻮﺩﻩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺭﻗﺒــﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺵ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺜــﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻨــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﺬﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﺎﻳــﺐ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖﻭﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﻤﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ« ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﺴــﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﺎﻣﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﺶ ﺑﻬــﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘــﺎﺵ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟــﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻢﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺽﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﭗﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ »ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬــﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﺎﻡﺑﻪﮔﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘــﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻈﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣــﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺸــﺎء ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟«‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺷــﺪ« ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﺴﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،60‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‪ 68‬ﺗﺎ‪ ،76‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻣﺴــﻠﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺮﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴــﺶ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ؛ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺷــﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،87‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗــﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ ‪ 68‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﭗﻣﺪﺭﻥ ‪ /‬ﭼﭗﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠــﻲﺍﺵ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻲ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‪ 88‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻀــﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨــﺪﺭﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺨﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜــﻞ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚ ‪ 55‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕﻭﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻦﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥﻭﺧﺸﻢﻭﺗﻨﺪﻱﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩﺧﻮﺩﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺍﺯﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﺑﺪﻝﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺢﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﺮﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪،‬ﺧﺸﻢﻭﺗﻨﺪﻱﺍﺵﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪﻛﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ 9 ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﺴــﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ 54‬ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺼﺮﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻌﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪65‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﺑﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻭ ﺑﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ‪ 2011‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 23‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 27‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ 11 ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻧﺠﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 14‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺁﺭﺵ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺁﻗﺎﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ »ﺧﻂ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ؛ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ «‪ MI6» ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ » ،‬ﺁﺭﺵ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ «‪» ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮕﺘﺎﻥ«‬ ‫‪» ،‬ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ«‪» ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ« ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻼﻛﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ»ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ 13 ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ژﻧﻮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻗــﻮﻱ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻼ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻳﻚﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻝ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻼﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ »ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؛ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ »ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ )ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ( ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ!‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ! ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ »:‬ﻗﻬﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲﻛﺮﺩﻭﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺩﺭﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺧﺒﺮﻱﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲﺍژﻩﺍﻱﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﻃﺮﺡﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴــﺮ ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ »ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻩ ﭘﻮﺭﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ« ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻭﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖﻋﻠﻢﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱﻛﻪﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺩﺧﺘﺮﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻧﻪﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻧﻪﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻧﻪﺍﻫﻞﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭﻧﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﻳﻲﺷﻬﻴﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﻭﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﻭﻗﺘﻞﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺷﺪﻭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪﻛﻞﺍﻳﻦﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲﻭﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝﺑﻮﺩﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﻳﺪﭼﻪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻭﺑﺎﭼﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﻳﻦﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺭﺍﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻨﺪﻩﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺑﺎﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺻﺤﺒﺖﻛﺮﺩﻡﻭﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻞﺁﻣﺪﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺬﺷﺪ؛ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺷﺪﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻩ ﭘﻮﺭﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺩﺧﺘﺮﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﻭﺩﺧﺘﺮﺷﻬﻴﺪﻧﻴﺰﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ 1388‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﻪﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺭﺍﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻭﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺁﻥﺍﺯﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﮔﻮﺵﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﻭﻯﺣﺘﻰﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 6،5‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻮﺯﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﺐ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﻰﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﻫﻢﺑﺮﺧﻰﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺟﻠﺴﻪﺻﺤﺒﺖﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪﭼﻮﻥﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻭﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰﻫﻢﺑﻪﺑﻴﺎﻧﺶﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ 16 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮژﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻔﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ؟ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻮﭘﻨﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﺑﺮگ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﻱﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺿــﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺿﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺤــﺾ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻭﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶﺩﺭﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺩﻭﻡﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 88‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕﺗﺎﺁﻧﺠﺎﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺖﻛﻪﺍﻣﺎﻡﺑﻪﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺩﺭﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻛﺮﺩﻭﺩﺭﭘﺎﺳﺦﺑﻪﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱﺍﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ 99 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻓﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 18‬ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 79‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺦﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺿﻲﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟــﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 68‬ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫــﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﻗﺮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹﺍﺵ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 76‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺼــﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺷﮕﺮﺩﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲﻣﻮﺛﺮﺑﻮﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺑﺎﺩﺳﺘﺒﻨﺪﻫﺎﻭﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱﺳﺒﺰﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺭﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺷﻴﻮﻩﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺳﺎﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧــﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻟﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻟﻮﻳﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇـﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻟﻮﻳـﻲ ‪ 5‬ﻣـﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌـﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ‪ 26 ،25‬ﻭ ‪ 30‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻱﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﺭﺍﻣﻼﻙﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﭼﻪﺣﻘﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪﺑﻪﻳﻚﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺼﺎء ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻘﻂﺁﺭﺍﻱﻣﺮﺩﻡﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱﺑﺰﺭگﻭﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﻣﻄﺮﺡﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻧﮕﺎﻩﺑﻪﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢﻛﻪﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱﺑﺰﺭگﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺩﺭﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸــﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻱ ﺳــﻴﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺷﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻃﺒﻞ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸﻲﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 26‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻁﻫﺎ! ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧــﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﺼﻠﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸــﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﻮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ؟ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺻــﻼ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨــﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 26‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻲﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ‪ 5+1‬ﻛﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﺮﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪ»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥﺭﺍﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪﻭﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺍﻋﻼﻡﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻭﻭﻻﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺭﺍﻗﺒﻮﻝﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱﻛﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡﺭﺍﻗﺒﻮﻝﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﺑﻪﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺒﻴﻞﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﻳﺎﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻳﻚﺣﻖﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺍﺯﻳﻚﻣﻨﻄﻖﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺟﻨﮕﻞﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪،‬ﻫﻢﻣﺠﺮﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻫﻢﻗﺎﺿﻲﺍﺳﺖﻭﻫﻢﺷﺎﻛﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻓﻘﻂﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥﻭﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪﻭﻫﺮﭼﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﺣﻜﻢﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﻛﻲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻛﺸﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺸـﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂﺩﻫﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﺗﺬﻛــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﻣﻬﻨـﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﺑـﺮ ﺣﻔـﻆ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﭼﻨﺪﭘﻬﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺠﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤــﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ‪،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗـﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥﺍﺯﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﺒﺸﺮﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﻤﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺘﺒﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﺣﺴﻨﻪ« ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ »ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺲ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭ« ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧــﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻔــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘــﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻱﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 88‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣــﻦﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻱ« ﻳﺎ »ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎﻣﺮﺩﻡﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺣﻖﺷﺎﻥﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻲﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺑﺤﺚﺑﻨﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﻣﺸﻜﻞ‪،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻫﻢﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻛﻨﺪﺣﺘﻲﺍﮔﺮﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ«ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺑﻪﺭﻭﻧﺪﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ« ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺿﺮﺑﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﺍﻳﻦﻳﻌﻨﻲﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻓﻘﻂﺑﺮﺍﻱﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ؛ﺣﺰﺑﻲﻛﻪﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﻳﻚﻫﺪﻑﻛﺎﺭﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻚﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻣﻠﻲﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﺏ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎﺍﻳﻦﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﺭﺍﻋﻴﻦﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺗﻠﻘﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲﺑﻪﻗﺼﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺷﻜﺎﻑﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻧﻈﺎﻡﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﺩﻫﻴﻢﻭﻓﺮﺽﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻫﻢﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺭﺍﻗﺒﻮﻝﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲﻛﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﺩﺭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩﻧﻪﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮﺍﺯﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪.‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﻳﻚﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻗﺒﻮﻝﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻮﻥﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕﻣﻠﻲﺍﺳﺖﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻛﻪﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺭﺍﻗﺒﻮﻝﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻪﺍﺑﻨﺎﻱﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺣﻤﻠﻪﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺑﻲﺳﻮﺍﺩﻱﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻲﺳﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺁﻥﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻫﻤﻪﺍﺑﻨﺎﻱﻧﻈﺎﻡﻭﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻣﻠﻲﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻭﺝﻳﻚﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﻮﻓﻖﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﺷﺎﻳﺪﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴـﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻧﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻮﺍﺏ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ« ﻳﺎ »ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ«‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﻪﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻲﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﺎﻳﺪﻳﺎﺩﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻫﻢﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺻﺤﺒﺖﻛﺮﺩﻭﻫﻴﭻﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪﻭﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﻢﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱﺑﻨﺪﻩﻛﺎﻣﻼﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻭﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖﺍﻣﺎﻭﻗﺘﻲﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱﺩﺭﻭﺳﻂﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ«ﺧﺎﺭﺝﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﻨﺰﻝﻫﻢﺍﮔﺮﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱﺻﺤﺒﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺍﻳﻦﺑﭽﻪ»ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ«ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﻘﺼﻲﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﭘﺲﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻭﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺍﻳﻦﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎﺕ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺴـﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔــﺮﻭﺽ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻓــﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒــﻲ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻳــﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺑﻪﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻟــﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺴــﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻟــﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ ﺭ ﺍ ﻇﻬــﺎ ﺭ ﺍ ﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻧﻴـﻪ ﻫـﺎ ﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻣﺪﻋﻲﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫــﺎ ﭘﺨﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈـﻢ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺠﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣﻬﻠــﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧــﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒــﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ‪ -‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ -‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃــﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﻨــﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻄﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻄــﺎﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺯﺧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﻄــﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺑﺎﻫﻢﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮﺭﺍﻧﻘﺪﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻟﻲﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻢﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺎﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪﻓﻀﺎﻱﺭﺷﺪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻭﻟﻲﺑﻪﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺑﺮﺧﻲﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪﺑﻠﻜﻪﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻣﻠﺖﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧــﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒـﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﺟﻨﺒﺶﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻫﺪﻑﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﺯﻣﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳــﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﻧـﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒـﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗـﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺟﻨﺒـﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺗﺸـﺎﺑﻬﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠــﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳـﺒﺰ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪﺑﻪﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻏﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴـﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺪﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳـﺒﺰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺍ ﻫــﺪ ﺍ ﻑ ﺍ ﻧﻘــﻼ ﺏ ﺍ ﺳــﻼ ﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍ ﻧﺪ ﻳﺸــﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳــﺒﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻨﺨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻴـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼـﻪ ﺧﻄـﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘـﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺭﺍﺑﺎﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅﺯﺷﺖﺧﻄﺎﺏﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺳﺮﺍﻥﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﺪﺍﺭﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺍﻭﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪﻛﻪﺳﺎﻛﺖﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺍﺯﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱﻧﻈﺎﻡﻭﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊﺣﺴﺎﺱﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﻪﺩﺍﺩﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸـﻲ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺻـﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ‪،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻭﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤـﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳـﺒﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳـﺒﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳـﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳـﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺴـﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓـﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈـﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘـﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒـﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳـﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺖ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟـﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴـﺒﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒـﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‪،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻔﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺺ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳــﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛـﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳـﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳــﺒﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗــﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳـﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺿﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳـﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑـﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳـﺒﺰ ﺑﻲﺳـﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﻭﺑـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﭼـﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ؟ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺸـﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻔﺮﻕﺁﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻻﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫــﺎ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﻗــﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻨﺜﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﻗﺸــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺒﻠــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻱﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕـﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠـﺚ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﺎﻥ ﻓﻌـﺎﻝ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒـﺶ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺎﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻳـﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘـﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒـﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟـﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺬﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺳـﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻔﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﭘﻨﺞﻣﺎﻩﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺩﻫﻢﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺑﺮﺧﻲﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ؛ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲﻛـﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﭘﻴـﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺮﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﻧﺸﺪﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﻭﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ–ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ – ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳـﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳـﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﻭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﺩﻭﺟﻨﺎﺡﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﭘﺲﺍﺯﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔـﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ؛ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﻙ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱﺍﺯﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲ–ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ ﺧـﻮﺵ – ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱﻛﻪﻫﺸـﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺟﻨﮓﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﺯﺑﺤﺚﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰﺳﻮﺍﻝﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﺍﻣﺎﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﻫﻤﻪﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎﺑﺮﻧﻈﺮﻗﺒﻠﻲﺷﺎﻥﻛﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺍﻭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻫــﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺻــﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ«‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﮔﻠﻪﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺎﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻚ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ؛‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﺸﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ – ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻣﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﺑﻨﺪﻩﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﺭﻭﻱﻳﻚﺧﻂﺣﺮﻛﺖﻛﺮﺩﻡﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺁﺧﺮﻛﺎﺭﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﺴﻴﺮﺣﺮﻛﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻣﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﻭﻫﻤﻪﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﺍﺯﺳﺮﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﺗﻮﻫﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻗﺒﻮﻝﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢﻭﺍﮔﺮﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲﺟﻔﺎﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﻓﺮﺩﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻢﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﻮﺩﻩﻣﺮﺩﻡﻛﺸﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎﻱﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺩﻳﻦ‪،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻭﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﺭﺑﻄﻲﺑﻪﻣﻦﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﮔﺮﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺭﺷﺪﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺑﺎﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻛﻪﺑﻪﻗﻠﻢﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰﺑﻪﺭﺷﺘﻪﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﺑﺎﺭﻫﺒﺮﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺩﺗﺎﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﺯﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲﻭﺩﻳﻨﻲﻓﺮﺻﺖﻣﻐﺘﻨﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬ﭘﺮﺗﻮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩﻭﻣﺴﻴﺮﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺭﺍﻩﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﺑﻠﻜﻪﺑﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﻭﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺩﺭﻃﺮﺡﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺩﺭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲﻭﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻃﺮﺡﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺏﻭﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱﺩﻳﻨﻲﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱﺑﻌﻀﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪﻭﺗﻮﺟﻪﻋﻤﻴﻖﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺑﺎﺵ!« ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺒﺖ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ 25).‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ(ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺷﺮﺡﻣﺎﻭﻗﻊﺍﻳﻦﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻭﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻣﻬﻢﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻧﻴﺰﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰﺩﺭﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻳــﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻃﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺑﺨﺶﺧﺒﺮﻯ‪ 20:30‬ﺩﺭﺷﺒﻜﻪﺩﻭﻡﺳﻴﻤﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻣﻠﻰﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻛﻪﺣﺘﻰﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﺑﺎﻧﻬﻀﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﻫﺎﻧﻴﺰﺍﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻣﻠﻰﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺸﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻣﻠﻰﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎﻧﻔﺲﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯﻧﻮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺴــﻞ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺭﺍﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﺿﻌﻒﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﻭﭼﻬﺮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯﺍﺯﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﻪﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺪﺍﻟﻮﺻﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺘﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﻭﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪﺣﻜﻢﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯﻣﻮﻓﻖ‪،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‪5‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰﻭﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕﻧﻴﺰﺍﺯﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺯﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻣﻠﻰﺧﺒﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﮔﻮﻧﻪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸــﻰ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻﺑﻨﺪﻩﭼﻮﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﭘﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻛﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ‪ - 2‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺗﻠــﺦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳــﻰ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 21‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ‪ 9‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻼﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻔﻆﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 12‬ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻟــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺧــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ )ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ( ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪ 20‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﻄــﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪﺩﺭﻧﻴﻤﻪﺍﻭﻝﻧﺸﺪﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺧﻮﺩﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 16‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻭﺭﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ 34 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1957‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻴﺘﻮﻝ ﻫﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻚ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﻨﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﺩﻧﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﻮﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻧﺴــﻰ ﭘﻠﻮﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈــﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄــﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻫﺎﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺑﻮﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺮﻭﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ‪/‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎﻣﻮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪2006‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺒﻮﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﻭﺋــﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭﺳــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻮﺧﻦﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣــﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﭙﻴﮕﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ »ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﻨﻴﺴــﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺳﺪﻩ ‪ 21‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓــﻮﻕ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺿﺪ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡﺳﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻋﺼﺮﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲﺑﺎﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺭﺍﺷﺮﻭﻉﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﻻﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،1962‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻛﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺎﻩﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 47‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺟﻰ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺳﻮﻯﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﺪﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﺩﺭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺩﺭﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﺧﻴﺮﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻥﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕﺟﻨﮓﺳﺘﻴﺰﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩﺭﺍﺳﻤﻮﺳﻦ‪،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺍﺯﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﺑﺎﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻰﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﭘﻴﺪﺍﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺯﻣﺒﻬﻢﺑﻮﺩﻥﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺍچ‪.‬ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1962‬ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻠﻜﺴــﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 27‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪-‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1962‬ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﺪﻱﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ژﺭﻣﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧـﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜـﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑـﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼـﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠـﻮﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑـﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﺪﻱﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﺮﻭﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﻜﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ 11 .‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ UMP‬ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻜﺸﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﺷﺮﻗﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲﻭﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺭﻫﺒﺮﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﻢﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻭﺟﺰﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻫﻢﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺤﻤﻠﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﺷﺪﻭﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻳﻦﮔﺮﻭﻩﺩﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻀﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻚ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻫﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﺴـﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷـﻲ ﺩﻳـﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴـﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻴــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﺯﻏﺮﺏﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺷﺮﻕﺩﺭﺣﺮﻛﺖﺍﺳﺖﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲﺍﺯﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﻏﺮﺏﺣﺮﻛﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺑﻪﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲﻛﻪﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺗﻨﺶﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻫﻢﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺍﺯﺍﻭﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺁﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﺍﻣﺴــﻔﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻢﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ )ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ( ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ )ﻧﺎﺗﻮ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻌﻀــﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ )ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻫﺎﺭﺩ ﺷــﺮﻭﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻳﻚ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫)‪ (CFFP‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ« ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻔﻆ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭼﻚ‪،‬ﻟﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﻳﻨﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳــﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2001‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻌﻄــﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻮﻻ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﻳﮕﺎ )‪ (2006‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺳــﺖ )‪ (2008‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺎﻑ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 3200‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺭﻳﮕﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺸﺖﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ‪ 2007‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﻲ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧــﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﮕــﺮﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺎﻑ«‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫»ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ‪ 74‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻟــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻡﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻑ – ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ‪ -‬ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﺴــﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣــﺮﺩ ‪ 74‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺛﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘــﺢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺛﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑــﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑــﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﮔﻴﻼﺩ ﺷﺎﻟﻴﻂ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ (.‬ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺛﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ‪-‬ﺳﺎﻑ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﺶ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺒﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻌﻄــﻒ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ :‬ﺑﻤﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1995‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1993‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﻠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺗﺮﻙﻧﻜﻨﻰ‪«.‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻋﺒﺎﺱﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ 24‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺩﻭﻟﺖﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﻓﺸﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﺪﺗﺎﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻭﻳﮕﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺻﺎﺋﺐ ﻋﺮﻳﻘــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻤــﻼ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻴــﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻡﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳــﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺳــﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﺎﻓﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﻋﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩﺩﺭﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺎﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻨــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺴــﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳــﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺎﺯﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺶ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ‪:‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ‪:‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﺘﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺎﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺩﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸـﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 14‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣـﺎﻩ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮ ﺭ ﻯ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻼ ﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴـﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 24‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴـﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗـﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳـﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘـﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴـﻦ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺷـﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴـﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏـﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒـﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﺘـﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻓﺘﺢﻭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸـﻨﺒﻪ – ‪ 14‬ﺁﺑـﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 24‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺷــﺮﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻛﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺛﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﻣـﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺛﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﮔﻴﻼﺩ ﺷﺎﻟﻴﻂ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥﺩﺭﺍﺟﻼﺱﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮﺿﺮﺑﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘـﻰ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺎﻧﺴــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻗﺪﻭﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻗﺪﻭﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸـﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧـﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫـﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴـﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳــﻼﻡ ﻓﻴﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻴﺎﺽ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻼء ﺟﺎﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺛﻘـﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ – ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺳـﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻦﺑﺴـﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ – ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ – ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴـﻮ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳـﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ – ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ – ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ »ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ« ﻋﻤﻼ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‪ –1 :‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪2‬‬ ‫– ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺛﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ – ﺳﺎﻑ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺛﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ« ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺣﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﻠﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﺴﺒﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ – ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ – ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ– ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ – ﺑﺮﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺣـﻮﻡ ﻋﺮﻓـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒـﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼء ﺟﺎﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷـﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺷـﺨﺺ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻛـﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺘـﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻼء‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻝﺍﮔﺮﭼﻨﻴﻦﻧﺸﺪﻭﻋﺒﺎﺱﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﻣﻦﺗﻼﺵﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ – ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺮﻏﻮﺛﻰﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﺑﺎﻓﺘﺢﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺭﺍﺑﻪﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻭﻛﻨﺎﺭﻧﺮﻭﺩﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺍﺯﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦﺍﻭﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﻠﺪﺳـﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ – ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﻓﺘـﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻮﺭﺕﻫﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﮕــﺰﺍﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪88/8/15‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧــﺎﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋــﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻫــﺪﻑ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﻮﺟﺮﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣــﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻴﻨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﮔــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﭙﻬﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺘﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﻗﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸـﺶ ﻧﺴـﺒﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑــﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍگ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﻨﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺑﺎﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺮﻭژ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﻛﻼﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ‪ 26‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒــﺮ ‪ (88/8/4) 2009‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ »ﺍﻣﻴﺪ« ﺑﺮ »ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻱ ﻛﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪﭘﻮﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ -‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺸﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ) ‪ (Under Insured‬ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭ ﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﺟﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﻟــﺰ ﻛﺮﺍﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪ -‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺴــﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻢ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺛــﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻱﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼــﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﺛﺮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﺑــﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺑــﺮ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ »ﺍﺭﺯ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ »ﺍﺭﺯ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» .