ماهنامه مثلث شماره 18

‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪:½ZËÁ„a |̌¼m‬‬ ‫‪|¿Y|¿ {Y‡ ZÆ¿M‬‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰدﻫﻢ‪ 24/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪łÅł‚‚‚Å‚ÅÅł‚Å‚‚Å‚‚Åł‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Åł‚‚‚‚‚qÌqqqÌqqÌqÌqÌqqqqÌqÌqÌÌqqÌqÌqÌqqqqqqqqqq‬‬ ‫‪łÅł‚‚‚Å‚ÅÅł‚Å‚‚Å‚‚Åł‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Åł‚‚‚‚‚qÌqqqÌqqÌqÌqÌqqqqÌqÌqÌÌqqÌqÌqÌqqqqqqqqqq‬‬ ‫‪‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡MMMMMMMMMMMMMMM‬‬ ‫‪cccccccc€€ˆ€ˆˆˆˆ€ˆˆ€€€ˆ€€ˆ€€€€€uuuuuuuuuuuuuuu€ˆu‬‬ ‫‪cccccccc€€ˆ€ˆˆˆˆ€ˆˆ€€€ˆ€€ˆ€€€€€uuuuuuuuuuuuuuu€ˆu‬‬ ‫{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Z]: ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﺳﺮﻣﺎﯾﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﯾﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻻﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﯾﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Zf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭم‪/‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪168‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]€‪€]Y‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ä¿ZzeYÁ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪€Ì̤e‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪:ÊÀ̈u‬‬ ‫‡‪ZfyZ‬‬ ‫¿‪º·Z‡Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪|Å‬‬ ‫‪:Ê·Ôm‬‬ ‫»‪†¸n‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ó‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﯾﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﯾﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮیﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺯﻫﯽ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﺳﻴﺪﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺶﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪t¸Y‬‬ ‫¿‪t¸Y|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪|ÀfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪€j¯Y‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËÁ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪[Zzf¿Y‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫»˜‪ɀÆ‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|À^ˀ§MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫‪++4848Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{{{{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃ{Ã{{{{Ã{{{{{{{{{ÃÃ{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃÃ{Ã{Y{Y{{{Y{Y{{{Y{{{Y{{{YY{Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪|Ìn»Ê¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪€f¯{½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪€f¯{Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪88Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪148‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪|¿Y{ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫§‪½ZŒ¼¸Ì‬‬ ‫]¨€‪|‹Á‬‬ ‫{‪Ã‬‬ ‫¿¼‪:Ê°‬‬ ‫‪Zŀ°¨À‹Á‬‬ ‫‪M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|À^ˀ§MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|À^ˀ§MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫‪++4848Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{{{{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃ{Ã{{{{Ã{{{{{{{{{ÃÃ{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃÃ{Ã{Y{Y{{{Y{Y{{{Y{{{Y{{{YY{Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪|Ìn»Ê¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪€f¯{½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪€f¯{Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪88Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪148‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪|¿Y{ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫§‪½ZŒ¼¸Ì‬‬ ‫]¨€‪|‹Á‬‬ ‫{‪Ã‬‬ ‫¿¼‪:Ê°‬‬ ‫‪Zŀ°¨À‹Á‬‬ ‫‪M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|À^ˀ§MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫‪¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¹Z¹Z¹Z¹Z¹Z¹Z¹¹Z¹»»»¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹Z‬‬ ‫¯‬ ‫¯€{{€€{{€€€{{€€€€{€{€{€{€{€{‪¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹‬‬ ‫«««ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»|‪€Ë‬‬ ‫¯¶‬ ‫»‪cY€]Zz‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»|‪€Ë‬‬ ‫¯¶‬ ‫»‪cY€]Zz‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ô¬¿YZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﯽﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﯽ{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»¾‬ ‫‪{YÁ‬‬ ‫¯‪[Zf‬‬ ‫‪¹Z»Y‬‬ ‫¯€{‪¹‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪µÔm«Y‚´f»|y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫§‪µÔm:ʇZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫§‪c€ˆu:ʇZ‬‬ ‫‪½{Ây‬‬ ‫‪kÁ‬‬ ‫‪{Á‬‬ ‫{‪ÉZłÌq{Y‬‬ ‫‪É{ZË‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪++4848Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{{{{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃ{Ã{{{{Ã{{{{{{{{{ÃÃ{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃÃ{Ã{Y{Y{{{Y{Y{{{Y{{{Y{{{YY{YMOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪|Ìn»Ê¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪€f¯{½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪€f¯{Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪88Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪148‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪|¿Y{ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫§‪½ZŒ¼¸Ì‬‬ ‫]¨€‪|‹Á‬‬ ‫{‪Ã‬‬ ‫¿¼‪:Ê°‬‬ ‫‪Zŀ°¨À‹Á‬‬ ‫‪M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS.IR‬‬ ‫]‪:ÊËZųÁ d¨³ Á ZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﯾﺒﺎ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﯽ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫]‪²¿ Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪d‡ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪²¿ Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪d‡ZÌ‬‬ ‫‪:¹Ô¯ Z^ˁ ©{Z‬‬ ‫‪|‡Ê» Z¼‹ d]¿ {Á ZË €Ë{ !Ê«€e ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¯ˆ‪| ] Á{ ʸ¯Âe Á €ÀÅZ] ¶j» Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪|¿Â‹Ê» dÌuÔ‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﯽ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎی ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﯽﮐﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍی ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﯽ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎی ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﯽﮐﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍی ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ دﻫﻢ‪ 19 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﯾﺎزدﻫﻢ‪ 26 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﯾﺎزدﻫﻢ‪ 26 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY ŠËY‬‬ ‫»‪µ|f ‬‬ ‫‪:Ê«€e Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫»‪ºÌfˆÌ¿ ª§Y» {Y„¿É|¼uY Z] ZʼnÁ { Z‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY¹YÁ|Ì»Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Á€] ¥Z^Ì·Z« ¶j» É{€§ d¼‡ Ä‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺁﻣﺮ ﯾ ﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭ ﺍﺑﻄ ﺍﯾﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪1000‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪5 /‬ﻣ ﻬ ﺮ ‪148 / 1388‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ ‪ -‬ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ‪ -‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭙﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﯾﻮﺑﯽ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﯽ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﯽﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺮﯾﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫¯¨‪:½Z̋Z‬‬ ‫‪Á€]|Ë´]‰Á ½Z»Z‡†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪: Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫»‪| Ê‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Ây‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¾ËY{¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﮑ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﻭﺁﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﯾ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺎﺭی ﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺠﺎﺭیﻟﺍ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺠ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦﺩ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ 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Z“|Ì‬‬ ‫‪¹YÁ|Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‡¼‪d‬‬ ‫|“‪Z‬‬ ‫|‪¹YÁ‬‬ ‫‡¼‪»d‬‬ ‫{©‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫¿‪©Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‬ ‫{‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪{Z‬‬ ‫‪¼u‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫¯ˆ‬ ‫‪Z̼u‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯ˆ‬ ‫‪Ä]Ì»Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫¿‪º ÌfˆÌ‬‬ ‫¿‪ÌfˆÌ‬‬ ‫§‪ʸ ‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫{‪½{Y‬‬ ‫‪ª§YÂ‬‬ ‫»‪ª§YÂ‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪»ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫¿|‪„¿|Àf‹Y‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫‹‪|Àf‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫·´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫¼|‪É‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫¿|‪YY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZq‬‬ ‫‪€Ì£‬‬ ‫‪uY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZq‬‬ ‫‪€Ì£‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪·Â{Y‬‬ ‫‪Z]ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪{YY‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪„¿É|¼uY‬‬ ‫·´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫‪„¿É|¼u‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫‪ÊË‬‬ ‫´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‰‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪ÁÃ|ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫]‪Y·Ä‬‬ ‫‪Z]Z»ÂY‬‬ ‫»‪Ä]Z]Z‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻍ‬ ‫ﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﻓﺍ ﺳ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻤ ﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺮﺮﻋﭗ‬ ‫ﯽﺘﭼ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻭ ﮔﮔﻮﻮﺑﺮﺑﺑﺎﺎﺭ ﺳﺩﺩﮐ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ ﺩﺭﮔ ﻔﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪116 /13 88‬‬ ‫ﻣ ﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ ﺤﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺪ‪116 /1 388‬‬ ‫ﺷﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺡﻣ ﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺮ‪19‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩدﻣ ‪/‬ﻄ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎﺎﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﺗﻝﺮ ﻗ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﻝﺭ ﺿ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﻡﺗ ﻭﺣ ﻤ ﻴ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﺎ ﮐ ﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺯﯾ ﺒ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺮﻩ ﺻ ﺎ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺩ ﺭ ﻣ ﻨ ﺎ ﻇ‬ ‫‪+48‬‬ ‫»‪½ZËY€´·ÂYµ|f ‬‬ ‫‪ŠËY‬‬ ‫ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪1000‬‬ ‫‪ 148 /1 388‬ﺻﻔ ﺤﻪ ‪ /‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪5 /‬ﻣ ﻬ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺗ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫ ﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪½Z̧Y€—Y €Ì̤e ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm †ÌW ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺰدﻫﻢ‪ 10/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ‪ -‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ ﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫‪Ê^Ì^u::Ê^Ì^u‬‬ ‫»‪Ê^¿ |¼v‬‬ ‫»‪Ê^¿ |¼v‬‬ ‫¿„‪ºˆË{Y‬‬ ‫¿„‪ºˆË{Y‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uYÉ|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪{ÂmÁ {ÂmÁ‬‬ ‫¿|‪¹Y|¿ ¹Y‬‬ ‫‪µÂ^« YµÂ^« Y‬‬ ‫¯¨‪½Z̋Z‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫½‪:‬‬ ‫‪ÁÁ€]|Ë´]‰Á½Z»Z‡ †ÌW‬‬ ‫‪MO SALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪IS SN :20 08‬‬ ‫‪-52 81‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮی ﺁﯾﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭیﮐﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﯾﺜﺮﺑﯽ ‪ -‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻮﺍﻧﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮیﻗﺎﺩﺭی ‪ -‬ﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻄﺎی ﺟﺎﯾﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎی ﺗﺪﻭﯾﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺩﯾﻨﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻃﻮﺳﯽ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺮیﮔﺮی‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍی ﺧﻮﮐﯽ؛ ﺗﻬﺪﯾﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﯽ ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﯽﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫Ÿ^‪Â‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪ʼeZy Y‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪½{Y{ ÉY ‚m ÉYÃZq ½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫]‪|Àf‹Y|¿ {Y„¿É|¼uY Ä‬‬ ‫]‪ʸ § ÉZʼnÁ Y €Ì£ ÊËZʼnÁ Z‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y ½ZËY€´·ÂY ½M Y Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Zˆ¯ Äq‬‬ ‫»~‪|ÀÀ¯Ê» À¯Y‬‬ ‫‡‪ÂÀÌf¿YZe ¹Z¿ Ä] ÉYÃZf‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭی ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻟﭗ ﻓﻴﮑﺸﻦ‬ ‫¼‪d‹Y{d‡Á Ê‬‬ ‫‪{ ‹Z: ÅÊÉZ«M‬‬ ‫§‪¬WZ‬‬ ‫‡‪|Ì ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪É{]Zˁ ÉZł Ìq‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺯ ﻧ ﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ɁÁ€Ìa‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ »‬ ‫]‪ɇ Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪ÉÂ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫§€‪Y‬‬ ‫§€‪Y‬‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ ﻧﺪ ﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÅ ½Z^¸—sÔ‬‬ ‫‪s ԏYY‬‬ ‫{‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪{Á k Á½ { y c€ˆu‬‬ ‫‪« :Ê‬‬ ‫´‚‪Y‬‬ ‫‡‬ ‫‪‡f»|y‬‬ ‫§‪Z‬‬ ‫|‪Z¾Ë‬‬ ‫·|‪§¾Ë‬‬ ‫{‪» ·Y d·Á‬‬ ‫‪µY Ôm‬‬ ‫‪µ Ôm‬‬ ‫€‪Y €e ¹Â¸œ½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪:Ê‬‬ ‫»€ŸŒŒ »‬ ‫»€Ÿ‬ ‫ˆ‪´¾Ì‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪·Â Yu‬‬ ‫‪IS SN : 20 08 - 52 81 MO S ALAS .IR‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺯﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫{{‪ Y{Y‬‬ ‫¯€ {‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫¯€{€‬ ‫€€‬ ‫‪¯€ ¹¹Z»Y‬‬ ‫¯‪Z[Zf‬‬ ‫‪» {YÁ ¾»Y‬‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﻓﺍ ﺳ‬ ‫ﭗﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻤ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﭼﺮﻋ‬ ‫ﯽﮐﺘ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻭﮔﮔﻮﻮﺑ ﺮﺑﺎ ﺭ ﺳﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔ ﻔﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ ﺤﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺭﻩﻬ ‪/‬ﻢ ‪ 12‬ﻣ ﻬﺮ ‪116 /13 88‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫ ﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻬﻢ‪12‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻧ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺳ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﻏﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﯽ ﻣﺗ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬ﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﭘﻮﻣﺤﻧﺠ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‪،‬ﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡﮐﮐﻔ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺁﯾ‬ ‫ﺣﺠ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪ ،‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺴﺮﻭیﮐ‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻀﻭﯽ‬ ‫ﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺯﯾ‬ ‫ﺮﺗﻀ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻣﺮﺗ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫‪::Z]Z]ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪::Z]|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê»Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪¼‹{¾ËY‬‬ ‫{{‪Ã‬‬ ‫{‪ÃÃ‬‬ ‫{{‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪ cY€]Z‬ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪cY€]Zz‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫»‪z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫¶»‬ ‫¯¶ﮐ‬ ‫ﺷﺮ‬ ‫»|‪¯€Ë‬‬ ‫»|‪€Ë‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭی‪³Á Á‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭی‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﯽﺬ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺟﻣﻠ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻭﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﻣ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏﺍﻣﺎﻡﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﯽﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺭﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﮋﻩﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎ ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﯾ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻣ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺠﻤﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﭘﻨﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﺟ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻭﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪8‬ﺻﻔ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺣﺴﻦ ﯾﺎﺭی ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﯽ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪی ‪ -‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﮑﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪی ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩی‬ ‫»‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê»ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﯽﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﻭﻟ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﯾﻤﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺖﺗ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣ ﻨ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺍﺯﻴﯾﺗ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻴﻌ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻟﮕ «‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﭗﻭﺭﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ»‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴ»‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﭼ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧ‬ ‫ﭘ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸ‪ZË‬ﮑﺎﺗ‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫¿‪Ä‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫ﺬﺷﺖ»‪Z‬ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷ ‬ ‫‪º£‬‬ ‫ﺩﺩﺭﮔﺭ‪º£‬‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫{‪ÁM Zŀ ° ¨À‹ ÁÊ°¼¿Ã‬‬ ‫»‪ÉY€ mZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY€m‬‬ ‫{§‪Z »YY Z‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫»®§‪¾Ì·Z§®» ¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪+48‬‬ ‫‪ZÅÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫ﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫ﺤﺒ‬ ‫ﻮﻓ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‪ Á‬ﻣﺭﺋ‬ ‫ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫€{‪Á É‬‬ ‫ﺪﺩی‪،‬ﺍﻣ‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺼﻄ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮ ﺍﻟ‬ ‫{‪°Å‬ﻣ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬ﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥﺍﯾﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍŸ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﻋﺴ‬ ‫ˆ‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ ﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴ‪u‬‬ ‫ﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻋﺍ‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫{‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫{‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫‹¼‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪¯É|Æ‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫‪,¥‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z‬‬ ‫‪,Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫·‪¥Z^Ì‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪» ,Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪«¼‡Y‬‬ ‫»‪Z«,Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪€«Z]»|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫{¯‪»€f‬‬ ‫{¯‪» €f‬‬ ‫‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫{¯‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪ºË{€¯Ö‬‬ ‫‪Ö»{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫ﯽ ‪ISS N: 200 8 -528 1‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾ‪MOS‬‬ ‫‪ALAS‬ﺸﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪ . IR‬ﻣ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺪﯾ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻦﻣﺭ ﻘﺭﻣﺿ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻝﻣ ﻣﺤﺩ ﻓ ﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺑﺎﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ یﻭ ﮔ‪8‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﺎ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻪ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻧﻧﺎﺎﮔﺩﻔﺭﮔﺘﻔ‬ ‫‡‡‪:ʬWZ§|Ì ‬‬ ‫¯€{‪¹‬‬ ‫€€{‬ ‫€{{‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫‪€ ¯€ ¹‬‬ ‫€€‬ ‫¯€‬ ‫‪¹ZZ»Y‬‬ ‫‪»[Zf¯ {YÁ ¾» Y‬‬ ‫{‪|‹Á€¨ ] ½Z Œ ¼ ¸Ì§|¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY€] É{ZˁÉZł Ìq‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﻩ ﻭﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﻣ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﯽﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﯾ ﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺰﻣﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﺣ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺠﻤ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﭘﻨ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻏﺗﻏ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬ﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺪﯾﻨﯽﻣ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖﺳﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬ﻋ ﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،،‬ﻣ‬ ‫ﺴﺮﻭیﻼ ‪،‬ﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﺮﺗ ﻣﮐ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﺮﺗ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫]‪½Â̇ŻÄ‬‬ ‫¿^‪Ä]|ËZ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫‪d‹Y{d‡Á{ʼ‹ZÅÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪M‬‬ ‫{‪{‹ÉÁZˆ»Ê]Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪MOSA LAS. IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2 008‬‬ ‫‪-528 1‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺻﻔ‬ ‫‪::Z]|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪ÊË‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ZųÁ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫{‪¾ËY{¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪|‹Á€¨ ] ½ZŒ¼ ¸Ì§ |¿Y‬‬ ‫{{‪ Y‬‬ ‫‪{Y{ {Á‬‬ ‫‪kÁ ½{Âc€ˆu‬‬ ‫‪y‬‬ ‫‪« :Y‚´f»|y‬‬ ‫§‪ʇZ‬‬ ‫§‪ʇZ‬‬ ‫|‪»¾Ë‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪µµ‬‬ ‫·|‬ ‫‪·YÔm‬‬ ‫‪ÔY m‬‬ ‫ﺍﺕ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺎﺑﺮ€‪cY‬‬ ‫‪cY€]Z‬‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫»‪]Zz‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ»‪z‬‬ ‫¯¶‬ ‫»|‪¶¯€Ë€Ë‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭی ]‪|»Z]Z‬‬ ‫ﺬﺍﺭی‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫‪Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽﻭﺍﮔ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯﻭﺍﺯﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫“‪ Z‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢﻣﻠﮑﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫€{‪ÁÉ‬‬ ‫€{‪ÁÉ‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟ‬ ‫ی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍ‬ ‫{‪°Å‬‬ ‫{‪°Å‬‬ ‫ﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬ﻣﺳ‬ ‫ﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﯾﻤ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮŸﺩ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻴﻦﺍ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬ﻦ‬ ‫ﺪﺣﺴﻴﮐﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺴ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺍﻣ ﻋ‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫‪¬Å{{¼‹¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪¯É|Æ‬‬ ‫‪É,ʸÌ‬‬ ‫‪,¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫«‪,¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫»‪Æ‬‬ ‫‪»ŸZ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫»‪,Z¼ ‬‬ ‫]‪«€«Z‬‬ ‫»‪,Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪€«Z]|¼v‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪»Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪»|Ìn‬‬ ‫»‪¯ {|Ìn‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a dŒa‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪ZÅÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫‪ÁM Zŀ° ¨À‹Á‬‬ ‫{‪: Ê° ¼¿ Ã‬‬ ‫{{‪Ã‬‬ ‫{‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪Z]: ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪:ʌŸ€» ¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫§€‪ɁÁ€Ìa ɇ Ä] Y‬‬ ‫‪Y €e¹Â¸œ» ½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÅ ½Z^¸—sԏY‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍیﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫»‪Ì¿Y ÂyÊ»Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{ ‪¾ËY{¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦﻭ ﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺗ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ «‬ ‫ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ»‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ »‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫‪1000‬ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 148 /1 3 88‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ /‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ‪ 5‬ﻣ ﻬ ﺮ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪|¿Â» ZÌ]Y‬‬ ‫]]‪Z» ÕY| °¿Z‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‬ ‫ﻴﺪی‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﻮﺭﺷ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪، ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽﻃﻼﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﮑﺎ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻭ‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺼﺁ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻗﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﺭ‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻮﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻤﻪﺮﻪ‬ ‫{‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﺣﻀ‬ ‫{ﻫ ﭘ‬ ‫{‪{€ Ì´] Ã|Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ã|Ë{ZZ¿¿ Y ½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪½ Y€ËY‬‬ ‫»®§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫»®‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﭘﻴﺮﺮﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﻭ ﮔﻮﭘﻴ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔ ﻔ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻮﻣﺎﻥﺗﺤ ﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ ‪ 1000‬ﺗﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪ 116 /1 388‬ﺻﻔ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﻔﺘﻢ ‪29 /‬ﺷ ﻬﺮﯾ ﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﻝ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗ‬ ‫»‪ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉY€m‬‬ ‫§‪Z » YY Z‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮑﺎﺗﻴ‬ ‫§€‪ZË©Y‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰﺸ‬ ‫»‪ Ä¿Z‬ﻣ]‪Z]Z‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫ﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫‪ º£‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪º‬‬ ‫ﮔ‪£‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺚ؛ﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ ‪ISSN: 2 00 8 -528 1‬‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯیﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ‪. IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺪﯾ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻦﻣﺭ ﻘﺭﺿ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻣ ﺤﻣﺩ ﻓﺴﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﺎ ﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫یﻭﮔ ﻮ‪8‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻪ ﻫ‬ ‫ﻔﺘﻔ‬ ‫ﻧ ﺎﻧﺎ ﮔﺩﺩ ﮔﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﺎﺭی‪MOS ALAS.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽﺷﻬ ‪IR‬‬ ‫»‪ºË{€¯Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫‪Ö»{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫]‪: YYÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZ ÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫¿^‪½Â̇ŻÄ]Ä]|ËZ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺎﯾﻴﺰی‬ ‫ﯾﻴﺰی‬ ‫ﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥﭘﺎﻣﻣﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﻫ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺰﺩﮔﯽﻭ‬ ‫ﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬ‬ ‫ﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽﻭ‬ ‫ﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺮﺑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺧ‬ ‫ﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﷲﻏ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪﻏ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻌﺪ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻄﻴ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮐ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻣ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺳﻣ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪ISSN : 2008-5 28 1‬‬ ‫¯‪|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€yY €ÀÅ‬‬ ‫{‪€ÀÅÁ d·Á‬‬ ‫Ÿˆ´€‪:Âa‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫‪½ Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Õ{Z¼fŸYÖ]Ö‬‬ ‫{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫¿¼‪|¿Y Ê‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€» M: ɁY€ y‬‬ ‫]‪|ÀÅY yÊ»ZŠֈ̸ ´¿YÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪﺳ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺩﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻓ‬ ‫ﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﻟﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‪ 17/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﯽ؛ ﭘﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎی ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻧﻤﯽﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺪﻩﻫﺎی ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﯾﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎی ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓ‪ ،‬ﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‪17/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-528‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪100 /1388‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺰدﻫﻢ ‪ /‬ﺍﻭﻝﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺪﮔﯽ ﺳﻴ ﺳﯽ ﺁ ﺖ ﷲ ﺟﻮ ﺩیﺁﻣﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺠﻒ ﮏﺯ ﯽ ﺯ ﺷ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻥ ﺁ ﺖ ﷲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰ ﺭﺵ ﺩ ﺪ ﺭ ﺁ ﺖ ﷲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭ ﻴﺲ ﻓﺮ ﮐﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﺳﺘﻌﻔ ی‬ ‫ﺁ ﺖ ﷲ ﺯ ﻣ ﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 8/‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯿﻪ ﺳﯿﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﻭ ﺪﻩ ی ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻘ ﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮی ﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺮ ﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨ ﻣﻪ ﻋ ﺩﻻ ﻪ ﺁژ ﺲ ﻴﻦ ﻤﻠﻠﯽ ﺮژی ﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺭ ﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮐﺴﺘ ﻥ ﺩﺭﺣ ﻝ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﮔ ﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭ ﻘﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ‪ 4 C -130‬ﺳ ﻝ ﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭی ﺮ ﺁ ﺭ ﺣﺘﻤ ﯽ ﺟﺸﻨﻮ ﺭﻩ ‪28‬‬ ‫ﻘﺪ ﻣﮑﺘﺐ ﻔﮑﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺎ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ‪ 14/‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍ ﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦﺳﺖ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦﯾﻴ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺷ ﻴﻌ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﻞﻭﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭗﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﭼ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯیﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣ ﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫Ÿˆ ´€‪Á Âa‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ 3 ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺭﺩﺍ ﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺷـﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤـﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻟـﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘـﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫـﻢ ﺑﺮﺧـﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫـﺎ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺏ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘـﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈـﻢ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴـﻦ ﺧـﻂ ﻧﻔـﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩ ﻭ ﺭ ﻱ ﺍ ﺯ ﺗﻬﻤـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧـﻲ ﺍ ﺯ ﻣﺴـﻮ ﻻ ﻥ ﻓﻀـﺎ ﻱ ﺗـﺎ ﺯ ﻩ ﺍ ﻱ ﺭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘـﺰﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ‪18....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ«‪19............................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪20.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‪21..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪22..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪23................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪24...............................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ‪25..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪26....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪28.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭ‪30...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‪32...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪34............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪27 ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ )‪6‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ‪36.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﺑﻪ‪38........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪39....................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪40.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪42.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪58..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‪62...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱﻫﺎ‪63...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﻥ‪64.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪66.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ‪68....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪69.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‪70..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤــﻞ ﻭﻧﻘــﻞ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﻼﻙ‪44..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻡ!‪46............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ؟‪48................................‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻤﺎ‪50.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪51........................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ‪52...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‪53....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪54...........................