ماهنامه مثلث شماره 16

‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﮑﺎﺍﺳﻼﻣ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﺎ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﻭﺁﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺖ ﺍﻗ‬ ‫ﺑﻄ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ ﻨﻌﻠ ﯽﺷﻬ ﺮﯾﺎﺭ ی‬ ‫‪d‹Y{d‡Á{ʼ‹ZÅÉZ«M‬‬ ‫{‪{‹ÉÁZˆ»Ê]Y‬‬ ‫‡‪:ʬWZ§|Ì ‬‬ ‫]‪YÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﮔ ﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﯽ ﺍﺯﻭﺭ ﺷﮑﺴﺘ ﮕﯽﺁ ﺧﺮ ﯾﻦ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩ ﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺩی‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﯾﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭیﻭﻓﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎی ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎی ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ 29 /‬ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ 5 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 148 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ 12 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫]‪ʸ § ÉZʼnÁ Y €Ì£ ÊËZʼnÁ Z‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y ½ZËY€´·ÂY ½M Y Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮیﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪½Z‹{Ây88‬‬ ‫»‪¹€fv‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫¿œ€‬ ‫‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫§‪ļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪:·ÂmM‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭیﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮیﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭم‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ʸŸ17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪5454‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‹|‪¾ËYºË‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪Ê»3838‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪:ʼ‹ZÅ‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﯾﺰﯾﻮﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺴﺖﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ؛‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê»|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪Ã|¿Á€aÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪ÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﺪی‪/‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﯽﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³:Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿Z¼³‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½Â»Y€Ìa‬‬ ‫¯‪ÄÀÌ]Z‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪~̨Àe‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪¦Ì¸ve‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪی‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÉZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÄËÁ‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪Ĭ¸u‬‬ ‫‪1212‬‬ ‫‡€»‪ÄËZ‬‬ ‫{‪½YY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪Z¿.|ÀÀ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀ˂³‬‬ ‫‪cYÁ‬‬ ‫‪{Z‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪†¿Z‬‬ ‫¯‪º‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪É{Z]M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ]Y€v‬‬ ‫‹‪Ä^WZ‬‬ ‫‪\¸¬e‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪½Zfˆ¿Z¤§Y‬‬ ‫‪µZnÀm‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‡€‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉYÁ‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Y{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪ɇÂ‬‬ ‫‪Ze‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ 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‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡YɀÆ‬‬ ‫¯‪,ɀiÂ‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë‬‬ ‫‪|̼u‬‬ ‫¯‪,½ZˁÂeZ‬‬ ‫‪|‡Y‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫]‪½ZÌr»Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮیﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮیﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪½Z‹{Ây88‬‬ ‫»‪¹€fv‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫¿œ€‬ ‫‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫§‪ļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪:·ÂmM‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭیﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮیﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‡€»‪ÄËZ‬‬ ‫{‪½YY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Äq‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪Z¿.|ÀÀ‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÄÀ˂³‬‬ ‫‪cYÁ‬‬ ‫‪{Z‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪†¿Z‬‬ 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‫‪d¨³É€Ì´¿ZÆm‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‪/ʸ̸ve,ɀ^y‬‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫‪/µÁY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¹Á‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫»€{‪/1388{Y‬‬ ‫‪/Äv¨100‬‬ ‫‪½Z»Z‡½Z»Âe1000‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¸‪{€°‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¿¼€‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ʸŸ17‬‬ ‫‪-É{Z]M‬‬ ‫¨‪54Äv‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪d¨³Ê‡|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪¾ËYºË|‹†ÌW‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪ª§Â‬‬ ‫Ÿ^‪…Z‬‬ ‫‪:É|¿ÂyM‬‬ ‫¨‪Äv‬‬ ‫‪Ê»38‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌ¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪€œfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å:ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪[Ây‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Äf¨Å‬‬ ‫¿‪Ä»Z‬‬ ‫»‪h¸j‬‬ ‫‪{Â]MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫¿^‪{Â‬‬ ‫¿‪{Â‬‬ ‫]€‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡€‪µZË‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Zfˆ]Ze‬‬ ‫‪ʇ€]½Â˂˸e‬‬ ‫¯‪Ä»Z¿Z‬‬ ‫‡‪½Z»Z‬‬ ‫»‪–Ìv‬‬ ‫‪€ˆ¼ÅdˆË‬‬ ‫‪-¾ÌeÂa‬‬ ‫‪ÂeY€aY‬‬ ‫‡‪¹Â‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪cZ]Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫¿œ‪¹Z‬‬ ‫»‪ɁÁ€Ìaʇ|ÀÆ‬‬ ‫»‪½Y|¬fÀ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫{]€‡‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Z“ÁY‬‬ ‫‪ÊfÌÀ»Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪€^Å‬‬ ‫—‪½Z^·Z‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a½Zfˆ¯Za‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»€‪±‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪Zœf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€³‬‬ ‫‡‪ÊfÀ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪¶»Z e‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫¿‪ºÆ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫]‪µ{ZŸÃZ´f‹Y{Z‬‬ ‫§€{‪ʇÁ‬‬ ‫‪ʨ˜»Âa‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫—^‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪ÁÓ‬‬ ‫¿‪ʨn‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪¶ÌŸZ¼‡YɀÆ‬‬ ‫¯‪,ɀiÂ‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Ê]¬ Ë‬‬ ‫‪|̼u‬‬ ‫¯‪,½ZˁÂeZ‬‬ ‫‪|‡Y‬‬ ‫‪×Y‬‬ ‫]‪½ZÌr»Y{Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¯‪­‚Ë€Æ‬‬ ‫‪¹ZÆ]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮیﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮیﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪½Z‹{Ây88‬‬ ‫»‪¹€fv‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫¿œ€‬ ‫‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫§‪ļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪:·ÂmM‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭیﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮیﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮیﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮیﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪-‬ﯾﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽﻋﻠﻴﻨﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺑﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮیﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻧﺪی‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮم‬ ‫‪/‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫Ÿ|‪d·Y‬‬ ‫‪Âm‬‬ ‫‪{€»€Ìa‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪4444‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫Ÿ|‪Ä¿Zzf·Y‬‬ ‫§‪¥Âˆ¸Ì‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪½Z‹{Ây88‬‬ ‫»‪¹€fv‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫¿œ€‬ ‫‪º¿Zy‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫§‪ļ—Z‬‬ ‫‪:·ÂmM‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭیﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮیﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮیﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿ÁM‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪5ZË‬‬ ‫¿¨€‬ ‫‪ŠÌaÉY‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫‪ŠÌa‬‬ ‫]‪ÊÀÌ‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪-h¸j‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮیﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄ ﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍ ﻥﻭ ﻭ ﺁ ﻣﺮﯾﮑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳ ﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘ ﮕﯽ ﺁ ﺧﺮ ﯾﻦ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﮔ ﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘ ﮕﯽ ﺁ ﺧﺮ ﯾﻦ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﻴ ﺪ ﺻﺎﺩ ﻕ ﺍﺳ ﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮔ ﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫]]‪YÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭﯾﮋﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫‪+48‬‬ ‫‪ZÅÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫‪|¿|¿Z» ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫] ‪Ö À¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅ YÂy‬‬ ‫‪Ê» ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ö ˆÌ¸´¿ Y‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫]‪::Z‬‬ ‫‪Z ] ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ê ËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫‪MOSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫»‪|À¯ Ê»¶ ¼ Ÿ { Y„É¿ |¼ uY ¶ j‬‬ ‫¿‪{ €Ì´] Ã|Ë{ Z‬‬ ‫‪Y ½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﻤﺮﺎﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪﮐ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺯی‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻪ ﺑﺑ‬ ‫ﻖﺩﺍﭼﺍﻓﺮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻮﯾﺑ‬ ‫ﯽﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪﻌﻋﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞﺗﺮﺯﻻﺍﯾﻧ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﻧﺎﻪﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻻﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﺳﮔﮔﻮﻤﻤ‬ ‫{¯‪Ê¿Zz¼‹ ʸŸ , ¥Z^Ì·Z« €«Z] |¼v» €f‬‬ ‫{¯‪½Z¬Å{ ¾Ìˆu ,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y ¾ˆv» €f‬‬ ‫»‪ʼˀ¯ É|Æ» , Z¼ »Ê^m |Ìn‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW Z“ Á É{€°Å{ ʸŸ ,ÊËԟ ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫{‪YÁ€a ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫€‪|¿ Y e Ê Z°Ë‬‬ ‫‪¼¿ »M É Y€y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ ´€‪Á Âa‬‬ ‫¿‪{ €Ì´] à |Ë{Z‬‬ ‫‪Y ½Y€ ËY‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â »ZÌ] Y Z» Õ Y|° ¿Z‬‬ ‫´‪|¿ Y e{€Ì‬‬ ‫{‪ʼ¿Z°] Ãˀ|Ë‬‬ ‫‪»MZ¿Y‬‬ ‫‪É ½Y€Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪y‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅ YÂy‬‬ ‫‪|¿Â‬‬ ‫‪Ê ZÅ‬‬ ‫¿´¸‪»»ZÌ]ÖYˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪Z» ÕY Ö‬‬ ‫‪Y|°‬‬ ‫]‪À¼Æ ¿]Z‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY ŠËY‬‬ ‫»‪µ|f ‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪:ʌŸ€» ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ 19 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﯾﺒﺎ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪:Ê«€e Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌfˆÌ¿ ª§Y» {Y„¿É|¼uY Z] ZʼnÁ { Z‬‬ ‫‪½{Y{ ÉY ‚m ÉYÃZq ½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫]‪|Àf‹Y|¿ {Y„¿É|¼uY Ä‬‬ ‫¯ˆ‪| ] Á{ ʸ¯Âe Á €ÀÅZ] ¶j» Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪|¿Â‹Ê» dÌuÔ‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY ¹YÁ|Ì»Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Á€] ¥Z^Ì·Z« ¶j» É{€§ d¼‡ Ä‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻪﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﺿﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﻭﻫﻤﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﻪﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﮕﺎﺮﻭﻩ ﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻧﯽﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻤ‬ ‫ﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ ﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺗ ﺳ ﻌﮐ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫‪:¹Ô¯ Z^ˁ ©{Z‬‬ ‫‪|‡Ê» Z¼‹ d]¿ {Á ZË €Ë{ !Ê«€e ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫ﻋ ﺒ ﺪ ﻟﺍ ﻮ ﻫﺎﺏﻓﺮ ﺍﺗ‪، ،‬‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ÉY€]É{ZˁÉZłÌq‬‬ ‫‪{Y{{ÁkÁ½{Âyc€ˆu‬‬ ‫‪:ʇZ§ ¾Ë|·Y µÔm‬‬ ‫‪cY€]Zz» ¶¯ €Ë|» Z] ³ Á d¨³‬‬ ‫{‪««Y‚´f»|y» d·Á‬‬ ‫¯€{‪¹¹‬‬ ‫¯€€{{‬ ‫¯€{‬ ‫»‪€¯ ¹Z‬‬ ‫‪¹Z‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫‪¹Z»Y‬‬ ‫‪Z» [Zf¯ {YÁ ¾» Y‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭی ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫]‪:YÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫ﻮﺭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪی‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺪی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺪ ﺧ ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬ﺍﺣ ﻤ‬ ‫ﻀﯽ ﻃﻼﯾ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﺗﻀ ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻣﺮﺗ‬ ‫ﺯﺵ|‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪Ây‬ﻭﺭﻣﯽ‪Ì¿Y‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﯽﺩ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳ‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬ﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺍﻗﺘﺳ‬ ‫ﺖﺑﺎﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﻄﺩﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬ﺰﺑ‬ ‫ﭼﻬ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫{‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻫﻤﺮﻭﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺴﻰﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯﺎﻼ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺤ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺎﮐ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻮﻓﻤ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺪﺗﺷ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻓ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﺴﺍﻭﻭﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﺩ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻞﺣﺣﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻴﮕ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺑﻴﻟﻄ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌ‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﺑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺠﺪﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﻫﺎﺏﻃ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﯽﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺪﺭﻣﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺍﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺒﻴﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻃﺏ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺰی‬ ‫ﻏﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ ﻭﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻄﺑﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺑ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭﺍﻧﺑﺰﺍﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺮﺑﺍ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻏﺧﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻠﻨﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﺗ ﭘﻌﻄ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫‪ISSN: 20 08-5281‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫€‪|ÌÀ¯ [Y‬‬ ‫‪[ Y€y‬‬ ‫‪yY‬‬ ‫‪€Y‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅÀÅ d‬‬ ‫´€‪:ÂÁd·Áa‬‬ ‫{‪·Á‬‬ ‫»‪{½ZÌ‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ‬ ‫{‪½ZÌ» Õ‬‬ ‫‪Õ Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫¼‪{Z‬‬ ‫‪Ö]fŸY‬‬ ‫‪YÂ‬‬ ‫{‪ÖYÂË‬‬ ‫{‪Ë‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫ﻮﻥ ﺗ ﺤﺗﺤﻮﻻﻮﻻ ﺕ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻣﺮﺍﻣﻮ ﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮔ ﻮ ﻴ ﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒ ﺮ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ ﺗﺗﻘﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪Y €e¹Â¸œ» ½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÅ ½Z^¸—sԏY‬‬ ‫§€‪ɁÁ€Ìa ɇ Ä] Y‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍیﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻃﺎﺍﻥﻫﺮﺧ ﻧﺎ ﯽ‬ ‫ﯽﺍﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻌ‬ ‫ﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﯽﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﮐﻴ‬ ‫ﮐﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎﺣﯽﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻦﻣ ﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻤ ﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺍﻋﺘﻤ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺸ ﻢ ‪22 /‬ﺷﻬ ﺮ ﯾﻮﺭ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿Y Ây‬‬ ‫‪Ây‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‹¼‪ÃZÃZ‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ {‬ ‫ﻤﯽﺘﯽﻨﯽﯽ‪::‬‬ ‫ﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪Z‬ﻮ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﯾﻨﺎﻧﻠ]ﻧﻠ‪Z‬ﻮ‬ ‫ﻘﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘ‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴ]ﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺧ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﺪﯾ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺧ‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅÂ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻟ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺴﻏﺍ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼﻡﻗﻣ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻏ‬ ‫ﻦﺧﻗ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺣﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬ﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬ﻡﻣ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻟﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﮏﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﻋﺒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‪³Á‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﻫﻨﺣ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮ‪،‬ﺭ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬ﻓﻓﺮﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺣ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻤ ﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺑ ﺮﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪29‬ﺷ ﻬﺮ ﯾ ﻮﺭ ‪116 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ /‬ﺳﺎ ﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒ ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫‪{  ‹  Ƽ: Ê‬‬ ‫‪m ¼ÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫‪†ÌWº‬‬ ‫‪¹ ÅԇÓY‬‬ ‫‪É dnu‬‬ ‫» ˜‪€Æ‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺩﮐﺘﺮﺗﻮﮐ ﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﺑﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﺩﺭﮔﻮ‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€adŒa‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008‬‬ ‫‪-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ó‬‬ ‫{]‪« Á €aZ¯»fe {à  Z‬‬ ‫§‪§º ¸Ì‬‬ ‫¾‪É Y‬‬ ‫‪à |¿Á‬‬ ‫‪ˀ yM‬‬ ‫‪€a‬‬ ‫¯‪Ê ]Ô¬ ¿YÄ¿Z y Z‬‬ ‫‪|¿{Y{ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪::Z]Z] ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺎﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﺑﺎ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﺩﺭﮔﻮ‬ ‫]‪:YÊ ËZÅZ f¨³Z‬‬ ‫]‪f¨³Z‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫§€‪À^Ë‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨ‬ ‫ﯽﮐﺮ ﺁﯾﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻔ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨ ﻤ ﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﻥﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺸﺖ ﺧ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺑ‬ ‫ﺮﮔﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓ‬ ‫ﺍیﻪﺍﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﺍیﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﮐ ﺑ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﯽﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﺑﺮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻻﻋ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﻪﻮﻧﺯﺍﯾﭼ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﻪﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻤ‬ ‫ﺩ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪: Y ÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z]Z‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫{‪|‹Á€¨] ½ZŒ¼¸Ì§|¿Y‬‬ ‫{{‪YY‬‬ ‫{‪Y‬‬ ‫‪Ì¿YÂy‬ﺵ¿‪:|Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ây‬ﺯ‪Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺭﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯽﺩﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳ‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬ﺩ‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﻭﺁ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻗ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬ﺍﺰﺰﺩ ﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺭ‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﭼ‬ ‫ﭼﻴ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀ‬ ‫{‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫{ﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﭘ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺪﻴﺪیی]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﻤﺪﺪﺧ ﺧﻮﺭﻮﺭﺷ‬ ‫ﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬ﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬ﻃ‬ ‫ﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻣﺮﺗ ﻀﯽ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﯾﺖﻫﺎیﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎی ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻤ ﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺍﻋﺘﻤ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭ ﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻥ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺧﻮﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺮﻪﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﺑ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨ‬ ‫ﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑ‬ ‫ﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺮ ﺗﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺟ‬ ‫ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎیﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﮕﺮﮕ‬ ‫ﺩﺷ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺎﻮﻮﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬ‬ ‫ﻬﻢﺩﺍ ﮔ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺭﮐﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ ﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻢ ‪29‬ﺷﻬ ﺮ ﯾﻮﺭ ‪116 /138 8‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝ ﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﯽﻮ‬ ‫ﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﯾﻨﺎﻧﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺘ‬ ‫ﺪﯾﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻘ‬ ‫ﻗﺮ ﻟﻘ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﻣﺍﻏ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺧ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺿﻟﺤﺮﻣﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺪﺍﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬ﺒ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺍ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒﻋ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻫﻫﻨ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺣ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﭙﻮﻓﻓﺮ ‪،‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﯽﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺮ ﺍﻥﻃﺎ ﻫﺮﺧ ﻧﺎ ﯽ‬ ‫ﯽﺍﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺙﻌ‬ ‫ﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌ‬ ‫ﻮﻣﺮﺭﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻋﻠﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻴ‬ ‫‪،‬ﻣﻬﺪی ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫]‪:YY Ê ËZ ÅZ f¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ì¿YÂy‬ﻣﯽﯽ|‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣ‪Ì¿Y‬‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺍﯾﺮ‪Â‬‬ ‫‪y‬ﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪Ê‬ﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺸﻪﺩﻪﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﻨ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨ‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬ﺮﮐﺗ‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬ﮐﺎﺑﮐﺎ»‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻤﻬ‬ ‫ﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥﺮ‬ ‫ﺯی‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺟ‬ ‫ﻌﻮﯾﻖﺟ‬ ‫ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻖ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﺑﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﻮﯾ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺷ‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮ‬ ‫ﻬﺎ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻧﺎﺭ‬ ‫¾ﻬ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞﺟﺟ‬ ‫{ﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻮ ﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻮ‬ ‫{‪ËY‬ﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﮐﺸﯽ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭی ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﭼﺎی ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺏ‬ ‫ﺰی‬ ‫ﻏﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭﻣﺤﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺿ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﺎﺭ‬ ‫ی‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻬﻩﺮﻭﺭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺗ‬ ‫ﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﺸﮕﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻠﯽﭼ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺩﮔ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺮﺍﻮ‬ ‫ﻏﺮ‬ ‫ﺪﺧﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﯽﻏ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﮐ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻌ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻌﻄﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﭘ ﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩﻩ‬ ‫ﻰﻡ‬ ‫ﺭی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻼ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﻴﻘﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺪﻮﻓﻗﺎﺒﺎﮐﺤ‬ ‫ﺳﺒ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﯾ‬ ‫ﺩﻕﻓﻤﺗ‬ ‫ﺴﻦﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩی‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻔ‬ ‫ﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻄﻒﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻌ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﯽ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺗﻟ ﺩﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻓﻌﻃ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻤ‬ ‫ﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻮﻫﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﻮﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﺪﺍ ﻟ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻟﻣ‬ ‫ﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻣ‬ ‫ﻋﺒ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻋﻤﺤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫{‪ÁMZŀ°¨À‹Á:Ê°¼¿Ã‬‬ ‫{‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪ZË ©Y€§ Z] Ä¿Z» º£‬‬ ‫{§‪ÉY€mZ» Y Z‬‬ ‫»® §‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫‪ISSN: 20 08‬‬ ‫‪-5281‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯﻭﺍﺯﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫[ ¯‪|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫‪Y€y Y €ÀÅ‬‬ ‫{‪€ÀÅÁd·Á‬‬ ‫€‪:  Âa‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫¼‪´ˆŸÕ{Z‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫]‪fŸÖ‬‬ ‫]‪YÖ‬‬ ‫{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫‪{€Ì´] Ã|Ë{Z¿Y‬‬ ‫‪: ½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 20 08‬‬ ‫‪-5281‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎی ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰی‬ ‫‪{€Ì´] Ã|Ë{Z¿ Y ½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫]]‪|¿Â»ZÌ]YZ»ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Z]::Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ËZÅ ³Ádd¨³¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺮﺧ ﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﺍﻣﻴ ﺮﻃﺎﻫ‬ ‫ﺮﻩﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷ‬ ‫ﯽﻧﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺙﻌ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻮﻣﺮﺭﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻴ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾ ﻧﺎ ﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬ﻣ ﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐ ﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺩﮐﺘﺮﺩﮐﺘﺮﺗﻮﮐ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮ ﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪﺮ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻔ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺳﺎﻧﺣﻪﻪﺳﺳﻔ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎ ﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍیﺑﺮ ﺑ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﯽﻪﺑﺮﺍﺍﻓﺮﺮﺑ‬ ‫ﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺎﮐﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽﻪﻧﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﺮﻋﻋ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﻻﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﻮﺍﯾﻮﻤ‬ ‫ﺳﺳﮔ‬ ‫»˜‪É €Æ‬‬ ‫˜ €‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Æ Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪» Ÿ¸ Z]Z] ³ ³ Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d ¨³ {{ Y‬‬ ‫[‪Y ÁÁ‬‬ ‫‪Z Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪z‬‬ ‫‪f ¿ÃY {€a‬‬ ‫‪{€ dŒa‬‬ ‫Œ‪d‬‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻ ﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺗ ﺤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺑﻄ ﭘﻪ ﭘﻴ ﺮ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻭﮔﺭﮔ ﺍﻮﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻴﻞﻞﻭ ﮔ ﻔ‬ ‫ﺤﻠ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺗﺤﻠ‬ ‫‪{ ‹   Ƽm‬‬ ‫†‪:‬‬ ‫‪ʼÌÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÌW¹Y€]Y‬‬ ‫‪ԇÓY‬‬ ‫‪º ÅÉ d‬‬ ‫˜‪€ Æ‬‬ ‫»‪nu‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /138‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠ ﻢ ‪ 15/‬ﺷﻬ ﺮﯾ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱﺗ‬ ‫]‪، {Â‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫‪ 116 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸ ﻢ ‪ 22 /‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﯾ ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ¯‪À‬ﻝ| ﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫¶ ‪/Ê‬‬ ‫ﻱﺗ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ{ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫»‪¶ j‬ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫Ÿ¼ »‬ ‫‪¿ |¼uY‬ﻪ‪Y„É‬‬ ‫{ ¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫]€‪ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪½: Zˀn‬‬ ‫‡‪½{ Z‬‬ ‫»„‪½ Z³‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫¯‪Ê ]Ô¬ ¿YÄ ¿Z yZ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺯﻭﺍﺯﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫]]‪|ÀÅYÂyÊ»ZÅֈ̸´¿Y:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫ﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﯽﻮ‬ ‫ﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﯾﻨﺎﻧﻠ‬ ‫ﻘﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﺪﯾ‬ ‫ﺴﺮﻟ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦﻡ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﻦﻡ‬ ‫ﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺍﻏ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻡ‪،‬ﻡﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻣ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﻟﺤ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﺮﻏﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﮏﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﻋﺒ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺒ‬ ‫ﮏ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪﻋﻟﺯ ﺍ‬ ‫ﮕﯽ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬ﻟ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﻣ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎﻫﻨﺣ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﻓﺮﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻋﻠﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﺎﮋﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺴﺑﺮﺍﻧﺘﻋﮋﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫یﺮ ﻧﺭﻴ‬ ‫ﺪﺎﺍﻋﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺤﺯﻤﻭﻓﻐﻣﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی ﻐﻭ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩیﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﺎ‬ ‫ﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥﺮﺍ ﺍﻓ‬ ‫ﻥﺑ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺁﺎﻭﺘ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﺁﺮﺍ ﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻢﺯﯾﻭ ﺘﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧ‬ ‫ﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ ﻋﻮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻮیﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺐﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺑ‬ ‫ﺳﮐﻮﺎ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻘ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻻﻠ‬ ‫ﺋﺒﻪﻧﺑ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺠ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺷﺎﻣﺗ‬ ‫ﺟﻭﺋ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺯﺍﺯ ﺷﺩﺒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫‪|Ì¿Y‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪Ây‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺼﺎﻮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺧ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘ‬ ‫‪Ê‬ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺩﺮﻪﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺑ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﮐﺑ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی»‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫»ﺗ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﮐﺎ‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﺯ‬ ‫¼ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﯽﻭﺮ‬ ‫ﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﻖ‬ ‫ﻟﮕﺮﯽﻭﺮ‬ ‫‹ﮕﮕ‬ ‫ﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﻮﻮﻧﺎ‬ ‫¾‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺟ‬ ‫{‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﮕﺎﻩﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻ‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺍﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺮ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫{ﭼﺮ‪ËY‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ã| ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻊﺯﯾﺍ ﻟﺮﺴﻴﺩ ﻟﻭﺮ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻴﻎﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻟﺒﺑﺯﺍﺳﺗﻪﻪﺩ ‪18‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍیﺁ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﻤﺎﯽﺩ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺩﺍﻧﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﺍی ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺭﭘ‬ ‫‪¦Ë€v|eÉZm‬‬ ‫‪̋Z]Ä]´z‡Za‬‬ ‫»‪ZÌ¿: \nfÀ‬‬ ‫‪ž ËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫| ﺪﺍ‡‪Z‬ﻥ‪^»µ‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﻧﺯ ﺪﮔﯽﺧ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪Z]:ÊËZÅ ³Á d¨³‬‬ ‫]‪±‚]Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫ﺧ ﺸﻧﻤ ﻧﺎﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮ ‪-‬‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴ ﻦﺣﮑ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱﻤ ﯽ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻋﻤﺪﻫﺎﺷ‬ ‫‹‪{Â‬‬ ‫¼‪ ÂÆ‬‬ ‫‪: Êm ¼ÌÅ‬‬ ‫‪†Y€]Y‬‬ ‫‪ÌWº‬‬ ‫‪¹ ÅԇÓY‬‬ ‫‪Éd‬‬ ‫˜‪€ Æ‬‬ ‫»‪nu‬‬ ‫¯‪Ê ] Ô¬ ¿Y Ä¿Z y Z‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑ‪-‬ﻦ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻦ ﻮﻫ ﮑ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻣﺤﺴ ﮐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ ﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠ ﻢ‪15 /‬ﺷﻬ ﺮﯾﻮﺭ ‪116 /138 8‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫]‪، {Â‬‬ ‫‪ ZËÁ‬ﺮ‬ ‫®ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧﺒ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪Ë‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪ 22‬ﺷﻬ ﺮ ﯾﻮﺭ ‪ 116 /138 8‬ﺻﻔ ﺤ‪/‬ﻪ ‪1000‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫¯‪À‬ﺳﺎ|ﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪/‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/Ê‬‬ ‫„‪، Y‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪É‬ﺧﺒ¿ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ‬ ‫¶‬ ‫ﻱ{ Ÿ ¼ »‬ ‫¼|‬ ‫»‪uY¶ j‬‬ ‫¯‪ ZÀ‬‬ ‫]€‪{ ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½ Zˀn‬‬ ‫‡‪½ {Z‬‬ ‫»„‪½Z³‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‪Ã‬‬ ‫ﺧ ﻧﺎ‪µ‬ﺪﺍ»^ﻥ‪Z‬‬ ‫ﺪﮔﯽ‡‪Z‬‬ ‫ﻧ ﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺯ  |‬ ‫‪ÓÂ‬‬ ‫¯‪« aZ‬‬ ‫]‪Á €»fe{à  Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪Â‬‬ ‫‪§º‬‬ ‫§‪ɸÌ‬‬ ‫¾ ‪Y‬‬ ‫‪à |¿Á‬‬ ‫‪ˀ yM‬‬ ‫‪€a‬‬ ‫زﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﻋ ﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻤ ﻧﺎ ﻪ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺭﻫﺒ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ ﺗﺗﻘﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ «‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺖﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺑﻪﻪﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤ‬ ‫ﺴﺘﺯﺮﺍﯾﺮﺑﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫‪2008‬ﺗﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫ»‬ ‫‪-5281‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﻘﻧﺎﻟﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ M‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﻪ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫‪OSALA‬ﻧﺎﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺎﯾﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻤ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺗﮑﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴ‬ ‫‪.SIR‬ﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻀ ﺎﺋﻘ‬ ‫ﯾﻠ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﺑﻬﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻬﺪیﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻌ‬ ‫ﺩی ﻣ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﻭﻣ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻨﺁﺑﺎﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮋﻥﻡ ﺯ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ ‪-‬ﺑﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﯽﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻙﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﺍﺯﻭ ﺗﺮﻗ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫¿^‪½Â̇Ż Ä] |ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ºË{€¯Ö» {Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂeʼ¿ Z°Ë€»M : ɁY€y‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪:Âa‬‬ ‫{‪|ÌÀ¯ [Y€y Y €ÀÅ Á d·Á{½ZÌ» Õ{Z¼fŸY Ö]YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪±‚] Ã|¿Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪M OSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺩﺭ؛ ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫»‪: ZÌ¿ \nfÀ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫»‪«Á €fe‬‬ ‫‪ÓÂa‬‬ ‫]‪Z¯{à  Z‬‬ ‫§‪ §º¸Ì‬‬ ‫¾‪{ É‬‬ ‫¿| ‪ÃY‬‬ ‫‪ˀÁyM‬‬ ‫‪€a‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑ ﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻤ ﻧﺎ ﻪ زﻧﻲ ﭘﻴ ﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ ﺭﻫﺒ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ ﺗﻘ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺧﻴﺎ «‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫‪ISSN:‬ﻧ‬ ‫ﺍیﻤﻣﺑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﮐ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫‪2008‬ﺮﻪﺑﻴﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﺗ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘ ﻧﺎ ﻪ»‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪-5281‬‬ ‫ﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺩﺭﻘ ﺎ‬ ‫ﯽﺩ ﺑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺎﯾﻧﺎ‬ ‫‪M‬‬ ‫‪OSALA‬ﻧﺎﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﻴﮔﺘ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺎﮐ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺩ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﮑ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺴﻌﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺧﺁﻣﻧﺎ‪S.IR‬ﻪ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬ﺸ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻴﻢﻓ‪-‬ﺮ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪d¨³‬ﮑ‬ ‫ﻦﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﯽ‪-‬ﻧﺪی ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ ﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾ ﺩﺮ ﻟﻭ ﺖﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴ‬ ‫‪18‬ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺳ ﻪﺩﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍیﺁ ﺑﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﯽﻣﺠﻠﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺎﺍ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺴﻨﺠ‬ ‫‪14‬ﺍﻋ‬ ‫ﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺭﻓﺭ ﺍی‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘ‬ ‫ﻌﻴﺪﯾﻠﻬ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻢﻀ ﺎﺑ‬ ‫ﻬﺪی‬ ‫یﻭﻣﻣ‪ -‬ﺳﻓ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺯﺁﻮﺭﺑﺎ ﺩ‬ ‫ﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﻡﻋﻠﻴﭙ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼ‪-‬ﺑﻴﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻙ ﺣ‬ ‫‪M OSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪: ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Y Zf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﯽ ﺪﻘ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺼﺒﺎﺣ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺼﺒ ﺣ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎﻣﻣ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻏﻼﻣﺮ ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻩﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﻭﺍﻗﻌ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻙ ﺗﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺚﺩﺭ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛ﺩ‬ ‫ﻣ ﺜﻠ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 20 08-5281‬‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺮﻴﭙﻮ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺩ‬ ‫ﻕﻮﺭﺮ‬ ‫یﯾ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺼﺮﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺯﭙ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﷲﻣﻧﺭ‬ ‫ﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱﮐ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪیﻋﺒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻴﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺮی‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺪ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻬﻠ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﻌﺮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺪ‪-‬ﺭﺒﻋﻣﻌ‬ ‫ﮕﻠ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‪-‬ﻴ‬ ‫ﯽ‪--‬ﻋﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻮی‪-‬ﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻮی‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤ‪-‬ﺣﺎﻤ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻴﻨ‬ ‫ﻼ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻨﻴﻣ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻫﻠﺩﮐﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻕﺴ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﯾ‬ ‫ﻦﺍﻨﻧﻮﻦﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻕﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻮﻤﺎﻘﻟﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺣ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺪﺑﻣﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻣﻋ‬ ‫ﺪﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻭ‬ ‫ﺤﺤﻤﻤﺪﺮﯾﺪﺭﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻣ ﻓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴ ﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﻣﻴ‬ ‫ﺥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎ ﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯽﻮﺯ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮ‪-‬ﺶ‬ ‫ﻨﺶﻌ‬ ‫ﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥﻴﻌ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻣﯽﺴﻔﻴ‬ ‫ﻦﺭﻬﻨﺎﻔﻴ‬ ‫ﺷﻧﻣ‬ ‫ﻼﺯﻫی‬ ‫ﻮﺳﻔﻫ‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺟﯾ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣ‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺿﺩﺭ‪-‬ﺁﯾ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺼﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺪ ﻧﺍ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﻮﺍﻤ‬ ‫ﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻤ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺤﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻋ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮ‪-‬ﻠ‬ ‫ﯽ‪-‬ﻋ‪--‬ﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺸ‬ ‫ﯽ‪--‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﻥﺮ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻥﺎ‬ ‫ﯽﺗﻣ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺳ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﺳ‬ ‫ﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻇﻢﺘﯾﺍﮐ‬ ‫ﻢﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﮐﻤﯾ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩیﻘﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻣ‬ ‫ﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻦﻧﻇﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦﮑ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻫ‬ ‫ﺪﮐﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺴﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﺳﻴ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻬ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﻣ ﻤ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻻﮐﻨ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺭﺕﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻓﻣ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﻮ‬ ‫ﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺭﻭﻓﺯ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪﺁ‬ ‫ﯽﻭ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﺵ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‪ -‬ﯾﺯﺍﺯﮔﻤﻭﺭﻴﺯﺣ ﻴ‬ ‫ﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯽﺣ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﻥﺎﯾﯽ‪--‬ﺍﯾ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻪﻫ‬ ‫ﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪﺮ ﻗﺩ‬ ‫ﻮﺵﺮﻣﻨﺒﺻﺎﺩﺘﻔﺩﺍﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﮔﻧﻧﺎﺎﯾﻗ‬ ‫ﻼءﻣﻴﺩﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﺤﻤﺳﺳﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻋ ﻼءﻋ ﻴﻣ‬ ‫‪| Àfˆ:: Z]Z]Ì¿ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËt¸Y‬‬ ‫‪Z ųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬ ﺮ ﯾﻮﺭ‪ /1388‬ﺻﻔ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ‪/‬م ‪8‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﺧﺒﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫¼‪Ä] Ê‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫¿‪É¿ Y: º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê·Ô m‬‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨ®ﻨ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫‪ˀ]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮐ‬ ‫ﯾﯽ ﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫{]€ﻣ‬ ‫ﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺑ‪ 8‬ﺰﺭﮔ‪1 6‬ﺎﯾﻨﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﺩ ﺑ‬ ‫ی ﺩ ﻟﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳ ﻧﺎ ﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﯽﺭ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ €Ì̤‬ﺘﻗ‬ ‫‡‪ ZfyZ‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪eY Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪: ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩﻣﻮﻣﻨ ﯽ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧ ﺮﻡ‪،‬ﻫﺎﺩیﻗ ﻮﺍﻣ ﯽ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻋﻠ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻡ‪،‬ﺩی ﻗ ﻮﺍﻣ ﯽ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻋﻠ ﯽ ﺧ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪،‬ﻋﻠ ﯽ ﺧ ﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎ ﺩیﻗ ﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪ 10/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩیﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‪ 17/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎ ﻣﺩ ﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ‪ /‬ﺍﻭﻝﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻬﺮﻣﯽ‪ :‬ﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﯿﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺣﻖﺿﺎ ﻊﮐﻦ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﯿﺎﺱ ﺎﺩﺭ ﻥ‪ :‬ﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﺮ ﻥﺳﯿﻤﺎ» ﺎﺯ« ﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ و ﮔﻮ ﺎ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﯿﻤﯿﺎﯾﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ ﻓﯿﻠﻢ ﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﯿﻤﯿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍ ﯿﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﻫ ی ﺿﺮﻏ ﻣﯽ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺳ ﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺭ ﺶ ﺳﻴ ﺳﯽ ﺒﻨ ﻥ ﺲ ﺯ ﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮐ ﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺮ ﺮی‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺭ ﻪﻫ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐ ﺭﮔﺮ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺳﺘ ﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﺭ ﻄﻪ ﺳﻴ ﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﻗﯽ ﻭ ﻣﺨ ﻔ ﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮﻫﺎﯾﯽ ﺎ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤ ﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻫﻘ ﻥ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﺨ ﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮ ﻢ ﻬﺮﻭﺯی ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻮﺵﺁ ﺩی ‪ -‬ﺟﻮ ﺩ ﺟﻬ ﮕﻴﺮﺯ ﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺮ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻮﺭ ﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤ ﻋﻴﻞ ﺸﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺰ ﺰ ﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪی ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ ﺷﺮ ﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﯾﯽ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮ ﻀﯽﻃﻼ ﯽ‪-‬ﺣﺴﻦﺳﺒﺤ ﯽ ﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽﮐﻮ ﮐﺒﻴ ﻥ‪-‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺰﺷﮑﻴ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻮ ﻘ ﺳﻢﺭ ﻮﻓﻴ ﻥ‪-‬ﺩ ﺭ ﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻ ﺩﻕﮐﻮﺷﮑﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻮ ﺩﺻ ﺩﻗﯽ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺳﺠ ﺩ ﻮﺭ‪-‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿ ﮏ‬ ‫ﺭﺿ ﺰﺩ ﯽ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺮﺣﻤﻦﺷ ﻩﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫{‪:| Ì¿YÂyÊ»ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ ´€‪Á  Âa‬‬ ‫{‪: |Ì¿YÂyʻà Z¼‹¾ ËY‬‬ ‫{‪:| Ì¿YÂy Ê »ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ 3 ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺷـﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 18‬ﺁﺑـﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈـﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ 136‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤـﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﭘﺎﻳـﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺣﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪26‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2020‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻭﺍﺧﻼﻕﺭﺍﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺗﻠﻘﻰﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‪-‬ﺷﺎﻩﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺷﺎﻫﻰ‪-‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪16.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪18..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪20...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 15‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪21...................................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪22......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪23...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪24......................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪25.................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪26.................................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪28.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪29...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻧﻚ‪30................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪32....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪33...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮگﺭﻳﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺵﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗــﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‪44......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺿﺎﻳﻊﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪46.................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪49.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺑﻰﭘﻮﻟﻰ‪52...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪54.................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪56..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻠﻚ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪59.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪63......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ‪64..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺭ!‪65......................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ‪66.................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪70.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺳــﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ 10 ،‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺿﺪﺍﺩ‪36...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ‪37 ..................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‪38...............................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‪39.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪40.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪42................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻦ‪72................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺗﺒﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪73.............................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪75..................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ؟‪76.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍ‪78....................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ« ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﻮﺕﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪58.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﺎﻡ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‪-‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 32‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﻛﻪ ‪ 48‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 18‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴـﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷـﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ‪ 18‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ!‪80.......................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭ؟!‪82...........................‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪84........................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪85...................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪86........................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ؟‪88..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪89............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪90...............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪91.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪92............................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ؛ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪94...............................................................18:30‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻴﻴﺢ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺍﺭﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 23‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 27‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ 7 ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 14‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ؛ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ 9 ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻧﺠﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻌﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎء‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ 11 ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1307‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1322‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ«‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1369‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﻃﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﺑﻪﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻧﺴــﺦ ﻭ ﺛﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻫﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻌﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪« .‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒــﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﻮﻡ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻔﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﻮﺳــﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ‪ 1763‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻠﻈﺖ‬ ‫‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ‪ 255‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﮔﺎﺯﺩﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻔﺖﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻴﻮژﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻔﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻘﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺏ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺬﻛــﺮ ﻛﻮﭼــﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻨــﺶ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒــﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻲﻣﺒﻨــﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦ ﻭﻯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼــﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ؛ »ﭘﺲ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ؛ »ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺯﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ ﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ‬‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻪﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻮﺷــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﭙﺎﭼﮕﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻲﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺵ ﻛﻮﺷﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟« ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟« ﺁﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺷﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺧﺐ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ؟« ﻛﻮﺷــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻮﺟﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ‪ -‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ -‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﺵ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳــﺮ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ‪ -‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﻋﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺷﻌﺎﻋﺶ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺼــﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﻤﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ‪ -‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎً ﻫﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ -‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺧﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻱﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻘﻴﺼﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ‪ -‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ -‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ -‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛــﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺳــﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻣﻨﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘــﺬﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ‪ -‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺍﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻏﻠﺘﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮپ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨــﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺿــﺮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻮﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒــﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮔـﺎﻭ« ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺣـﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴـﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺣﺘــﻤــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜـﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘـــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗــﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻜﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺑﻚ‬ ‫‪Hamidreza_abak@yahoo.com‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ؟ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺵﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ‪ 50‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻻﺑﻴﺮﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﺭﺗﻮﻳﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻰﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺠــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ« ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ »ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺒﻞﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺴﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻓﺒﻚﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻮﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻫﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺘﻠﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺻﺪﻣﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻇﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻟﺮﻯﻛﻴﻨﮓ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ« ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﭘﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺖﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﻄﻠﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺱﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻻﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺮﺵ ﺧﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ« ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ؛ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﺠﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ؟ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫»ﺭﺋﻴﺲ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻠﻮﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﺸــﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﺶﺧﺶ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻒ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻜﺎﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻒ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 88‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻮﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﺶ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﺑﻪﻣﺤﻠﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻭﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪﻫﺎﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻛﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻚﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑــﺎ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻴﻞﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺑﻪﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻳﺎﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶﺩﻭﻟﺖﺭﺍﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻳﺎﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸﻲﺍﺯﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺷﺎﻳﺪﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﻠﺐﻧﻈﺮﺁﻧﻬﺎﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻭﺑﻪﻋﻠﻲﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ‪20:30‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ 20:30‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌــﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻊﺑﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻘﺒﻮﻻﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؛ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺯﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻼﺡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲﻭﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﺍﺿﻲﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﺩﻭﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤــﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﺯﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﺮﺧﻲﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﺩﻳﮕﺮﻫﻢﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻛﻪﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲﺩﺭﺑﺪﻭﻭﺭﻭﺩﺑﻪﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﻣﺎﻟﻲﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻋﻮﺽﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﺯﺁﻧﺠﺎﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢﻋﻠﻲﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﭼﻪﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱﺯﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﻭﻗﺘﻲﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻛﺴــﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﻳﻮﻧﺲ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺯﻭﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺯﻭﺟﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺷﻮﺩﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖﻭﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺷﺖﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻜﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺒﻮﻻﻧﺲﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭژﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖﻫﺎﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﻲﺷﺪﻭﻟﻲﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻧﻴﺴﺖﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ»ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ«ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﺎﺣــﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ »ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ »ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮ« ﻭ »ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ »ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﭻﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ‪ 40‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪15‬ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫـﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕـﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷـﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﺻـﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸـﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳــﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺳﺨﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣــﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺸﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ »ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ«‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭﭼﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸـﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼـﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻴﺎﻧــﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗــﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠـﻲ ﻣﺎﻧـﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘـﻦ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺠﺒﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺗــﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 15‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 10‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﻳــﻎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚﺑــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ؛‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ »ﺑﺎﺯ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻭﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉﻭﻋﻤﻖﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺑﺮﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺩﺭﻗﻴﺎﺱﺑﺎﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳـﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻲﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻛﺎﺭﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻧﻴﺎﺯﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲﺟﺪﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑـﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‪،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡﺁﻗﺎﻱﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﺻﺖﺭﺍﺩﺭﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝﺩﻭﻡﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱﺭﺍﺑﻪﻗﺼﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲﻭﻣﻮﺩﺕﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱﺭﺍﺟﻠﺐﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪»:‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ « .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ‪ 20:30‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛــﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺻـﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣـﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘـﻂ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴـﺘﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺵﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴـﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺵﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟـﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻫﻢﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣـﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺿﻌـﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜــﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧـﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻌﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻲﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪،A‬ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ *‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻕ »ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻼء ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻗﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨــﺪ؛ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺿﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ‪ 20:30‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ‪ 20:30‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ‪ 20:30‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳـﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺷـﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷـﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﮕﻴـﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻟﻌﺎﺑﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻌﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴـﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ )ﺱ( ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ‬ ‫)ﺱ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚﺳـﻮﻳﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴــﻢ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻫـﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓـﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻧــﺰﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷـﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﻯﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬـﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺻﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴـﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳـﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻃـﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻙﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤـﺺ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷـﺒﻬﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺖﻭﭘﺎﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﺍﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﺮﻩ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰﺳﺎﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ 35‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣــﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻛﻮﺷﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﻳﻔﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺬﺍﺕﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﻧﻈــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪75‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺤﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ‪75‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈﻢﺍﻟﺴــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻡ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﺎﺩﻭﺵ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺗﻘﻪ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪49‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺷﺎﺩﻭﺵ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺗﻘــﻪ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻧﻘﺶﺯﻫﺮﺍﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،59‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 75‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ 76‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤــﻰ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻇــﻢ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻰ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1358‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻋﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﻗﺼﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 68‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 76‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﻋﻔﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﻋﺸــﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﻪﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺸــﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﻄﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺷﻴﺨﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻨﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻪﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢﻭﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳــﺢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ؛ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ‪149‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪95 ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 21‬ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪ 217‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ 33 ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ 13 ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 210‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ 36 ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 19‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ؛ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻼﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺿﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥﺩﺭﺻﻒﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺳﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰﭘﺸﺖﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻣﺠﻠﺲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﻣﻄﻠﺐﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻲ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ﻧﻔﺖ‪،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺩﺭﺳﻤﺖﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳﻨﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﻣﻄﻠﺐﻛﻪﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺳﺐ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺣﻮﺯﻩﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺩﺭﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻱﺑﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺟﻠﻮﻱﺑﺮﺧﻲﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﻭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺳﺮﻗﻔﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺴــﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﺳــﺪﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺁپ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻨﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘــﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻳﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﺳــﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺫﺍﻛﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 77‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﻄــﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ‪ 11‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ 23‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢﺑﺎﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺴﺘﻢﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺳﻨﺎﻳﻲﻭﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﺎﺳﺦﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺬﻛﺮﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺗﺬﻛﺮﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﺑﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﺻﺤﺒﺖﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﺑﺎﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﭘﺎﺳﺦﺑﻪﻭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻤﺎﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺗﻨﻬﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺭﺍﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦﻟﺤﻈﻪﻣﻬﺪﻱﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﺯﺟﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱﺷﻤﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦﻟﺤﻈﻪﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﻣﻨﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬ﻳﻜﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺯﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥﺻﺎﺩﻕﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩﻭﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻃﻘﺎﻥﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻼﻣﺖﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻛﺮﺩﻭﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﺍﻳﻦﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻣﻬﻢﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖﻣﺎﻳﻚﭘﻮﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪﻭﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﺍﺯﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﺑﺎﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬ﺧﺪﺍﺷﺎﻫﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺳﺘﺨﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻡﻭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺧﻮﺏﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖﺍﻭ‪،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦﺗﺨﺼﺺﻭﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺧﻮﺏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺭﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮﻧﻴﺮﻭﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩﺷﺮﻛﺖﺁﺏﻭﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺍﺯﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻛﺮﺩﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺳــﺎﻃﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﺗﻮﺳﻂﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻓﺘﺎﺡﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻭﺯﻳﺮﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ؛ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺸــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟــﺰﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺯﺍﻫــﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺨﻦﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺸــﻘﺎﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻔﺮﺍ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 128‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﻭﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺒﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻙ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻳﺎ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺣﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤــﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ‪ 40‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺸــﻘﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 40‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳــﻔﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .«.‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳــﻔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﺧــﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﻗﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﻗﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚﺷﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﺮﺕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻪﺟﺮﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﭼﻮﺑــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪...».‬ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﺭﻓﺘــﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) «...‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ (32‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ )ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 46‬ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻫﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﺍﻟﻠﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ‪28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 26‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1332‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﻠﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 4‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1332‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻢﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻀﺤﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺐ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ‪31‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 1332‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬــﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗــﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ )‪ (69‬ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ )‪ (27‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ )‪ (37‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ‪ 1318‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 6‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺑﺰﻩ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺗﺎ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﻨﺪ )‪ (6‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ )‪ (37‬ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 17‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻛﻪﻣﻮﺭﺩﺳﻮﺍﻝﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺳﻨﺠﻰﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 35‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺘﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1332‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻪ )ﺷﺎﻩ( ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻔﻮ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺣﻜــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1333‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺲ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1334‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘــﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1329‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1334‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﺵ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺤﻔﻆ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1332‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ 10 ،‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺩﺭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥﭘﺲﺍﺯﻳﻚﺩﻭﺭﻩﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺿﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﺸﺘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣــﺎﻩ ژﻭﺋــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﺎﻃــﻊ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺳــﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟــﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺳــﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ 10 ،‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺸــﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻼﻁ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﻙ ﺩﺭﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪ -‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2008‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺗﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﻬﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻗﻴﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺒﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺸــﻞ ﻋﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻋﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻋﻮﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳــﻚ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻋــﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻋﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻋﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻋﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻋﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎﺑــﻪﺍﻳــﻦﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻰﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥﺩﻫــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺳﻔﻴﺮﺳﺎﺑﻖﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺳـﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳـﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷـﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 18‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺷـﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨـﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞﻣـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺯﺍﻳﻤـﺎﻥ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧـﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷـﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺳـﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑﺮﻧـﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷـﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣـﺰﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴـﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣـﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 18‬ﻃﺎﻳﻔــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧــﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻋﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ -‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻗﺼﺪﺩﺍﺭﺩﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻪﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﺑﺪﻫﺪﻛﻪﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺭﺍﺯﻳﺎﺩﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،1945‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻃﺎﺋﻒ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻃﺎﺋﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳـﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳــﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳــﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 18‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ‪ 136‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ)ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ( ﺷﺎﻣﻞﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺸـﻞ ﻋﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻧﺠﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪15‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟـﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑـﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳـﻌﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴـﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸـﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 19‬ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺸـﻞ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻣـﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳـﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲﺍﺯﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻭﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺣﻤﻼﺕﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﻣﻮﻓﻖﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻳﻚﻧﻮﻉﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺮگﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺩﻭﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﻃﺮﻑﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲﺭﺍﻗﺒﻮﻝﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻣﺪﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻻﻱ ﭼﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣـﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫـﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸـﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫـﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛـﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌﺪﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺿﺪﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻤﺎﻧــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻠﻊﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻼﺡ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻧﻘﺶﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺩﺭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩﻭﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱﺑﻪﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺍﺯﺑﻴﻦﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1989‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1975‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1989‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻃﺎﺋﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺎﺋﻒ ﭘﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﻔﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﺎﻻﻧﮋ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣـﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺷـﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿـﻊ ﺭﻭﺱﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ »ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ – ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻋـﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ – ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ )ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳـﻦ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﻣﺸـﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤـﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ »ﺗﺠـﺎﺭﺕ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻼﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧــﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗــﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗــﻰ ﺿﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ‪ NPT‬ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻤﺖﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ – ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ – ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ »ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺘﺸﻨﺞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫)ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ – ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ – ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ – ﻏﺮﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﭙﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺮﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪ S - 300‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋـﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺷــﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ »ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 1979‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧــﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫»ﻛﻨﺶ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ »ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ« ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1979‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ ،2009‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 232‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1962‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1979‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ »ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ ،1979 - 2009‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1979‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 8‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 12170‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺿﺒﻂ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 14‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،1979‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻞ ‪ ،1980‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 21‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 1981‬ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻩ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 1984‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1987‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪» 1992‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ« ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺡ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1993‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻁ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 15‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 1995‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻱ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 1996‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻙ ‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻳﻠﺴﺎ« )‪(ILSA‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻝ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺨﺶﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 13059‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻡ ‪ -‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘــﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫»ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 2006‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 21‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2006‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ ،1696‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 23‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2006‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪،1737‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2007‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1747‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪ 2008‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ‪ 1803‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2008‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1835‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺸــﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪1979 -2009‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺷﺎﻳﺪ« ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ )ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ‪ -‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻮﺍﻫــﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ ‪ -‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ »ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ« ) ‪(Executive Order‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ؛ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ (88/8/23) 2009‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﭘﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻮﻳــﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪) 2009‬ﺩﻱ ‪،(1388‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ )‪ 19‬ﺁﺫﺭ( ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ؛ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ) ‪ (Cognitive System‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺵ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2003‬ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑــﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻨــﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻞﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻟــﺰﻭﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ )ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ (2009‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻠﻘــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪) 2009‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﺮ( ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻊﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1887‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣــﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2009‬‬ ‫)‪ (88/9/14‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ‪ 1991‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﻪﺳﻘﻒ‪ 1700‬ﺗﺎ‪ 2200‬ﻋﺪﺩﻛﺎﻫﺶﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2002‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮگﺭﻳﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺵﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪80‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻛﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻤــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺳﻨﺘﻰﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﭘﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯﻧﻔﺘﻰ‪،‬ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﻓــﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 4323‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1342‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 49365‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥﺍﺯﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1352‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯﻧﻔﺘﻰﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﭼﻬﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1342‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ‪18000‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐﺭﺷﺪ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﺭﺍﻧﺖﻣﻴﺎﻥﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰﺍﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﻌﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 1356-57‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ‪ 9/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ‪ 18/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1346‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1352‬ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 106‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 333‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1352‬ﺑﻪﺑﻌﺪ‪،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯﺳﺒﺐﺷﺪﺗﺎﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺑﻪﺷﻬﺮﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1342‬ﺗﺎ‪1357‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ 4/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻓﻮﻕﻧﻴﺰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪ 333‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﺴــﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ »ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺑــﻪ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴـﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻤـﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸـﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺷـﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺸـﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳـﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 50‬ﻭ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳـﺨﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤـﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻳـﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﭼﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1355‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﭘﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﺎﺑﻞﺩﺭﻙﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﺩﺭﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺿﺎﻳﻊﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷـﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪ NGO‬ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫـﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔـﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻯﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ! ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻞﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻼ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﻮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧـﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺑﻨﺪ »ﺯ« ﺑﻪ ﻣـﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 21‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻓﺸـﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺴـﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺷـﺮﻁ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 87‬ﻭ ‪ 98‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60 ،50‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗﺎﻧـﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻣـﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣـﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻧــﻮﻉ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺧــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﻮﺍﺗﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺼﻮﻟﺶ ﻣﺠﺰﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺷﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧـﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟـﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣـﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻫﺮﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼـﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺼـﺎﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻼﻧـﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣـﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺘــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺼــﺎﺏ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻗﺼــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﺨﺺ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﭼﻬـﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‪...‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؟ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ‪،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻴﺎﻥﺗﺎﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻻﺳـﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 84‬ﻳﺎ‪ 85‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻛﻨﻢﺍﻳﻦﺳﻮﺍﻝﺟﺰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯﺭﺍﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﻨﺪﭼﻴﺰﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 84‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 84‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ 18‬ﻳﺎ‪ 19‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺﺁﻥﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺻﻼﻣﻦﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﺨﺼﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳـﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫـﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔـﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺻﻔﺶ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳـﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠـﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴـﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸـﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ؟ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺳـﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣـﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳﻪﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀـﺎﻱ ﻭﻳـﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺜﻠـﺚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻗـﺐ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻓﺴـﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻪﺭﻗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘـﺎﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻛــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺳـﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻓﻘﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﻣﻼﻃﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺘﺶ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺘﻲ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺏ ﺯﻻﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﺝ ﺗﻜﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺷــﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑـﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺵ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺵ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 14‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑـﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﻣـﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳـﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻏﻮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﻮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺳﻮﺳــﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻔﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺮﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳﻪﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳــﻪﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻪﺭﻗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺰﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳﻪﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺍﻏﻨﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣــﻮﺍﺝ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪﺑﻠﻜﻪﻓﻘﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺷﺎﻥﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎﻕﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺎﺑﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﺎﺑﻜﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺴـﺒﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺨﺮﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ‪ 95‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﺸــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻧﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ ‪ 500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪ 166‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ‪ 250‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻱﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ‪ 200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ‪ 300‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ 300‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 400‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺦ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺳــﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣـﻲ ﺍﻣـﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻲﺷــﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺧﻂﻣﺸـﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚﻫـﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻏﻮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻮ ﺷﺌﻮﭼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻔﻮﻟﻴــﺖ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺳــﺘﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﻼ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ ﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻏﺎﻝ ﺳــﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷــﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﺝ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻟﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻮﺳــﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1320‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺗﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺑﻰﭘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺻــﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﮕﺪﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮگﺭﻳﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻜﻮﺵﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻫﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻮﺍ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻨــﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺩﻣﻴﻨــﻮﻯ« ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻒ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻰﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻛﺸــﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺐﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻤﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﺨﻜﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﮕــﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻠــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺠﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﭼﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﻜﻲ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺸﺘﺎﺑﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪ 88‬ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ؟ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺑﻪ ﮔــﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍژﻩ » ﺩﻫﻚ « ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻚ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻫﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﺋﺪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥﻛﻴﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺩﻫﻚ« ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻭﺿــﺎﻉ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛــﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻛﻤﺘﺮﺍﺯﻧﺮﺥﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻧﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﻧﻴﻤﻪﺳﺎﻝﻭﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ «.‬ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷــﻐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷــﻐﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺗﺎﺑﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲﺑﻪﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺑﺎﻋﺚﺷﺪﻩﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﻭﺍﺭﺩﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩﻛﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻛﺎﺭﺑﺪﻭﻥﻧﻈﺮﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﺁﻥﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺍﺻﻼﺡﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻛﺎﺭﺑﺪﻭﻥﻧﻈﺮﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﻮﻧﺪﻭﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﺻـﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧـﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒـﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿـﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨـﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷـﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺳـﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ‪ 15‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘـﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪300‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻠﺨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1803‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1884‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1285‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1307‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1307‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻟﻔﻆ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1315‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1323‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1328‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﻭﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1325‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪﻭﻫﻨﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﻭﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻪﻭﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1336‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1337‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ‪ 69‬ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1337‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟــﻮژﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1362‬ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ‪ 1369‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺗﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘــﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳــﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪26‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺬﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ » ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﺨﻢﻣــﺮﻍ« ﻭ »ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ »ﺣﻼﻝ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ »ﺣﻼﻝ« ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘــﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺣﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﻊ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻣــﺮﻭﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ »ﺣــﻼﻝ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫‪ 632‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺿﻴﻐﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 12 «.‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻊﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺯﮔﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻼﻝ«‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ‪ 800‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪26‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2020‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ‪ 28‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻏﺬﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺬﺍﻯ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺁﺷــﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ )ﺣﻼﻝ( ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧــﺪﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺎﺯﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺣــﻼﻝ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻼﻝ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﺣﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺪﻋﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ« ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺑﻠﻨﺪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«ﺍﺯﻫﻔﺘﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺑﺮﭘﺮﺩﻩﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﺯﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻛﻴﻔﻲ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵﺷﻮﺭﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱﺩﺭﻓﻀﺎﻱﺭﺧﻮﺕﺁﻟﻮﺩﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵﺑﺮﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩﺷﻬﺮﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱﺩﺭﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﺑﺮﭘﺎﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﺟﻮﺍﻥﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ«ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﭘﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳــﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﭘﺨﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧــﺶ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ( ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳــﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ« ﻭ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻚﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺬﺍﺕﭘﻨــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ 95 .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻠﻌﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻠﻮﻏﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﻏﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴــﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺑﺮﺯﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫــﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔــﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺴــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ«ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻠﻚ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺝﭘﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌـﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ‪ -‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ‪ -‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ‪ -‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺍﺯﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪-‬ﻭﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﺎﻥﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ( ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ )ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ( ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﺤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺘﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ )ﻓﻴﻠﻢ( ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼـﻮﻥ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻭ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﻬﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻋﺴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺸﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺵ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ )ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺝﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺸـﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺳـﻨﺪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺎﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳــﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷــﺒﺎﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺕ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻣــﻦ ‪ -‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ ...‬ﻣــﻦ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻢ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﺑــﻲ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﺫﻫﻨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺳــﻲﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺼﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻢ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻓﻜﺮ ‪ -‬ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴـﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼـﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭼـﻮﻥ» ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻜــﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﻬﺖ‪ ....‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑـﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨـﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷـﻨﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴـﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘـﺎﻝ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯﻱ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴـﺖﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸـﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘـﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ‬‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻠﻘﻠﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﻭﻱ ﻛﻢ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺗــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻲﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻲﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑـﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺷـﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧـﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤـﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗـﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺴـﺖﻭﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﺗﺎﺑﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ -‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ Fresh‬ﺷـﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ -‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺶ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻦ ﺳـﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺷـﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺷﺮﻳﻚ« ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ‪ -‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﻦ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳـﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟـﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺠـﻜﺎﻭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺻﺤﺒـﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫـﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺠﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺠﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺠﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫـﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺪﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴـﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳـﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔـﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻧﻴـﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔـﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺷﺮﻳﻚ« ﻗﺒﻼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻱ )ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣـﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘـﻂ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻪﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﻳـﺪ )ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺶ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( ﻳﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ )ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ( ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺗﻠﺦ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ )ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ(؛ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﻻﺩ )ﺍﻣﻴﺮ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺸـﻘﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻡ‪) .‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺝﭘﻮﺭ( ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷـﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪ )ﺑﺎﺧﻨﺪﻩ( ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺸــﻦ )‪ .(Fashion‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﺵ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻱ! ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺮﺳـﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺶ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﺶ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻠﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ )ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ( ﻗﻴﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻚ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺧـﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑـﺎﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘـﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺁﺧﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺘـﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷـﺒﻴﻪ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ )ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ( ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﺑﻬﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﺶ ﺷﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻋـﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺳـﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﺷـﻘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺟﻲ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺳﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‪،‬ﺣﻜﻢ‪....‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺎﻋﺖﻭﻧﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳـﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻗـﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴـﻢ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺴـﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴـﻢ ‪ -‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ‪ -‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴـﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻧﮓﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫)ﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ( ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮگ ﻭﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﮔﺮگ ﻭﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮگ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ )ﻛﻪ ﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﻣﺎﺭ( ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺳﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺵ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻔﺮﻩ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺴﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺣﺴــﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ؛ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺧﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺯﺷﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﻫﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧـﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺷـﺒﺎﻫﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴـﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠـﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜـﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫـﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺖ ﻧﻮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻗﺼﻪﺗﺮ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮓ ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﭼﺴﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺳـﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺟﻬﺖﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺳﻢﺍﻟﺨﻂﻣﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻻﺍﻳﻦﻓﻘﻂﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻢﺍﻟﺨﻂﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻳﺎﺁﻳﺎﺍﻳﻦﺭﺳﻢﺍﻟﺨﻂﺷﻌﺮﻱﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺯﺯﺧﻢﻣﻦﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖﻛﻪﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺪﺕﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ! ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲﻫﻢﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺯﻥﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫)ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ( ﻛﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﺮﺍﺷــﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﻜﺠﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺩ ﮔﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻟﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲﺷـﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛـﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷـﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷــﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺸﻘﺶ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﻪ« ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱﻛﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﻳﻚﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱﻭﻳﻚﭼﻴﺰﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻧﮓﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻟﺤــﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺠﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ )ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸـﺨﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ«ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘــﺮﺍژ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ؛ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ )ﭘﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ( ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﮔﻠﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻔﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻦﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳــﭙﻴﺪ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﻭ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥﻧﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻻﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺷــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴــﺮﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻏﻴــﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﻴﻢ؟« ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﺮﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺯﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻘﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻥ ﻋﺒﺪ‪) ،‬ﺷﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳــﺎﺩ ﺯﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻧﺶ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺑــﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪) ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧــﺪﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺗــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻧــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻢ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻮﻛﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻞ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻭ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺁﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒــﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻲﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻣﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺵﺑﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻛﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ )ﻋﺒﺪ( ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ )ﭘــﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺫﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺘــﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟــﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ )ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ( ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻨﺶ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻜﺶ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻜﺚ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻱ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻟــﻮگ ﻋﺒﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﭽﻪ!«‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ )ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺩﻛﻮﭘﺎژ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﮔﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«)ﺑﺎﺫﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪﻛﻪ»ﺣﻜﻢ«ﺗﻚﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(ﺍﻳﻦﻗﻮﻝﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ«ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ » ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻗﻮ‪...‬؟ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ )ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ( ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﮔﺮگ؛ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺷــﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺚ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻤﺶ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻜﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻴﻚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺰء ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﻴﺼــﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻲﺗﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﻮﻳﻲ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ( ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻦ )ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳــﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺳﻤﭙﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺳﻤﭙﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 30‬ﻭ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺞ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﺵ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ )ﺁﺑﺪﺍﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺎژ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ( ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻜﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺘﻚﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺮﻩ ﮔﺎﺭﺍژ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﻭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﺳﺐﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﮔﺮگ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﻲﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻋﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵﺑ ُﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺻﻴﻐﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ؟ ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﺸــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺪ ﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﺷﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺳــﻂ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﺴﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀــﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻡﺳﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ«ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺭ!‬ ‫ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﮔﻼﺱ ﺳــﻴﺮﻙ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ )ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺕ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺰﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻪ ﺩﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻲ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺮﻙ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪» ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﻙ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺭﻃﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺍﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺮﺱﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺯﺧﻤﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ »ﻣﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻧﻜﻦ«‪.‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﻣﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ »ﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻦ ﻛُﺸــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻦ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛُﺸﺘﻲ؟« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮔﻠﻴﻤﺶ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﺮﻙﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ »ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ »ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺧﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻭﺍﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻪ ﺍﮔﻪ ﺑﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻚ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻪ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻢ« ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﭘﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ »ﻣﻲﺭﻡ ﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺰﻩﻣﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﺸﻮﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ؛ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﻮ ﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻡ«‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ »ﺩﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩﻟﻢﺧﻮﺵﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩﺩﺭﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺍﺯﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮔﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻲﺑﺸﻮﺩﺑﺎﺁﻥﺳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﭼﻨﺪﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ »ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﺍﻙﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲﻭﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮﻫﻢﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺒﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻇﻦﺭﺍﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﻪﮔﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺻﻠــﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥِ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺁﺏِ ﭼﺸــﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻲﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﺶ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﺳﺖﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ »ﺷﺒﺢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺳﺎژ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺷﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ«ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴـﺎﺏ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﻛﻮﺗـﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤـﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﭘﺴـﺮ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﺐ« ﺑﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻫﻢﻧﺴـﻼﻧﺶ ﭘـﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛـﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴـﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﺶ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣـﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑـﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺑـﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸـﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎ )‪(1347‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰﻛﻪﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻛﺎﺭﺵﺩﺭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺗﻨﻬﺎﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞﺧﺎﭼﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﻣﻮﻟﻦﺭﻭژ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪27‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺟﻠﻮﻯﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰﺟﻮﺍﻥﺣﺘﻰﺑﻪﻣﺪﺩﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺑﺮﺍﻯﺑﺎﺯﻯﺩﺭﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ»ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺑﻴﺎ«ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻔﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪» .‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩﺍﺵ )ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ(ﺟﻠﺐﻛﻨﺪﻭﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕﺳﺎﺧﺖ»ﻗﻴﺼﺮ«ﺭﺍﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺼﺮ )‪(1348‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪» .‬ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ »ﮔﺎﻭ« ﻣﻮﺝ ﻧﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ )‪(1349‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ »ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ« ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺵ ﺁﻛﻞ )‪(1350‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻢ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠــﻖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻘﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺩﺍﺵ ﺁﻛﻞ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺼﻪ »ﺩﺍﺵﺁﻛﻞ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﺧﻢﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮچ )‪(1351‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺘﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺩﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ ﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺑﻪﺷــﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻣﺶ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻠﻮچ« ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ )‪(1352‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ »ﺑﻠﻮچ« ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫»ﺁﻭﺳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺧﺎﻙ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﮔﺮگ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ »ﺧﺎﻙ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ )‪(1353‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 53‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻫﻢﺍﺭﺯ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ« ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺻــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ »ﺳﻴﺪ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ »ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 54‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻝ )‪(1355‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺠﺎﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻏﺰﻝ« ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ »ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻏﺰﻝ« ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻏﺰﻝ« ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻏﺰﻝ« ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﺧﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺧﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ )‪(1356‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰﻛﻪﺑﺎﻋﺚﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯﻭﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ»ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺼﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺍﺛﺮﺑﻠﻜﻪﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺍﻭﺍﺯﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﻭﻗﺪﺭﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻭﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﺩﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰﺩﺭﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶﻛﻪﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰﻭﻗﻮﻉﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰﺭﺍﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻢﻧﺴﻠﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪» .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰﻫﺎﻯﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﺭﺍﻛﻪﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﺍﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﺧﻮﺩﺍﻭﻭﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺧﻮﺑﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ )‪(1360‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ »ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳــﻨﮓ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻲﺍﺵ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣــﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 60‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺷــﺐ ﺳﻤﻮﺭ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺷــﺒﺎﺡ )ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻟﻮﺣﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫)ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ )ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﺻﺎﻟــﺢ( ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﻳﺰﮔــﺮﺩ )ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ(‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﺍﺷﺒﺎﺡ«‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺳﻔﻴﺮ« ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮﻫﺎ »ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ« ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ )ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ( ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ »ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺧﺸــﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺑﻂ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﮔﺮگ )‪(1370‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺮگ« ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﺧﻢﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺮگ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺳــﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ )‪(1364‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ« ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴــﻒ »ﺧــﻂ ﻗﺮﻣــﺰ«‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﻮژﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺯﺧﻢﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ »ﺗﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸــﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺮگ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ »ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛﺸــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ »ﺗﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺮگ« ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺟــﺮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻠﻰﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻯ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﺵ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻟﻴــﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ )‪(1373‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ )ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ( ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢﻋﻼ( ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ )ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸــﻢ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺗﻜﻪﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺟﻴﻢ« ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪».‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺏ )‪(1367‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ »ﺗﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻢ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﺏ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻞﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ« ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﺏ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺏ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ )‪(1374‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫»ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ« ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ »ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪» .‬ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭ )‪(1368‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺳــﺮﺏ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪» .‬ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭ« ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ« ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻔــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ »ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣــﺎﺭ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ )‪(1375‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳــﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘــﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ« ﻭ »ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ »ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻧﮓﻭﺑﻮﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ )‪(1369‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ »ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺗــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫»ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻮﺯﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪» .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ« ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳﺪﺱ )‪(1376‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ )‪(1384‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ« ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ »ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘــﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻨﮕﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪» .‬ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺵﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺳﺪﺱ« ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭼﻨﺪﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺮﺳﺪﺱ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺁﻻﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻭ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷــﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫــﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ »ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﭘﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ »ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜــﻢ« ﭘــﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺛﻮﻗــﻰ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺭﺧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺠﺎﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ )‪(1385‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻭ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺼﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ )‪(1377‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺠﺎﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻭ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 77‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺣﻜــﻢ« ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ« ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺼﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ )‪(1388‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ )‪(1378‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ« ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻣﺼﺮﻑﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺼﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻭﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﺨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺳــﻤﺒﻠﻴﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ )ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ( ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ )‪(1382‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺮ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﻋﺒﺪ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ« ﻭ »ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ )ﭘﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ(‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ«ﺵ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ« ﺗﺎ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ »ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ« ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ؛ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳــﺘﻤﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫)ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ( ‪ -‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻫﻢﻧﺴﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺠﺎﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ »ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ« ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ«ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺧﺮﺍﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺪﺍﻥﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺗﺎﻥ‬‫ﺑﺎ »ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ« ﺷﻜﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ؟‬ ‫ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﻭ ﺷــﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﻮﻭﻥ‬‫ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪» .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻲ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ »ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﮔﻠﺮﻭﻳــﻲ« ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ »ﻗﺮﻩ ﮔﻮﺯﻟﻮ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ »ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻧﻨﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ« ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫»ﺳﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپِ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ« ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺟﺰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ – ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ« ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻠﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ »ﺣﻜﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺟﺸﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻰﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺰ »ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ« ﺑﺮﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ )ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺮگ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎ )ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ )ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻴﺎﺑﻲ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﮔﺰﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺳــﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺘــﺮ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻢ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔــﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﻠﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﭽﻜﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺯﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺿﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺮگ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻖﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ« ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺴــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥﺍﺳــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ»ﺻﺪﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺗﻌﻤﺪﻯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻠﻐﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺗﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ »:‬ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﻀﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺿــﺮﺭ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺫﻳﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻦِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﺍﺝﺍﻟﺴﻌﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻰﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ )ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ؟( ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﺧﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﺧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﺧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺫﻳﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻــﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺭﺳﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳــﻰ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺧﻀﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ »ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ« ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻰﺣﺮﻣﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺫﺍﺕﺍﻟﺒﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻋــﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻜﻴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺗﺒﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸـﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣـﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﺴﺴـﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤــﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﻫﺴــﺖ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ« ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻻﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺗﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﺮ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻳﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﻭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﻭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺐ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺗﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺗﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﺶ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺗﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ﺧﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻂ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻳﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺗﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺶ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻳﻚﺍﻣﺮﻛﺎﻣﻼﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪﺍﺳﺖﻭﺳﻪﺍﺻﻞﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻝﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﺫﻳﻞﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺽﺁﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﻭﺩﺭﺿﺪﻳﺖﺑﺎﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻭﻡﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻫﻢﻭﻣﻬﻢﺩﺭﺁﻥﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﺷﺪﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺳﻮﻡﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﺩﺍﻧﺎﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺁﻥﺻﺤﺒﺖﺷﺪﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺭﺍﻳﻚﺍﻣﺮﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻰﻳﺎﺫﻭﻗﻰﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺟﻬﺘﻰﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺁﻥﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻳﻚﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺑﻰﺟﻬﺖﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢﻭﺍﻳﻦﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰﺭﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺗﻮﺟﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢﻛﻪﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩﺣﻖﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻭﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻳﻚﺍﺭﺯﺵﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻯﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢﻛﻪﺩﺭﻭﻍﻳﻚﻓﻌﻞﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰﺍﺳﺖﻭﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﺑﻴﻦﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖﻭﺍﺻﻼﺡﻛﻪﻫﺮﺩﻭﻓﻌﻞﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ؟ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺍﻥﺍﷲ ﻳﺤﺐ ﺍﻟﻜــﺬﺏ ﻓﻰﺍﻻﺻﻼﺡ«‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢﻣﺎﺍﮔﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢﻭﻳﻚﺍﺭﺯﺵﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕﺗﺎﻡﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰﻣﺎﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﻣﺎﺑﻨﺎﺑﻪﺣﻔﻆﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻴﺴﻢﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢﻭﺑﺮﺍﻯﺣﻔﻆﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻳﺎﺑﺴﻂﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪،‬ﺍﺑﺎﺣﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺎﺏﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻂ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺗﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺎﺣﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺧﻠﻂ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺟﺰﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺿﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴـﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟ َﻢ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺴﺘﻢﻛﻪﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰﻣﻴﺎﻥﻓﻌﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻴﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻓﻌﻞﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻡﺧﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻨﻀﺒﻂ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺩﺭﻓﻌﻞﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳــﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻠﻂ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ( ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺷــﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤــﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻥﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺰﻝﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﺩﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻞﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎﺳﻴﺎﻝ‪،‬ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﻳﻚﺍﺭﺯﺵﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺗﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺗﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﻚﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭﺍﺑﺎﺣﻪﮔﺮﻯﺭﺍﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﻴﻢﻭﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢﻛﻪﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 58‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﻰﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﭙﻬﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻓﺮﺑﻪﺗــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺣﺘﻰﺁﻧﺠﺎﻫﻢﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﺟﻪﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖﺳﭙﻬﺮﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻭﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻰﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻛﻤﻚﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻫﻢﺗﻮﺟﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺍﺯﺗﻘﺪﻡﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﮔﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴـﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫـﻰ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻼ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺎ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺳــﭙﺎﺱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋــﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻋــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﻛﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻰﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨــﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻢﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﮔﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫــﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣــﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﭘﻴﻮﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻠﻖ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ )ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ( ﺩﻭ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌــﻞ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑــﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻫــﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ؛ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﺴﺒﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﺴــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺒﻴﺢ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺫﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻧــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺫﺍﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻢﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ« ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻡ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﺶ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻭﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﻲﻗﻴــﺪﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻭﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ‪ 8‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻲﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﻌــﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺸــﺮﻱ‪، ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻭﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﺴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ »ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻭﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺿﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣــﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺿﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‪، ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺶ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻓﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓ ّﺮ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﻖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﮔﺮﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﺍﺯﺗﻌﺼﺐﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪،‬ﻋﺼﺒﻴﺖﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﺧﻼﻕﻧﻴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﻣﻨﺶ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺻﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﺍﺧﻼﻕﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﻋﻘﻼﻭﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱﺑﺰﺭگﻭﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕﺑﺎﻻﻱﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺁﺛﺎﺭﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﻛﻪﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺗﻌﺼﺐﺑﻮﺭﺯﻳﺪﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻫﺎﻭﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻭﺣﻔﻆﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞﻭﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖﻭﺑﺰﺭگﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥﻣﻌﺼﻴﺖﻗﺘﻞﻧﻔﺲﻭﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑﺑﻪﺧﻠﻖﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻌﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻨﺠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ )ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﺲ‪(1376 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻔﻞ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻪ ‪ 165‬ﺳــﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻘﺮﻩ؛ ﺍﻥﺍﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻻﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺑﺎﷲ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ؛ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﻤﻪﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﻬﻢ؛ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺰﺍﻟـﻰ‪ :‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺒﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺷﻬﻮﺕ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﻭ ﻃﺒﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ :‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳــﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨــﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﻣﺴـﻜﻮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢﻧﻮﻋﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛــﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻨــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶﻭﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪ :‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺳـﻰ‪ :‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ‪ 18‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻮﻝﻭﺣﻮﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘــﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻰﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻑ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫–ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ‪ 8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻭ ‪ 42/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 65‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 85‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 105‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻫــﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﺯ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 30»:‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪...‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ‬ ‫‪ 95‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 96‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ‪1500‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴــﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳﺪﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ...‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪2/2‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 2/2‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 4/4‬ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ‪ 60‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕﺩﺭﺟﻪﻳﻚﺩﻧﻴﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﻟﺬﺍﺣﺪﻭﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺍﻟــﻲ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻚﺟﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 33‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﺮ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺴــﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤــﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪100‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮﻯ ‪ 33‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 16‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮﻯ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ )ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ‪ 1/5‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ( ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ‪ 18‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗــﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﺮ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ‪ 8‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 154‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 14‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 42‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ‪ 12‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗــﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 14‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 800‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻴﻜﻪ ‪ 14‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻔﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 14‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻭ ‪ 42/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 65‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻪ ‪105‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 26‬ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 35‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 61‬ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1/7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻫــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 1800‬ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺗﻚﺳﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ‪ 33‬ﺧﻂ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪120‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺯ ‪ 2/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ »ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﺮﺳــﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭ؟!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘـﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳـﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻌﻼ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺑﺎﻧـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳـﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷـﻬﺮﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷـﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺩ!‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﻣﺘﺮﻭﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺒﻪ‪ 20 ،‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻘﻴــﻪ ﺧﻂﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪82‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 83‬ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺧــﻂ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫‪ 2/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪87‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 1800 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ‪ 1300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 87‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 90‬ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 3‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 85‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 9‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪4‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﻨﻮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳـﻢ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔـﺖ ﺑـﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺑـﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪83‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳـﻬﻤﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛــﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،44‬ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪136‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 137‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺪﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ‪ 22‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﻻﻳﺤـﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 1386/9/28‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ* ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺍﻋﻀـﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤـﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫـﻦ ﺷـﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣـﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷـﺎﻣﻞ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒـﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ )ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ )ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ( ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺣـﺎﻻ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤـﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ 20‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺘـﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 84‬ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻟﺒـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧـﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻨـﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺸـﺖ ﺑﻮﻟﺪﻭﺯﺭ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛـﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻟﺪﻭﺯﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗـﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﮕﻴـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘـﺮﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﻢﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻣــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪21‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 83‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺺ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺳـﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺒﺨﺸـﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻘﻒ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻘــﺎﻕ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺵ ﺩﻫﺎﻥﺳــﻮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺞﺑــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒــﺎﻑ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺷﻬﺮﻱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 54‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻓﺮﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‪ 2/5‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 65‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻀﺎﺭﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻝ )ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 66‬ﺗﺎ ‪ (79‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ 11 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤــﻰ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 77‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،79‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﻝ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 85‬ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ؛‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪138‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻔﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﺗﺎ ‪79‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪ 38‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 79‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ‪ 70‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 80‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ‪ 330‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،(80‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻛﺪﺍ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ 30‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ 20‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ‪ 12‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪(.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ‪1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﻮء ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻳﺎﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻢ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺣﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪90‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎ )ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﻣﺘــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺹ ﻛﺪﺋﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭ ﺁﻥﻭﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺞ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ – ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»‪ 92‬ﺯﺍﺋــﺮ ﺣﺞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻌﺜﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨــﺪﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻣﻔﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﻌﺜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﺪﺋﻴﻦﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻓﻴﻦﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟــﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻌﺜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺜﻤﺮﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 34‬ﺯﺍﺋﺮ‪ 716 ،‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 17‬ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺣﺞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ 329 ،‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16‬ﻧﻔﺮ ‪ 300‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪ 282‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﺣﺞ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻧﻔﺮﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻟــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ »ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷــﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻴﻜﺒﺨﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻨﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻻﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻــﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺎﻫﻤﻪﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬ﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪﺩﺭﭘﺲﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 14/11‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻥﻧﻤــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻙﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ )ﻣﻮﻯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﻦ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻮﺭﺁﻻﺕ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺒﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺏ ﺳﺮ)ﺗﻞ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺴــﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫــﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻤــﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃــﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﻤــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃــﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑــﻖ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 62 ،61‬ﻭ ‪ 63‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺼــﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 64‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 5‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 43‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 13‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ )ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،1386‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 2‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ - 1‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ - 2 ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ‪ - 4 ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‪ - 5 ،‬ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪ - 6 ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ؛ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ؛ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﻲ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺄﺫﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻻﻏﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫)ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ( ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺼﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪).‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ‪ 9-2-3 :‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﮓ( ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳـﺰﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒـﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ‪ 92‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﻧﺤـﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺴـﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ AFC‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ‪ A‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻡ ‪ 72‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﺸﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺱﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺴــﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻡ؟ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺴــﺖ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳـﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺯﺍ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷـﻔﺎﻑ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧـﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫـﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﺧـﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪) moral‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ( ﻭ ‪) Ethic‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ( ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻢ ﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ‪FIFA‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﻴﺰﻳﺸﻦ )ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ)‪ (FDC‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﻴﺰﻳﺸﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳـﺖ ﺍﺧـﻼﻕ ﺣﺮﻓـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﻠــﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 42‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ« ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺄﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﺒﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 42‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮءﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﺤﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣـﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 42‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻔــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙﺳﺎﺯﻱﻭﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝﺧﻮﺩﺵﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺑﺎﻟﻤﭙﻨﻴﺴﻢﺩﺭﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﻤﺮﻫﻤﺖﺑﺴﺘﻪﺗﺎﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻞﺳﺒﺰﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻋﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺣﻀﻮﺭﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳـﻮﺩﺟﻮ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪﻭﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻫﻴﭻﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲﺑﺎﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﻤﻪﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻭﻣﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺯﺩﻝﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻔﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺮﺍﻡﻧﺎﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺁﺷﻨﺎﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﻡﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﻡﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪21‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻡﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ‪ 95‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ‪) Green Card‬ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺒﺰ(‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻛﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘـﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃـﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﭼـﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧـﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻲﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳــﻒ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭﺭﺍﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺴـﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷــﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟــﺰﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗـﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗـﻲ ﭼـﻪ ﻛﻤﻜـﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 18‬ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1387‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱﺍﺯﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺩﺭﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻟﻴﮓﻭﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 21‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﻴﻔــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ‪ FIFA‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﻮﺭﺁﻻﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻲﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ؛ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪18:30‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ؛ ﺻﺒﺢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 32‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﻛﻪ ‪ 48‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﻧﺎﮔﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﻠﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺸﺘﺎﺕ ﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﻦ ﺑﺮگ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻦ ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 160‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰﭘﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓــﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻻﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﺮگ؛ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻻﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻻﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻠﺨــﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺯﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮگ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸــﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﺘﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭگ ﻧﺒﻠﻮﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2006‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻻﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺗﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻻﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻻﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻨﻬــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻻﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺧﺘــﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﻋﻼﻗﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻻﺭﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ ﻻﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 18:30‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1985‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﻳﻨﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻓﺒــﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1996‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺸﻦ ﮔﻼﺩﺑﺎﺥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻔﻴﻜﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﻮﻛﻤﭗ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺮﺑﺎﻏﭽﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺮﺑﺎﻏﭽﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴــﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺶ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻏﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻠﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻫﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻫﻮﻑ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ژﺭﻣﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ژﺭﻣﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻠﻰﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺪﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰﭘﻮﺵ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﻻﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﺗﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺷــﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺭﻳﻞ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻤﻊ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2008‬ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 19:30‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ 96 97 98