‬ﺍﺭﺯ« ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ‪ . . .‬ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺭﺯ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﺍﺭﺯ« ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻲﺑﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝﺩﺍﺭﻡﻧﻪﺭﻭﺑﻪﺑﺎﻻ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﻫﻢﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪﺗﺎﻗﻴﻤﺖ»ﺍﺭﺯ«‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲﻧﺮﺥﺭﺳﻤﻲﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﻗﻴﻤﺖﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺗﺎﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳﻌﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺑﺎﺷﺪﻳﻌﻨﻲﺍﮔﺮﻗﻴﻤﺖﺍﺭﺯﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺁﺯﺍﺩﺑﺎﻻﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺍﺯﻗﻴﻤﺖﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺑﻖﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘــﺎﺭ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺳﺨﺖﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1390‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 48‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ »ﺷﻞ« ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺷﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﭘﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫‪ 11/7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 5/9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ‪ 69/9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘــﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ‪58/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 90/7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﭘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 17/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ‪19/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﭘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 2/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﺴـﺒﻲ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴـﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﺐ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻــﻼ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻳﺪﻛﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺐ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﭼﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ؛ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧـﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺷـﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻧﺎﺷـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧـﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺧـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺘﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻳﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪70‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 75‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 55‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺸـﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴــﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺥﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻﺩﺭﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺼﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲﺑﻪﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭﻭﻱﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﻓﻌﻠﻲﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 75‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢﺑﻪﻧﻘﻄﻪﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ؛ﻳﻌﻨﻲﻧﺮﺧﻲﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﺍﺯﻧﺮﺥﻓﻌﻠﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻗﻴﻤﺖﻧﺎﺷﻲﺍﺯﺗﻮﺭﻡﺭﺍﭘﻮﺷﺶﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻜﺎﻓﻮﻱ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻊ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺿﺮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺝﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯﻱﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﻛﻪﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﻋﺎﺩﻱﺗﻌﻠﻖﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﻔﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﭘﺲﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲﺑﻪﻧﺮﺥﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺑﻪﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﺍﺭﺯﺵﺭﻳﺎﻝﺑﺎﺩﻻﺭ‪،‬ﺳﺒﺐﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺻﺪﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺑﻠﻨﺪﺷﻮﺩﺗﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻐﺸــﻮﺵ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺟﻠــﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﻻﺭ ‪ 950‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ‪950‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪950‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻼﻣﺖﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫‪ 1500‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 2000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺗﺜﺒﻴــﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫‪ 450‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫‪ 890‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪ 890‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﺮﺥ ‪ 900‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻻﺭ ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﻻﺭ ‪ 450‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ‪ 6‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 52‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 6‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻌﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷـﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻧـﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺪﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ »ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ« ﺩﺭ »ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳـﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2008‬ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺕ ﻟﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ »ﻭﺍﺑﺴـﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝﺭﺯﺭﻭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮﻯ« ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ »ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ »ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ« ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ« ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 9/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺠﺎﺕﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺐﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻓــﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 175‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ‪ 1250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ »ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ »ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ« ﻭ »ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1930‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ« )ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ( ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ »ﺭﺍﻡ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ )ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓــﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ‪ 0/25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓــﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 1000‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴــﻦ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻐﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ژﺍﻥﻛﻠﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺩﻻﺭ ‪ 0/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﻫــﻢ ‪ 0/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﺭﻳﺰ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺒﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻧﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦ ﺳــﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺬﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ژﺍﭘــﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒــﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺎﺏ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﻧﺮﺧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 0/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻼ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺿﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﻨﺴﺮ ﺩﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﭘﻮﻧــﺪ )‪ 41‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ(‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﮔــﻦ ﻣﻴﺸــﻠﺰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺘﻰﮔﺮﻭپ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰﻛــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ »ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺿﻄــﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ« ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺳــﺎﻛﻰ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﻛﺎﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﻦﮔﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳــﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ‪ 73‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ‪ 1270‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻔــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻤﺒﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺴــﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ »ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﺍﺕ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﻮﺍ ﺳﻜﻴﻮﺭﻳﺘﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ 14 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ‪ 13‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻠﻪﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻠﻪﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺧﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻜﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻬﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻨﻮﻙ ﺩﺍﻭﺍﺩﻳﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﺗـﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻫﺮﺩﻭﺣﺰﺏﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛـﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﮔـﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺻـﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳـﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﭼﻨـﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳـﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟـﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿـﺎ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳـﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ‪ CNG‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ CNG‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ‪ LPG‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛــﺰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳــﻮﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳــﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳــﻮﺯ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳﻮﺯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣـﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳـﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳـﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﺰﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 45‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ‪ 8/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑـﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫـﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳـﮕـﺮﻱ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻛـﺎﻫـﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺬ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺗﻚﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ‪ ,‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 65‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧــﻪ ‪ 44‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣـﺪﻳـﺮﻳـﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳـﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ :1386‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺐ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ 86‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ »ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﮕــﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ »ﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ« ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻛﻢﻫﻤﺘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻳــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻤﭗﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺸــﻮﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﭘﻤﭗﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 54/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 8‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﻨﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺒﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﻫﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭼﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻲﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﺭﺍﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ »ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ‪ 22‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺷــﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 93‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ »ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 93‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 91‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1390‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻭ ﻛﻼ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺍچ ﺍﺱ )ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻛﻠﻮپﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭﻯﺍچﺍﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺑﺘﺎﻣﺎﻛﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﺭﺳﻤﻲﻭﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟! ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻭﻯﺍچﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺗﺮﺟﻴــﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻘﻼﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻏﺬﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻛﻠﻮپﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻲ ﺩﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻯﺍچﺍﺱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ( ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﻋﺮﺿﻪﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻯﺍچﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳﻲﺩﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺩﺍﺑﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ( ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺧــﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻰﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﻴﻤﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﻴﻤﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻲﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻛﻠﻮپﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻛﻠﻮپﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻛــﺲ ﺑﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻰﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 3500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻛﭙﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳــﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭژﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ )ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ )ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ(‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ؟! ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »‪ 88‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪«taken/‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ‪ imdb‬ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻛﭙﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »‪ 88‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻣــﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »‪ 88‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ« ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺑﻲﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭﻯﺳــﻰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳــﻰ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧــﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ )ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ( ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 700 ، 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ)ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ( ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺳــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ؟ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺍﻳﻨﭻ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟! ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ« ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣـﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳـﺮﻱ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺒـﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ‪ CD‬ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼـﺎﻕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﻤﺮﺛﻤـﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑـﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﭼـﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ‪ -‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 3500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﭙﻲﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳــﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ CD‬ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ‪ -‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳــﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺴـﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﭘﺴــﺘﭽﻲ ﺳــﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻌﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﭘﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻠﺒﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺗﻬﻴـﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫـﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﺎﺩﺗﻲ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ«ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻌــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ»ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺘــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 80‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 50‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ‪ -‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻛﺲ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ‪ CD‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣـﺪﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ‪ CD‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪CD‬ﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ ‪ CD -‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ‪ CD‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ‪ CD‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺷــﻄﺮﻧﺞ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻛﭙﻲ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪CD‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳــﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ‪ CD‬ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟــﻮژﻱ ‪ VCD‬ﻭ ِ‪،DVD‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﻠﻮ‪-‬ﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ CD‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 1500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ‪ CD‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﭙﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳـﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﭙﻲﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﭙﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳــﻮﺩﺟﻮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﭙﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻳــﻮﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ‪ DVD‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ‪ 20 ، DVD‬ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ 50‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑـﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑـﺎﺯ ﻫـﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜـﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 600 - 700‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50 - 60‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺐ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ DVD‬ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ‪ -‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ« ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﺘﺎﭘﻮﺱ« ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺿﺮﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺮﻫﻢ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀــﻼﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮ ِﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰِ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ«ﻱ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻛﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻰﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ »ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ«ﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠــﻢ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﭽﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﭙﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ -‬ﻓﻘﻂ‪ -‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ؛ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ...‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ! ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ )ﻧﺎﻗﺼﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﻴﻢ!( ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ )ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ( ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﭙﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ )ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‪ -‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ‪ -‬ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚﺳــﺮﻩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺑﺘﻴﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻰ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ )ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ( ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ )ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ( ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ -‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﺮﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ )ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ( ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ«ﻱ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻮﺣﻤﺰﻩ« ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﻳــﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ« ﻭ »ﻛﻼﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪ 900» :‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ 1500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺟﻠﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺑﻮﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ« ﻭ »ﻛﻼﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ« )ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ( ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺭﺍﺿﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﻮﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ‪130 ، 87‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» .‬ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻠﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺩﻩ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻨﮕﻮﻟﻰ« ﻭ »ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫــﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻢ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ »ﺩﺍﻳــﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ« ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﻠــﻰ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋــﻮ »ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ«‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﮕﻲ« ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻙ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪«.‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫــﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳــﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﻫﻢﺯﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫»ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺠﺸــﻚﻫﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻴﺰﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫‪ 400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻼﻙ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ« ﻭ »ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﺮﺩ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﺭﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮔﻤﺸــﺪﻩ« ﻳﺎ »ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﺮﺩ« ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰﺍﺵ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ 100 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 900‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺳــﻮﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻨﮕﻮﻟﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩﺍﺵ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 700‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜــﻞ »ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺠﺸــﻚﻫﺎ« ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 14‬ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﻰﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 3600‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯ ﺧــﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻐــﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺖ ‪ 2800‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ 90‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﭙﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻛﭙﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻛﻠﻮپ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﭙﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻊﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﭙﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﭙﻰﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﭙﻰ ﻛﻨﻰ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ 50 ،‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯ ﺍﻭﺭژﻳﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ‪ 850‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻨﮕﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪ 700‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪ 500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 300‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻣﭙﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ‪ 800‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ‪ 850‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﭙﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ‪ 1500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 1500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ«ﻱ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫» ﺳــﻴـﺪﺟﻤــﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴـﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﮕﻰ«ﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺑﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﮕﻰ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 700-800‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﮕﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻔﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻗﺴﻂ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻗﺴــﻂ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﻚﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺷــﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫــﺎ ﭼﻚﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻏﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺡﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ »ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺣﺒﺨﺶ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﻫﻢﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺣﺒﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌـﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳـﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﺤـﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛﻠـﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳـﻰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢﺍﻻﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 69-70‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ‪ 14-15‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﭙﻰ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ 40-50‬ﻛﭙﻰ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻛﭙﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 80‬ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ‪ 80‬ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 3‬ﺍﻟﻰ ‪ 4‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺶ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻬــﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 74‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 75‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﭘﺎﻛﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﭙﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ‪ 3800‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 86‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ 87‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻰﺍﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 500‬ﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪ 600‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ »ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ« ‪ 700‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻣﺶ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 3800‬ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ‪ 1500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺴـﺨﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳـﻰ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ »ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ« ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ«ﻱ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ»ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ«‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺴـﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳـﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺷـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ »ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺖ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘــﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋــﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺪﺍﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ )ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ( ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓـﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴـﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﻴﺸــﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳــﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻰ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﻰﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻰﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﺍﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﻌﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ »ﻛﻨﻌﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 5-6‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺳﻰﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫»ﻛﻨﻌﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻓﻊ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻠﺒﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺵ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺻﻨﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 120‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ«ﻱ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕــﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩﺩﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻰ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤــﻰ‪» ،‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺁﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺯ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻄﺸﺎﻧﻰ‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺵ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻟﻮ ﻭ »ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺷــﻮﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎ‪ «2‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕــﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1383‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ »ﺗﺮﺩﺳﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ »ﺗﺮﺩﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ »ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ »ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ« ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ »ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺷــﻮﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ »ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺷــﻮﺏ« ﺑﻪﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ »ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻢﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏ« ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﭘﺮﭼﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻭﻩ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ »ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺷــﻮﺏ« ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫»ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏ« ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪» .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐ ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﻢ ﺷﻬﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻙﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﻜﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ـ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺯ « ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﻣــﻮﺯ« ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻄﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺯ« ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫»ﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺯ« ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‪» «.‬ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺯ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ؛ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ«‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ« ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1384‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ« ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪».‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ« ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﻳﻚﺷﺐ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻠﻮﻓــﺮ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻠﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳــﺰ ﺁﺑﻨﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿــﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺨﺖﻛﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ »ﻳﻚﺷﺐ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻓﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﮔﺮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ :‬ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻨﮕﺮ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻃــﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﻮﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ »ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺐ« ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺳﻮﺩﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄــﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪».‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ«‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕــﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﻛﻤﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪».‬ﻣﻮﺵ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺵ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﭙﻰﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺟــﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨــﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻟﻮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻭﺿﺤﻰ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺌــﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪«.‬ﻣﺎﻩﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﻮﺵ« ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ«ﻱ‬ ‫»ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺳـﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪﺍﺵ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ‪ CD‬ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ »ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻡ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﭙﻲ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ‪ CD‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﭙﻲ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ‪ CD‬ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 1500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ‪ CD‬ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪CD‬ﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻠﺒﺸﻮ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ‪CD‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔــﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 55‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪ 55‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ‪ CD‬ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﺩ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﮔﻴﺸـﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺼﺪﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪2000‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 2000‬ﻭ ‪ 300‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪-‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱﺍﺯﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﻫﻢﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﺑﻪﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥﺭﺍﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 90‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ‪ B ،A‬ﻭ ‪ C‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﭼـﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﮕـﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ »ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻱ« ﻭ »ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺩﻭﺷﻴﺰﻩ« ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﻠﭽﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳـﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻭﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰﻫﺎ »ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ«ﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﺶ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺍﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‪» :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻏﺸﻮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺒــﻮﻩ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﻫــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗــﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻠﻮﻛﺒﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷــﻬﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ژﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﻓﺸﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪» :‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺍﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻧﺎﻣﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ژﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺧــﺪﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺼــﺪﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫»ﺁﻣﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥﻫﺎ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭼﺮﻣﺸــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻐﻤﻪ ﺛﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻭﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭼﺮﻣﺸــﻴﺮ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻣﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏﻛﺸﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏﻛﺸﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﮔﺎﻩﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏﻛﺸﻰ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏﻛﺸﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﺑﻪﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻫﻀﻤﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺿﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻮﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ« ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﺁﻧﺘﻴﮕﻮﻥ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺁﻧﺘﻴﮕﻮﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺁﻧﺘﻴﮕﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻛﻴﻔﺮ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ» ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺷــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 14 - 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﻰﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﺩژﺍﻛﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰﻣﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻌﺠﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻟﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﺣﺼﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ‪ DVD‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻏﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺮﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺠّ ﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺫﻳﺤﺠﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1321‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺩﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ‪ 81‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1402‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ)ﻉ( ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ )‪ 1290‬ﺗﺎ ‪1296‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ( ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻄﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1297‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1304‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴــﻞ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳــﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻧــﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛــﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻣﻲﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻭﺭﻗﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸــﺪﻡ ﭼﻪ؟ ﻓﺮﻣــﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺗــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻭﺭﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺟﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻭﺭﻗﻰ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟« ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﻤﺎﺟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸــﺪﻡ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﺠﺐ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻭﺭﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻭﺭﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺿﺒﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺠّ ﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺻﺤﻴــﺢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻯ ﺳــﻠﻒ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ُ ،‬ﻣﺜُﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻄﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻜﺎﺷﻔﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﻠﺨﻜﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ »ﻫﺪﻯ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻬــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ » :‬ﻭ ﻧﺰﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺷــﻴﻰ« ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴــﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﺴﺴﺘﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ » :‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻤﻲﺑﺲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻄﺮﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺑﺴﻰ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎ ﻓﻰ ﺍﷲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎء ﺍﷲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺮﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼ ﺷﺪ ﺳــﻮﻳﻢ ‪ /‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ‪ /‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺯ ﻏﻤﺶ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺸﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻄﺶ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻡ ‪ /‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻤﺸــﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻼ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺑﮕﺸــﺎﺩﻡ ‪» /‬ﻓﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺸﻘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻼ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻃﺎﻕ ‪ /‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭﺛﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﺩﺷــﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ! ‪» /‬ﻃﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﻠﺸﻦ ﻗﺪﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻣﮕﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ «‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺮ ﺷﻜﻨﺪ ﺳُ ﻢ ﺳﺘﻮﺭ ‪ /‬ﻭﺭ ﺳــﺮﻡ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻙ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪» /‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻃﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻮﻯ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﻡ ﺑﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﻣﻪ ﻃﻠﻌﺖ ﻳــﺎﺭ ‪ /‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮ ﻧﺜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺪﺭﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ‪ » /‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ؟ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻡ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ /‬ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﻣﺮگ ﻫﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ‪» /‬ﻛﻮﻛﺐ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﻢ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﻊ ﺯﺍﺩﻡ؟!«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻻﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻻ ﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻻ ﺍﷲ!«‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻋﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢِ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻋﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺴـﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻠﻤﺬ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻳﺶ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻖ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺷــﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃـﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻜـﺮﻱ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻂ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷـﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﭘﺎﻧﻴﺸـﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﭘﺎﻧﻴﺸﺎﺩﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻌﻮﺙ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻌﻮﺙ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻏﺮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ » :‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊﺩﺭﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﻭﻻﻳﺖﻭﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖﺧﻼﺻﻪﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻟﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻳﻦﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻴﻘــﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠــﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ »ﺍﭘﺎﻧﻴﺸﺎﺩﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺣﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻨــﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺗﺠﻠــﻰ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺒــﻮﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ)ﺹ( ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳـﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﺤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻋﺴﺮﺕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻤــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﻳــﻖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟــﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﺳــﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻜﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﺠﺴــﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻭ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺪﻳــﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﻔﺴﺮ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺸــﺮﻗﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﻛﻪﺁﺛﺎﺭﻓﻜﺮﻯﻭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯﺍﻭﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﻨﻮﺯﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴـﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻛﺘﺐﻭﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯﺑﻪﭼﺎپﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1384‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﺩﻳﻦﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷـﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺘﻌﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻓﻠﺴــﻔﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺴﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺒﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ – ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻋﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻐﺾ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻔﻠﺴﻔﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻭ ﭘﻰﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻋﺎﻣﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺼﺎء ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍء ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﭙﺎﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺳــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳــﻢ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﻋــﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻒﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺁﻳــﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻼﺣﺴﻴﻨﻘﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺑـﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1300‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻒﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺴــﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﺴﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﺴﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﻭ ﻋــﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛــﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ‪ -‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺠﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺒﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺒﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﺒـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻴـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﻋﻼﻣـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺴﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤــﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻳــﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ« ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﮕــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺵ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺶ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑﻫﻨﻮﺯﺁﻥﻳﻘﻴﻦﺭﺍﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﻓﻜﺮﺩﺭﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥﺍﻏﻠﺐﻳﻚﻧﻮﻉﻫﻤﺮﺍﺯﻯﻭﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰﺑﺎﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺑﻦﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﺍﻣﺎﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﺼﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﺿﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‪،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺸﻒﺍﻟﻤﺤﺠﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕﻧﻮﻉﺟﺪﻳﺪﻏﺮﺏﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺧﻮﺏﺁﻥﺩﺭﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺷﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﻓﻴﺾ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺁﻥ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺸﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺸﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺷﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻋﻪ ﺟﺮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﭘﺎﻧﻴﺸﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺗﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺋﻮﺗﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻼﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﺸــﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳــﻄﻰ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺝ ﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺑــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ‪ 1340‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﺘﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﺎﻯ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﮔــﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻴﻠﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺟﺬﺏﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴــﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﻮﺩﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ )ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ( ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﻠﻴﺚ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺷـﻤﺲﺍﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ )ﻗﺪﺱﺳﺮﻩ( ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﺎﺛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺸـﻬﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻀﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤــﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻠﻤــﺬ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻲ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ« ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﺕ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﻱ ﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻲﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺗﻮ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻲﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺰ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﻧﻲﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺠﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺏ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺸﻮ ﻟﻮﺣﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺠﺪ ﺣﻄﻲ ﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺳﺰﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ »ﻋﻼﻣﻪ« ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ »ﺣﻜﻤﺖ« ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺪﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ )ﺣﻔﻈﻪﺍﷲ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳــﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺷــﻤﺲﺍﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ )ﻗﺪﺱﺳــﺮﻩ(«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 140‬ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺜﺮﻱ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ »ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺺ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻦ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺿﻴــﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ »ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟــﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﺮﺍﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ )ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺮﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ )ﺭﻩ(‪» ،‬ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻫــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳﺖﺁﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ »ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ« ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺪﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ )ﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻩﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻣﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳــﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‪ ....‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻼﺯﻡ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻕ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟« )ﺹ ‪ 169‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ( ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻊ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺧﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤــﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ؛ »ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺯﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﺷــﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻋﻼﻣﻪ« ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﺮﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻘــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻝ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨــﺪﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺮﻛﻪﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﭙﻴﻨﻮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﺰﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻘﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺁﻧﺴﻠﻢ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻧﺴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ »ﺧــﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ « ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ‬ ‫»ﺟﺪﻟﻰﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﻴﻦ« ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺟﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺫﻭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫»ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ« ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﮕﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﺮﻛﻪﮔﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ« ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫» ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ « ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﺪﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬــﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺒﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻼﺯﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻩ‪.‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻗﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﺷــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥﺑﻪﻏﻴﺐﺭﺍﺍﺻﻞﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺣﻴﺎﺕﺩﻳﻨﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥﻋﻘﻞﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻣﻄﻠﻖﺩﺭﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡﺑﺎﺍﺻﻞﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺐ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻣﻴﺎﻥﻋﻘﻞﻭﻭﺣﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻘﻞﺭﺍﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪﻭﻭﺣﻰﺭﺍﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﺣﻜﻢﻋﻘﻞﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰﻭﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎﻭﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷﺪﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪﻏﺮﺑﻰﺑﺪﻝﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﻣﻼﺯﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ »ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻳﻦ«‪» ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ«‪» ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ« ﻭ »ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻊ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺐﺍﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺟﻤﻊﻭﺟﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪،10‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺻــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﻭﻋﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺵ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻃﻤﻄﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴــﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻌﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴــﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻨﺪﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒــﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯژﺍﺩﺧﺎﺹﺧﻮﺩﺍﻭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﻭﺯﻳﺮﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻻ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻭﻭﻣﺜﻼﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯﻗﺎﺋﻞﺷﺪ؟ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻃــﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑــﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‪ ...‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺵ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 30‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴــﻲﻫﺎﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻢﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺳــﻨﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ – ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﺮﻟﻮ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺩﺭﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 6‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳــﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺑﺎﻋﺚﺟﻠﺐﻧﻈﺮﻣﺜﺒﺖﻣﺠﻠﺲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻭﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﻢﺩﺭﺑﺪﻧﻪﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﻭﻫﻢﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻦﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺲﻫﻢﺑﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻣﺎﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢﻛﻪﻫﻨﻮﺯﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﻧﺸﺪﻩﻭﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻀﻮﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﺳــﻨﺠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳــﻦ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻮﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴـﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺣـﺎﺟﻲ ﺑـﺎﺑـﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺻﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺖﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ« ﻋﻀﻮ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1387‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳــﺪﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1338‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ 5‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻧﺼﺎﺏ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪ 160‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﮕﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮﻯﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠــﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﭘﺎﺭﮔﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 250‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ – ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ -‬ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻃــﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺒــﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ»ﺑﺎﻳﺪ«ﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﻌﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ؛ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻰ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ؛ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻧﻚ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻧﻚ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﺼﺎﺏﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺳـﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻮﻯ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻰﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻰ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰﭼﻮﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦﺍﻭﺍﺯﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻯﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‪،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝﺍﺯﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﻭﺣﻮﺯﻩﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻨﮕﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﺴــﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟــﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﻰ ‪ -‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻄﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻩﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﻏﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻰﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧــﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﭻ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭻ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﻚ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮء ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷــﻠﻮﻍ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺠﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ‪ 455‬ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 25‬ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻂ ‪5‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻛﺮﺝ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ‪ 160‬ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪-‬ﻛﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ 35 ،‬ﻟﻮﻛﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻤــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 2/5‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺭﺑﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 700‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 7 ،‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 8‬ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 900‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫‪LC‬ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 900‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 65‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 550‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻳﺪﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺳــﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻧﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳــﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻟﻮﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻬﻢ ‪ 48‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪49 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ‪ 700‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‪ 560‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻠﻮﻏﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﻨــﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﻧﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ‪22:30‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺧﻂ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ!« ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴــﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ!« ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪1500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 14-15‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﻧﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄــﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻡﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻟــﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ؛‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴــﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴــﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪،88‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪ 92‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻞ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻌﻠﻢ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴــﺪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺵ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧــﺶ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻴﻤﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﻯﺗــﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺖﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻬــﺰﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1354‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ »ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨــﮓ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺗﺨﺖﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺷﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴــﻚ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1373‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ‪ 1993‬ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻴﻢ ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻛﺴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻌﻴﻢ ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻓﻼﺣﺖﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﺪﺍﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻘﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﮔﺰﺍﻣﺘﺎﺯﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2006‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1385‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﺭﻱﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻳﺰﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺳﺮﻟﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ‪ -‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻲﺁﻑ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﻜﺒﺨﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺘﻢ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ‪ 84-85‬ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺧﺘﻜﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺮﻭﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫»ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻜﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﻨﻬﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠــﻰ ﻣﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻼﻟــﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺲ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﻨﻬﻮ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺩﻳﻨﻬﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺸﻨﺞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﭼﺴﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻮﻍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2002‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ‪ -‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻔﺮﺳــﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺑﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺿﺪﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨـﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺒﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳـﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻤـﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲ ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1382‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺷـﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﮔﺮﻩﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪».‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻙ« ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘـﻪ ﺿﺪﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺷﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨــﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣـﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗـﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ؛ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ‪ 2007 -2008‬ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭﺗﻤﺎﻡﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕﻭﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲﻛﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﺨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻃﺮﺡﻭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﺯﻫﻤﻪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻱﻗﺎﺑﻞﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺗﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺑﻪﻣﺎﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻲ ﺳـﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻗﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩﻭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲﺭﺍﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﺑﺪﻭﻥﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻱﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻣﺸﺎﻥﺭﺍﺟﺰﻡﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥﻭﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﻢﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﺗﺎﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝﺩﺭﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻧﺸﺪﻩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜــﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻳــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2008‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ‪33‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ‪ 160‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 170‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻳﻚﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓـﻊ ﺩﻏﺪﻏـﻪ ﺳـﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟـﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲﻛﻪﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍﺩﺭﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺏﺷﺪﺗﺎﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥﺑﻪﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱﺑﻪﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺍﺯﻗﺒﻞﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﺁﻏﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﺑﻪﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡﻛﻪﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﻣﻮﻳﺪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﭘﺎﻙﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﮔﺮﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲﻫﻢﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢﻛﻪﺩﺭﺑﺤﺚﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺑﺎﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓﺍﻫﻞﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﻪﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺗﻤﺎﻡﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﻪﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭﺑﺪﻭﻥﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺗﺨﻠﻒﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﻳﺪﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﺑﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺿﺪﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‪،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻴـﮓ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛـﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻨــﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭼـﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫــﻢ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺒـﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺿﺪﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ )ﻧﺎﺩﻭ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻴﻔــﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺩﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺎﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻤﻞﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﺯﺍ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻝ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﻤﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳــﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺻﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻙﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﻤﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻛﻤﻚﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨــﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻣﺜﺒﺖﺍﻋﻼﻡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻣﺜﺎﻝﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦﻛﻤﺮﺩﺭﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫــﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷـﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﺶ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1994‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 2400‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 2008‬ﺳﻲﻭﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 400‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻠﻨﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1387‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘـﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨـﮓ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴـﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺿـﺎ ﭼﻠﻨﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨـﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻻﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺸـﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻭﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺿﺪﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭼﻠﻨﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻭﻳﻨﻜﻮ ﺑﮕﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﭼﻠﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤـﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷـﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺴـﺘﻦ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ‪ 16‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭼﻠﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﭘـﺎﺱ ﻫﻤـﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻛـﺮﻭﻭﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﮔـﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺰﺷـﻜﻲ ﻫـﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻠﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧـﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕـﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺫﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨـﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻜﻤﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2006‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻣـﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻮﺗﺮﺍپ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺿﺪﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻮﺗﺮﺍپﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻮﺗﺮﺍپﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻮﺗﺮﺍپ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻮﺗﺮﺍپﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﻧـﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟــﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﭼﻠﻨﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﭘﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﻣﺘﺨﺼــﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺿﺪﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻤـﺎﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭼـﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﺘﻨــﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺿﺪﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘـﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸـﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻮﺗﺮﺍپ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻮﺗﺮﺍپﻫﺎ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻻﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻲﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻮﻫﺎﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻤﭙﻴﻮﻧﺰ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺷﺮﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻛــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 96‬ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺷﺒﻪﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻠﻲﺁﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻟﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺯﺭﺩﭘﻮﺵ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﭘــﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺒﻮﻙ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﻣﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪2007‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻭﺍﺭﺩﺯ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻣﺒﺎﺍﻭﺯﺍﻛﺎ ﺍﺯ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻻﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻫﺎﻧﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﭙﻴﻮﻧﺰ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺪﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻫﺎﻧﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻃﻠﺴــﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸــﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻡﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2010‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩﻛﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪2006‬ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ‪ 2003‬ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺰﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻧﺒﻮﻙ ﻫﻴﻮﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻭﺍﺭﺩﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻣﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺯﺍﻛﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2008‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 90‬ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ‪2006‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1974‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﮓ ﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﻜﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟــﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﻄــﺐ ﺑﻲﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺷﺮﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳــﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ 98