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‪56...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄــﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻧﺼﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻧﻘﻞ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‪72...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪73..............................................‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪78.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺎﻛﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ‪C – 130‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻯ ‪ c 130‬ﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﻬــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 1384‬ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 10‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 128‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ 132‬ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪80..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪82........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪83...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪84......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪85...........................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪86........................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻣﻮﻻﻩ ﻓﻬﺬﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻻﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺪ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﺧﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ‪88..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪89..................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ‪93.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪95..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ‪96.............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‪97....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‪98...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ »ﺭﻭﺩﻟﻒ ﻣﺮﺯ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 200‬ﻣﺴــﺠﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﺾ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ »ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ«‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺳﺖﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺋﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭽــﺎﺭﺩ ﻫﺎﻟﺒــﺮﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1990‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺪﻩ ‪ .21‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺿﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ« ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ‪ -‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 39‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ »ﺟﺎﻥ ﻻﻙ«‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﮔﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷــﺘﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ژﺍﻛﻮﺑﻨــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺎﺭﺷــﻲ )‪ (Poliarcy‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ژﺍﻥژﺍﻙﺭﻭﺳﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ژﻭﺯﻑ ﺷــﻮﻣﭙﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻜﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺩﻳﺒﺎﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ - 1956‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧــﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻲ ‪ /‬ﭘﺮﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ -‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺎﺭﺷــﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺳﺖﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ژﺍﻛﻮﺑﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳﻄﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻠﻔﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻃــﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺪﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻲ)ﻉ( ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﺝﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﻖ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺯﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺫﻟﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﮕــﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪)» :‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ( ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ....‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ ...‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗــﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺧﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﻋﺐ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ )ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ( ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﮔﺎﻭ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﺥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «...‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ‪،...‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺫﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ....‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﺑــﻖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪....»:‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ )ﺳﺎﺑﻖ( ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻰ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻫــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪....» :‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ )ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺮﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ )ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻭ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎ )ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،1361‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺧﺸــﻜﻴﺪﻩ ﻻﻏﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻠﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺳــﻴﺪ! ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﻮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻰ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣــﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ...» :‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ )ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃــﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪) .‬ﺍﻣﺎ( ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺼﺮﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﺖﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻭﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻮﺟﻪﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺩﺭﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺷﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﺭﻭﺯﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺁﻧﻜﻪﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻗﻄﻊﻣﺸﺨﺺﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﻏﻴﺒﺖﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻫﻤﻪﺍﻣﻮﺭﺭﺍﺍﺻﻼﺡﻛﻨﺪ!«ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺭﻭﺯﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﻗﻮﺍﻯﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪﻭﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ 9 ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻚﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻑ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﻑ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺑﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻛﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ 11 12 ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻫﺮﺍﺛﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ 2‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﺪ ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻤﻊﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ )ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻒ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺫﻥ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺫﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﭘﻲﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻰﭘﺮﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ؛ ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪54» :‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪5‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 5‬ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺷﺎﺧﺼﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ! ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ! ﺁﺧﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ »ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺝﺍﷲ ﺳﻠﺤﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1331‬ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﻮﺡ )‪ (1361‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺧﺮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻛﻬﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻻﻱ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻗﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧــﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻲﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟«‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺏ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺏ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻳﻮﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻮ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ »ﻳﻮﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻮ« ‪62‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﻨﻮ«‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ‪ 1+5‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 5+1‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ!« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ‪ NPT‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻠﻴﻜﺲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻳﻮﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻮ« ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ 16 16 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻧﻔــﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘــﺰﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫»ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺠﻲﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺩﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺰﺋــﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈــﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﻤﻴﻴﺰﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﭻﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻲﺟﻬــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻮﺕ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏــﻮﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺿﺪﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺳــﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ؟ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪﻫﻤﻪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦﻇﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺳــﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻲ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓـﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻭﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳـﺖﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛـﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘـﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴـﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳـﮋﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ » :‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴـﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺷـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺩﺷـﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﻧـﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑـﺮ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺎﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ« ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻴﺨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ »ﺗﻘﻠﺐ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮﻳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻭﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ« ﻭ »ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺩﺷـﻤﻦ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻼﺡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻱﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺪﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻴــﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺵ »ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ« ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺨﺖ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻧﺮﻡ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﻠﺺ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ »ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ« ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺱﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ »ﻓﺘﻨﻪ« ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫـﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺍﺱﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ«‪ .‬ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﺸﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺧــﻮﺍﺹ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ »ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺳﻴﺴــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﻌﻠﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴـﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﺩﻫـﻰ ﺩﺭﺧـﺖ ‪30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺧـﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑـﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖﺯﻧـﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻗـﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴـﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸـﺨﻴﺺ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻇﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺳـﻤﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈـﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺸـﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷـﺄﻥ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻬـﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﻪﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳـﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺷـﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳـﺘﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺴـﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯﻛﻪﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﺍﺧﻴﺮﻛﻤﺘﺮﭘﺎﻯﺻﺤﺒﺖﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒـﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴـﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺴــﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻲ‬ ‫)ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ( ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﻳﺎ ﺿﺪﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧـﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻏﺎﻳﺐﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ )ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ( ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﻕ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣـﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔـﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺸـﻘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻜﺎﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿـﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴـﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔـﻆ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺑﻪﻳﻚﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻛﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﺣﺬﻑﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱﻋﻠﻴﻪﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲﻳﺎﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻛﻪﺁﻥﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻳﺎﻋﻠﻴﻪﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﺍﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺟــﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﻃـﺮﺯ ﻓﻜـﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺩﺭﺟﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩﻗﺎﺑﻞﻃﺮﺡﺍﺳﺖﻭﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻭﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺧﻮﺏﻭﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﺴﻨﺪﻭﺍﺻﻴﻞﻛﻪﻧﮕﺮﺵﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺑﻪﻫﻢﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺯﺩﻥﻭﻓﻀﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﻓﻀﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺳﺎﻟﻢﻭﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺻﺤﻴﺢﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﻟﺬﺍﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻓﻀﺎﻣﺸﻮﻩﻧﺸﻮﺩﻭﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻟﺖﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺁﻳﺪﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﺑﻂﻭﺑﻴﺠﺎﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﻳﻚﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﻓﻀﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻓﻀﺎﻱﭘﺎﻙﻭﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝﻳﻚﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﭼﻪﻓﺮﺩﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻛﺠﺎﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﭼﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱﺁﻧﭽﻪﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲﺣﺮﻑﺑﺪﻱﺯﺩﻭﻟﻲﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺑﺎﻻﻳﺶﺁﻥﺭﺍﺍﺯﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪﻭﺑﻪﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﻫﻤﻪﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﻭﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﻃﺮﺡﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺑﻪﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕﻛﻪﻣﺜﻞﺳﻢﻣﻬﻠﻜﻲﺍﺳﺖﻭﺫﻫﻦﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﺩﺍﻣﻦﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﻛﺴﻲﺍﺯﻣﺴﻴﺮﺩﺭﺳﺖﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺮﺍﻱﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺑﺎﺍﻭﺭﻭﻳﻪﺧﻮﺩﺵﻃﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻣﺜﻞﺍﻣﺮﺑﻪﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻲﺍﺯﻣﻨﻜﺮﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻱﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﻟﻲﺍﮔﺮﺑﻪﺣﺮﻛﺖﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺷﺪﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺑﺎﺁﻥﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕﻭﺍﻧﻔﻜﺎﻙﺑﻴﻦﻣﺮﺩﻡﻭﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻲﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱﻭﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲﺗﻼﺵﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻟﺬﺍﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺁﻥﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖﺟﻨﮓﻧﺮﻡﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺨﺸﻲﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺍﺧﻞﻛﺸﻮﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺁﺗﺶﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺍﻳﻦﺁﺗﺶﺭﺍﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵﻭﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝﺭﺍﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻟﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻭﺭﻩﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄــﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺍﺝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮء‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﺁﻟﻮﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻤــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺸﺘﺖ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻔﺴــﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺸــﻨﺞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻃﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻱﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴــﺘﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣـﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪﻭﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﻧـﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀـﻰ ﺣﺎﺟـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸـﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏـﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫـﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘـﻰ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗـﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸـﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈـﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ‪8‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳـﺐ ﺍﻋﻀـﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺷـﻪﻭﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺗﺨﺮﻳـﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﺡﺫﻳﻞﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒـﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺵ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺯﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺬﺑﻮﺣﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ‪.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪30‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘـﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳـﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑــﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 8‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻈـﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺯﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺯﻧﻰﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ(‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻫﻴــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻐﺸــﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻬﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ )ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ(‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻼﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻤﺎﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻨﺜﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺩ ﺁﺗﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺮﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ‬ ‫» ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒـﺮﻱ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳـﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳـﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤـﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴـﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸـﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ » ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸـﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﺷـﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺩﺷـﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺷـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳـﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷـﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨـﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠـﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺪﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻓﻘـﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌـﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﺴـﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳـﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤــﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﺼﻠﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧــﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻨﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 13‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 87‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻴﻮﺳﻚ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﭼﺎپﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﻛﺸﻮﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼژ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠــﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺩ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻴﻒ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺗــﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻔﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺖﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻳﻦ‪.‬ﺑﺎﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻳــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 65‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔــﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﭗ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﭗ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﭙﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 75‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺷــﺎﻛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﭘﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ »ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ«ﺣﺎﻛﻢﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯﺁﻥﺭﺍﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻨﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 81‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒــﺎﻑ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﺍﻓﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻢﺣﺰﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﺰﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﻢﺣﺰﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋــﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃــﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺁﺗﺸﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪87‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﭼﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒــﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﺶ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﻟﻴﺎ )ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 86‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻣﺮﻛﺰﺍﻣﻮﺭﺯﻧﺎﻥﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻊﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢﺑﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﺷﻬﻴﺪﻭﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏﺷﺪﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖﺩﺭﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ 28 ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻬﻨﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻠﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺱﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻤــﺎﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺻﺪﻗﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺣﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺒﺨﺶ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺩﻫﻢ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻀﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺵﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻠﻮﻏﻰ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﺮﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻠﻮﻏﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﻴﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺷــﻠﻮﻏﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﻼﺏ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺣﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﻼﺏ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻏﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺎﭘﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﭘﻠﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻲﻗﻤﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻓﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺑﻲﻋﺮﺑﻲ )ﺷــﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺼﻮﺹ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺿﻞﺗﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷــﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠــﻲ ‪35‬ـ ‪ 1334‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ)ﺭﻩ( ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪25‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺴــﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳــﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1332‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻗﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﻴﻌﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻼﻓﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺝﻓﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ 10 ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺰﻛﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﺳــﻴﻮ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺑﻰﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻃﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ« ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪﻗﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰﺍﺯﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺣﺎﺿﺮﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﺍﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻫﻤﻪﺭﺍﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺑﻪﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﺍﺧﻼﻕﻭﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪«.‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﺒـﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠـﻲ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴـﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴـﻮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺴـﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳـﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻــﻒ ﺁﻳﺖﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺮﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻤﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1342‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؛ »ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ – ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻳﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ – ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﺴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻚﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻚﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠــﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺶ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ – ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ – ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻝ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻳﻚﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ« ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ »ﮔﻮﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻭ »ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠــﻲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﻗﺮﺹ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠــﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺑﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺐ ﺍﺑﻲﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ »ﺑﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﮕﻰ« ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗــﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺳــﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺒﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻼﻟﻴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤــﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺶ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺩﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﻚﺯﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳـﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻟﻚﺯﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌـﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻔﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳـﻴﻢ ﺗـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺷـﻦ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺴــﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺳــﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷــﺎﻩﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠــﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻮﺑﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺻــﺪﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴــﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎء ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﺭﺑﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻣﺸﺎء ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻪﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﻋﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻻﻟﻬﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﻻﻟﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -1 :‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ؛‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ؛ ‪ -3‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻔﺲ؛ ‪ -2‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ -3‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ -1 :‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ -2‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺸــﺮﻳﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺻــﺪﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﺎﻃﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠـﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎء ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎء ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﺎء ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰﺍﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻄﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ -1 :‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟــﺬﺍﺕ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -2 .‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻜﺘﻔﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺗــﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻔﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺙ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻭﻟﺌﻚ ﻛﺎﻻﻧﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﻞ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﺍﺳﻔﻞﺳﺎﻓﻠﻴﻦ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻧﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﮋﻣﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻧﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﻂ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺳـﻄﻮﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻴــﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷــﻘﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ(‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺸــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺸــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ -1 :‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ‪ -2‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺪّ ﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ »ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺍﻻﺧﺮﻩ« ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺭﺑﻨﺎ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﻓﻰﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺴــﻨﻪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻨﺎﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺸــﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ »ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻮﻩ« )ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ( ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻖ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﻧﮕﺎﻩﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ(‪ :‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻧﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﻪﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻰﻣﺘﺄﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﷲ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤــﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻜﻤـﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴـﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻧﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﺷﻬﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻏﺼﺒﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻫﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻍﻭﺣﺸﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍﻭﺣﺶ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﻪﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﻮﺍﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﮔﺮگ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﮔﺮگﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﺑﺰ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮگ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻻﻳﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻛﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﻦﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳـﻞ ﻛﻢﺭﻭﻧﻘـﻰ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻤـﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫـﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﺻـﺪﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻢﺭﻭﻧﻘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﻨﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺒﻚ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸـﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺍﺯﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖﺟﻤﻌﻪﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﺩﻣﻼ‪،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‪،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﻠﺪﻭﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﺧﺴﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺋﻤﻪﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻬﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫َﻙ ﻛُﻞُ «‬ ‫َﻙ ﻛُﻞُ ﻻﻳُﺪﺭ ُ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﻣﺎ ﻻﻳُــﺪﺭ ُ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌــﻪ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ 27 ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ )‪6‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﺸــﻤﮕﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ 27 ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ )‪6‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ -‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ‪ 19/75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴــﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻫﻮﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‪ 5+1‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻼﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ‪ «.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ )‪ (NPT‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻳﺎ ‪ NPT‬ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 5+1‬ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤــﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑــﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺷــﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺷــﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺒﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺒﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻔﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ )ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻛﻴﻨﺎﻓﺎﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﻩ )ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ(‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻟﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻟﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﮔﻮﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 84‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧــﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺻﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺻﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺸــﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﺸﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﭘﻮﺵ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1999‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻌﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮگﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2007‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﺻﻒ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2007‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻏﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺳﻪﺭﻭﺯﭘﺲﺍﺯﻣﺮگﺑﻮﺗﻮﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺣﺰﺏﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻪﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﺣﺎﺿﺮﺷﺪﻭﺍﺯﺑﻰﻣﻴﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺣﺰﺏﻛﻮﭼﻚﺩﻳﮕﺮﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﺑﺮگﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻑﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2008‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻃﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺻﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻌﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭼﻚ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻣﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻗﺸﻮﻥﻛﺸﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻻﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻼﻋﻤــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮ ﺍﺭﺛﻴﻪ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺻﻒ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺛﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪ :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻯ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﻢﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻨﺎﺏﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ .‬ﺯﺧﻢ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺭﻗﺼﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺻﻒﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳـﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ – ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸـﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺴـﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ – ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺪﺍﻡﺳﻮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﺗﺸﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻻﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺷـﻤﺮﺩ‪ – 1 :‬ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ – 2‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫‪– 3‬ﻗﻀﺎﺕﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱﺑﺎﭘﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻼﺯﻫﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ – ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ – ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ » ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ – ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ – ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ )ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ( ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻔﻮ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺁﺻــﻒ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ]ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ[ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ – ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ – ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ – ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﭼﻮﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ – ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻭﻟﭙﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻰﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﻭﻛﻼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻛﻼ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﻛﻼ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻛﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ )ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ )ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰﻛﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯﺑﺎﺧﻄﺮﺳﻘﻮﻁﻭﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ – ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ )ﻧﻮﺍﺯ( ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ – ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ – ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸـﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧـﺖ ﺭﺷـﻮﻩ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠـﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ )ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﺪ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﺐ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﻟﻴﮓ )ﻧﻮﺍﺯ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ )ﻧﺨﺴـﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ( ﻭ ﺍﺷـﻔﻖ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫)ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ( ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ( ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯﺁﺻﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑﻪﺁﻥﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖﺑﺤﺚﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡﺩﻭﺭﻩ»ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺷﺘﻰﻣﻠﻰ«ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩﻣﺸﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﻭﺩﺭﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‪ 2007‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰﻣﺘﻬﻢﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺯﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰﻣﺼﻮﻥﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻻﺯﻡﺑﻪﺫﻛﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ – ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﻳﻦﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﺎﺑﻪﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥﺁﻥﺩﺭﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫)ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻘﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺷﺪﻩﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﻭﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯﺁﻥﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ –1 :‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪ – 2‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻔﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1975‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2003‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺴــﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺤــﻼﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﻨﺖﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺍﺯﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻭﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺭﺍﻣﻮﺭﺩﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰﻛﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻓﻀﺎﻯﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰﺳﻜﻮﺕﻭﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺭﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪2009‬‬ ‫)‪ (88/9/3‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻠﻲ ﻧﻮ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﭘﻲﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﻭ »ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،2001‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻫﻠﻲﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺗﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻪﻣــﺮﻭﺭ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠﻲﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌــﻞﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 34‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1998‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2002‬ﻭ ‪ 2003‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ،(1383) 2004‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ،(1384) 2005‬ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2006‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ (1386) 2007‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻜﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪) 2010‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ (1389‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ FMCT‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﺭﻕﻭﺑﺮﻕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧــﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳــﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻭﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ (88/9/9) 2009‬ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﻫﻠﻲ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1298‬ﻩ‪ -‬ﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺣﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ »ﺑــﺎﺝ ﺭﺍﻩ« ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1301‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﻉ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﺭ‪.‬ﺍچ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓــﺎﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ« ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻛﻮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺴــﻜﻰ« ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧــﻮﻉ »ﺑﻠﺮﻳﻮ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1292‬ﻩ ‪ -‬ﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔــﺎﻉ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻖ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ )ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﻌﻠــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ( ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﭘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ )ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻖ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻫﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻖ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺠﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻫﻨﻴــﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪1301‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1303‬ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ »ﻳﻮﻧﻜﺮﺱ« ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ‪ 50‬ﺭﻳــﺎﻝ )‪ 3‬ﺩﻻﺭ(‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ »ﻳﻮﻧﻜﺮﺱ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﻧﻜﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﻮﻧﻜﺮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﻧﻜﺮﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ »ﻳﻮﻧﻜﺮﺱ‪-‬ﺍﻑ ‪ «13‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻟــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 160‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1302‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﮔﻴــﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤــﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧــﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫»ﻳﻮﻧﻜــﺮﺱ‪ -‬ﺍﻑ ‪ «13‬ﻭ »ﻳﻮﻧﻜــﺮﺱ‪ -‬ﺁ ‪ «20‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﮔﻴﻼﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ« ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻳــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻣﺮﻏﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﻮﻧﻜﺮﺱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻮﻧﻜﺮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﻜﺮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1312‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1310‬ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻘﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﮕﺮﻣﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺁﻥ »ﺩﻯﻫﺎﻭﻳﻠﻨﺪ« ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1311‬ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻯﻫﺎﻭﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺴﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﻧﺴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1322‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﺝ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 25‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 28‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1328‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ »ﭘﺮﺷﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ« )‪ (PAS‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ« ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1332‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻔﻴﻖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ »‪ ،«Skyways‬ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺮﻯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﻨﺪﻳﺴــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺳــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪ PAS‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮ ﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ‪7C-DC‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ»‪) « SABENA‬ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ( ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1338‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ« ﻭ» ‪ « PAS‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻫﻤﺎ( ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ »ﻋﻠﻰﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺩﻣﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 48‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫــﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ» ‪«B Shrike 500‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 54‬ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 32‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ ﺻﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ »ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1972‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭﺩ« ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ‪ 120‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 79‬ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪13‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 120‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 81‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1304‬ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 1400‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺷــﺎﻫﭙﻮﺭ )ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻠﻴــﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1310‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ )ﻋﺒﺎﺱ( ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﭙﻮﺭ )ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ( ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ 23‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1306‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺎﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﺮ – ﺩﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ -‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﻳﻨﺎﻭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻜﺴﻠﻮﺍﻛﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪500‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ – ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺑﻮﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﻮﺳﺘﻮﺱ ﻣﻮﻧﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1240‬ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺤﻂ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1299‬ﻩ‪-‬ﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺳــﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺳــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1301‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1304‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺑﺎﺝ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﻌﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺳــﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠــﻎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1304‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺍﻟﻌﺒــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻣﻤﻨــﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1305‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ‪9‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺁﻥ ‪ 45‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ‪17‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪ 27‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1308‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻉ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ »ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻉ« ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1315‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ« ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 53‬ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ« ﺑﻪ »ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ«‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪24‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪35‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪42‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ‪ 107/009‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪9‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻡ!‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳـﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻨﺨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺨﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓـﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻙ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑـﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋـﺚ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑـﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﻜﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﻟﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ‪ 1600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ – ﺷـﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﻴﺮﻗﻄﺎﺭﻱﺗﺮﺩﺩﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ– ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺟﻔﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﭘﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﺸـﻬﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﻣﺎﻟﻲﺳﺒﺐﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﺮﺩﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺿــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﭼــﺮﺍﻍﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺟــﺎﻱ ﭘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﮔــﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺑــﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧــﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ـ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺘﻢﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻭ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻗﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻜﺎﻓﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ ـ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺸــﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼــﺺ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺒــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ – ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳــﺒﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷﻤﺎﻝ؛ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻨﺲﺗﺮﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺁﺷﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 270‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴــﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 1500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1356‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺒﻖﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 750‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﻄﻮﻉ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪245‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ‪LC‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪ 32‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ – ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ؛ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ‪ 506‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ـ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 230‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ‪ 5‬ﺍﻛﻴﭗ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺭﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ؛ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ‪ 23‬ﻛﻠﻴﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1386‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻨﻴﮓ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻢ‪ -‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻢ‪ -‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ – ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻠــﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫــﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 545‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ؛ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ـ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ـ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ )ﻣﺮﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ـ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪـ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻻﺫﻗﻴﻪ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ـ ﻣﻼﻳﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 610‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷــﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫــﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫــﻦ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 65‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪ 900‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ‪ -‬ﺭﺷﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫــﻦ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ‪ -‬ﺭﺷــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 372‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1381‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟــﺶ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ‪ -‬ﺭﺷﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ ‪ -‬ﺁﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻰ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ‪ -‬ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 366‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 410‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻢ ‪ -‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 14‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ‪ -‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧــﺲ ﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺨــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗــﻢ ‪ -‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫‪ 400‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ‪ -‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳــﻨﻨﺪﺝ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 425‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻏﻪ ‪ -‬ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃــﻮﻝ ‪ 180‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ‪ -‬ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ‪ -‬ﻋﺴــﻠﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﺠﻨﻮﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ژﺋﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻬﻢ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪87‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 16/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1980‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 7500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ 24‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ‪ 13‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪800‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ‪26‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫــﻦ ‪ 400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻭ‪ 400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 2/5‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺘﻠﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 90‬ﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 500‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 83‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 450‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫‪ 520‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫــﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ –ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 250‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 900‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 230‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ -‬ﺟﻠﻔﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1355‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﺴﺎﻛﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1358‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪-‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪ 27‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﻜﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،85‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ،86‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﻪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 160‬ﺑــﻪ ‪ 200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪250‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻟﻜﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﻜﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﻜﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ »ﻣﭙﻨﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻳﻨﻜﻮ ﭼﻴﻦ« ﻭ »ﻫﻴﺮﺑﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ« ﺳــﻪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ »ﻫﻴﺮﺑﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫»ﻣﭙﻨﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﻥ«ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴــﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺗﺮﺩﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ‪ 160‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ‪ 250‬ﺗﺎ ‪350‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸـﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄــﻮﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 21‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 27‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗــﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏــﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼـﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻟﻜﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻱ ﺭﺟﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺭﻳﻠـﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﺸـﻬﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 150‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤـﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺴـﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴـﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺳـﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳـﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌـﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳـﻬﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠـﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﺴـﺎﻓﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 26‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴـﺎﻓﺮﻯ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻣﺤﻤـﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑـﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫـﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﻣﺜﻠﺚﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﻗـﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﺸـﻬﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼـﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺟﻠﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﺷــﻬﺮ ‪-‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻜﻔﺮﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 150‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ‪ 9‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ– ﻣﺸـﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑـﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺫﻯﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﻁ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄــﻮﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﻃﺮﺡﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺷﺪﻥﺁﻥﺭﻭﻱﺣﺠﻢﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﻜﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ‪ NTSB‬ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 496‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 795‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺸــﺼﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻧــﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﻪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﻮء ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ 5 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺨﻄﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪16‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ‪»:‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺺ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮء ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﻭﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫــﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁژﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻳﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ 600‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ‪ 30‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﻛﺎﺳﭙﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻼ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ TU-154M‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ 970‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻟﻰ ‪ Divert‬ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺒﻪﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻳﻜﻢ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪(1388‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 970‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺷﺪ‪) .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪(1388‬‬ ‫‪-3‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪ 589‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﻳﻴﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 45‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻛﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ 7) .‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ‪(1388‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻓﻮﻛﺮ ‪ 100‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ 298‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1388‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 18:30‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻳﺰﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 5‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻮﻛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-5‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ‪ 258‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﺮﻣﺰ ﻗــﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ 24 ) .‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ‪(1388‬‬ ‫‪-6‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪ 915‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥـﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ 7 ) .‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ‪(1388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ Write Off‬ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺠــﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑــﺎﻻﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 41‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺺ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ‪ Divert‬ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪) .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1388‬ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ‪ (26173‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ )ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷــﻴﻦ( ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﺎﺣﺸــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ‪ Immediate cause‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ‪Root Cause‬ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻤﻨــﻰ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﻞ )‪ (NTSB‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‬ ‫)ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻜﺎﻓﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻪﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧــﻮﺍﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮ ِﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺸــﻬﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﻳﺴــﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻤــﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸــﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ؟ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺸﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺻﻨﻌﺖﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺁﻥﺗﻮﺟﻪﻛﺎﻓﻰﻭﻭﺍﻓﻰﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻴﻢﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯﺍﺯﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻛﺎﻓﻰﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺜﺎﻝﺩﺭﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ‪Set‬‬ ‫‪ Crew‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﻰﻛﻪﺗﻴﻢﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﻭﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯﺩﺭﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ‬ ‫)‪ (Flight Scheduling‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨــﮓ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫‪ Set Crew‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻚ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻦ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧــﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻳﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﮓﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﮕﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ ﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺒﻠﻰ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ‪ NTSB‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞﻫﺎﻳﻚﭘﻨﺠﻢﺳﻮﺧﺖﻣﺼﺮﻑﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﺿﻤﻦﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻯﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﻭﻣﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧــﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ؟! ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪42‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻤــﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1356‬ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﺪﺍ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﺻﻮﺭﺕﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩﻭﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱﻫﺰﺍﺭﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪،‬ﭘﻨﺞﻫﺰﺍﺭﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻟﻜﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼــﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺴﺎﺯ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪2‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﺳـﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺻﺒﺢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺣﻮﺍﺳـﻤﻮ ﭘﺮﺕ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻜﺎﺭﭼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻦﭘﺘﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺯﺧﻢ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻍ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴـﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﺳـﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ‪ /‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺖ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮ ‪ 40‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ )ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ(‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ‪ 115‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ »ﻣﻠﻚ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ« ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 14‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ)ﺱ( ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺘﻢﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺯﺑﻮﻟﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ »ﻣﻠﻚ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﺶ )ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﺯﺑﻮﻟﻮﻥ( ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ »ﻣﻠﻚ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﺭﺷﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻙﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭژﻧﮓ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻓﻀﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻠﻚ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ )ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺪﻱ(‬ ‫»ﺷــﺐ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻗﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥﻧﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺗﻘﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺍﻭﻳﻨﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ« ﻭ »ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻦ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺷﺐ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ )ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺭﺍﻋﻲ(‬ ‫»ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺠﺘﺒــﻲ ﺭﺍﻋــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ« ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻣﺸــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺻﻐﺮﻯ ﻋﺒﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﻧﮕﺰﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻦ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻏﺰﺍﻝ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ« ﻭ »ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻤﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ )ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ(‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﺗﻔﻰﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻘﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ« ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 24‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﮔﻤﺸــﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺻﺒﺢ )ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺻﺒﺢ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻬــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺻﺒﺢ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 63‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 42‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺮﻑﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺮﻭﺝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﭘﺴــﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸــﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿــﺎ ﺍﻛﺒــﺮﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ )ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻡﭘﻮﺭ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻡﭘﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ »ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻪﺁ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺘــﺎﺝ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻨﻮ ﺻﺎﺑــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻳــﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻃﺒﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ »ﺳﻴﻢ ﺁﺧﺮ« ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻡﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻋﻨﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﻨﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺁﻻﺩﭘﻮﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ )ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ(‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻔﻖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺰﺭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫــﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﻝ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﺭﺳــﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ )ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧــﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪» .‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ«‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻴﻢ!«ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺿﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺴﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ )ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﷲ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻧﮋﺍﺩ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ« ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﷲ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ »ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ« ﺷــﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﺳــﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﺷﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ«‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍ ﺣﺠﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﻤﻮ ﭘﺮﺕ ﻛﻦ )ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺻﺪﺭﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺻﺪﺭﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ« ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﻤﻮ ﭘﺮﺕ ﻛﻦ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﻤﻮ ﭘﺮﺕ ﻛﻦ« ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺪﻭﺳــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻬــﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺁﺋﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳــﻮﺵ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘــﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔــﻪ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻭﻩﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺭﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ )ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ(‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﻧــﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﭘﺮﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ« ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﺭﭼﻲ )ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﭘﻴﺘﺰ(‬ ‫»ﺷﻜﺎﺭﭼﻲ« ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﭘﻴﺘﺰ« ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ )‪ ،(1384‬ﺻﻨﻢ )‪ (1378‬ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫)‪ (1375‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﭘﻴﺘﺰ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺭﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍ ﺣﺠﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ )ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﻩ(‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧــﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛــﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 8‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻪﺁ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻋﺮﻓﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﻴﺘﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ« ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﻱ« ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ )ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻴﻦﺗﻦ(‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻭﻳﻴﻦﺗﻦﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ»ﺩﻟﺸﻜﺴﺘﻪ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ »ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴــﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻙﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻮﺵ ﺻﺒﺮﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻮﺷﺎ ﺿﻴﻐﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﺷــﺎ ﺿﻴﻐﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﺍﻻﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔــﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻦﭘﺘﺮﺯ ﺑﻮﺭگ )ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ »ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺻﺒﺢ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ »ﺳﻦﭘﺘﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭگ«‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﻦ ﭘﺘﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭگ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻗﺎﺳــﻢﺧﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳــﻢﺧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﻼ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬــﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺑﺮﺯﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﻪ«‪» ،‬ﻋــﺮﻭﺱ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺷــﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻭﺧﻮﻧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﻦ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ »ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﻦ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﻲ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧــﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥﺷﻴﺨﻲ«ﻛﻪﭼﻨﺪﻱﭘﻴﺶﻃﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺁﻥﺑﻪﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﻨﺮﻱﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛــﻦ« ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﻫــﻮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺷــﻜﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻳﺲ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﻪﻧﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺲ ﻇﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ )ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ »ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺗــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻴﻼ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﭼﻬﻞﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ« ﻣــﺮﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺮﺵ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻧﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻧﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮ« ﻭ »ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻙ«‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻪﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮ(‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻪﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﺎﻡﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥﻧﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ )ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ(‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻴﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻪﺁ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ )ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻌﺪﻳﺎﻥ(‬ ‫»ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ« ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻌﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ »ﺩﻩ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺷﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻣﻨــﺶ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬــﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ« ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ )ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﻓﻌﻲ(‬ ‫»ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﻓﻌــﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻳﻮﺵ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻃﻬﻤﻮﺭﺙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻬــﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ )ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ(‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ»ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻌﺠﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻳﻦﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﻖﮔﻮﻱ ﻟﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺣﺞ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺶ )ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ(‬ ‫»ﺁﺩﻣﻜــﺶ« ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺑﻠﻨــﺪ ﺭﺿــﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﻤــﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻋﺸــﻖ ‪» ،«2 +‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺐ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ»ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺶ«ﻛﻪ‪27‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﺩﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻛﻠﻴﺪﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 27‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﺴﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬ﻟﻴﻼﺍﻭﺗﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬ﻗﻄﺐﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺻﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻃﺒﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣــﺮﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﺮﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺶ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ )ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺵ(‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻓــﺮﻭﺯﺵ ﺑــﺎ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻏﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺳــﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﺮﺵ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳــﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻼﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ )ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻭﺭﻱ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﻧﻔــﻮﺫﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﻛﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ« ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﺎﻛﻒ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻢﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻧﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻝ )ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻴﺎﻥ(‬ ‫»ﺁﻝ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻣﻨــﻰ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺸﻖ ﻋﺸﻖ« ﻭ »ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﻨﻰ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻲﻳﻒ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺮگ )ﺣﺴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ»ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﺮگ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫»ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ« ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺮگ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﺵ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷــﺐ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻝ ﺗﭙﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!« ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺟﺒــﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻢ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺍ )ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ(‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞﻓﻨﻰﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ»ﺯﺧﻢﺷﺎﻧﻪﺣﻮﺍ«ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻢﻓﻴﻠﻢﻓﺠﺮﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦﺳﻴﺪﻯ‪،‬ﺁﻫﻮﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺁﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻯﺩﻳﺒﺎﺟﻰ‪،‬ﻣﻴﻨﺎﺳﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﺯﻫﻴﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯﻭﺳﻠﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕﺰﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﺯﺧﻢ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺍ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ»ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ«ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣــﻦ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻴــﻦ ﺩﺍﺕﻛﺎﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﻛــﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟــﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﺍ )ﺭﺍﻣﺒﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﭘﺴﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﺍ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻣﺒﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻣﺒﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﺍﻭﺗﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻼ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺐﺍﻫﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻮﻣــﺮﺙ ﻣﻠﻚﻣﻄﻴﻌﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻮﺵ ﻭﻗﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻔﺸﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﺍ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻜﻮﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻣﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻦ )ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨــﻰ ﻃﻨﺰﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻳﻠﻔﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺴﻢ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﻣﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘــﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﭘﺎﺗــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ«‪» ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﺮ )ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﻛﻴﻔﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻼ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻢﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷــﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺻﻤﺪﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻛﻴﻔــﺮ« ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ )ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ(‬ ‫»ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻰ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﻔــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻨﻴﮋﻩ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﻼﺱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ )ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ »ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻯ‪ «...‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩﻃﻼﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ )ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺳﻤﻮﺍﺗﻲ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ »ﺑﺎﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺳﻤﻮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﺍﻭﺗﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺿﺮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻴﺎﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﻮﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿــﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ )ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ(‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ« ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻻﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻍ )ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻼﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ(‬ ‫»ﺷﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻍ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻼﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻤﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﺙ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺷﺎﻩﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻓﻲﺷــﺎپ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻲﺷــﺎپ ﺩﻧــﺞ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ )ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ« ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻏﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺩﻥ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﻗﻠﻰﺧﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ )ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻄﺸﺎﻧﻲ(‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻄﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﻡ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺯﺥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻮﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﻐﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠــﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ »ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻄﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺯ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ‪ /‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫)ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ(‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱﻓﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺒﻞ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ‪ HD‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﺥ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ‪ 35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻲﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﻔﺎﻧــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ« ‪ 23‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ« ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﻔﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻻﻋﻼﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻫﻢ )ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ(‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﺵ »ﻣﺮﻫﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﻣﺮﻫﻢ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻨــﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿــﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﻧﻴﺎﺯ«‪» ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪ«‪» ،‬ﻫﻮﻭ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺸﺖ ﭘﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻴﻎﺯﻥ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻢ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺍ‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩﻭﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﮔِﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺪﻥ ﮔﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺰ ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻪﻳﺮ )‪ (1957-1885‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻟﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻪﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1929‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪1927‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 1928‬ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﮔﻼﺱ ﻓِﺮﺑﻨﻜﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﻲ‪ .‬ﺩِﻣﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ،2008‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 22‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2009‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﻮ ﺟﻜﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻮﻗﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻪ ‪ 1929‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟــﺖ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺿﻴﺎﻓــﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ‪ 270‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨــﺞ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺠــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻧﮕــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺐ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1940‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1941‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﻭﻣﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 1927‬ﻭ ‪ 1928‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻗﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1953‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1942‬ﺑﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍ َﻣﺒَﺴِ ﺪِﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻠﺖﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﮔِﺮﺍﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1953‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1966‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 1969‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫• ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﻴﺪﻧــﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﻧﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﺯ« )ﺁﻟﻦ ﻛﺮﺍﺱﻟﻨــﺪ‪ (1927 ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳِ ــﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳﻴﺮﻙ« )‪.(1928‬‬ ‫• ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1934‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ‪ 1936‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺵ« ﻭ ﮔِﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﻧﺪﺭﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ »ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﻭﺭﺱ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﻨﮓ ﺟــﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻟﺒﺮگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1938‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻞ ﺍﻑ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻧﻮﻙ )ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻱ( ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺳِ ﺮﺳِ ــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻱ‪.‬ﺍچ‪.‬ﻫﻨﺴــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ« )ﻛﻼﺭﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ (1939‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1941‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﭼﺮﭼﻴﻞ« ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1947‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ »ﺷﻮ ﺳﺎﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1956‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺑﻴﺴــﺖﻭﻳﻜﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1948‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻴﻦ ﻫﺮﺷﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﻓﺮﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺳﻲﻭﺷﺸــﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﻚﺑﻴﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﮔﺮگﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ« )‪ (1981‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﺮﻙ« )‪ (2001‬ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣـﻲ‪ :‬ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﻳــﺲ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻴﺎژ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻃﻼ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻠﺰﻱ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﭻ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻲﻭﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻲﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪﻭﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩﻭﭘﻨﭻ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺁﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﻜﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﺮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺳﺪﺭﻳﻚ ﮔﻴﺒﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﮔﻮﻟﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﺯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻧﺎﻡﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺭﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻠﺴــﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﮔﺮﻳﺖ ﻫِﺮﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1931‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ »ﻋﻤﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ« ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1939‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 1950‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣــﻲ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ )‪ (AMPAS‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 5835 ،2007‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ‪ 1311‬ﻧﻔﺮ )‪ 22‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺮﺍﻳــﺲ ﻭﺍﺗﺮﻫﺎﻭﺱ ﻛﻮﭘــﺮﺯ )ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﺶ ﭘﺮﺍﻳﺲ ﻭﺍﺗﺮﻫﺎﻭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻮ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﺎﺩﻭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺍﻡ ﺷﻨﻜﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﻘﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﺠﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﺠﻮ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻭﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻭﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1978 ،1977‬ﻭ ‪ 2001‬ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ »ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ‪ «2‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳﺮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ« ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻚﺩﺍﻧ ِﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ »ﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍﻙ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﻲ )‪2008‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ (2009‬ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1992‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻮﺱ« ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2009‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﻠﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻨﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪1930‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1940‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 2010‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻧﻜﻮﻭﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﺪ ﮔﻨﻴــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ؟ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 237‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1930‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1940‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﻛﺎﺯﺍﺑﻼﻧﻜﺎ« )‪ (1943‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 10‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻋﺮﺽﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﺮ ﺯﺍﻏﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ« ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺠﺎﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫) ‪(All Good Things‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﺟﺎﺭﻛﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﻦﻫﺎ« ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯﻟﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﻻﻧﺠﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮ ﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﻨﺪ« ﻭ »ﻓﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪/‬ﻧﻴﻜﺴــﻦ« ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳﻲ ‪ /‬ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺣﻞﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ )ﻛﺮﺳﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ(‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﻳﻦ(‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺁﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎ )‪(Amelia‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﭘﺴﺮﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ« ﻭ »ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﻫﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1937‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷــﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻚﮔﺮﮔﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﻳﺮ )ﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲ!( ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺑ ِﻴﺲ )ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ( ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺳﺮچﻻﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﻜﭽﺮﺯ(‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ )‪(Avatar‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ -‬ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ »ﺗﺎﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻚ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1997‬ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺛﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﮕﻮﺭﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ« ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳــﻪﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛــﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻲ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺑﻴﺌﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻏﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ«‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ(‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺑﺰﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫)‪(Away We Go‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻡ ﻣﻨــﺪﺱ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭﻱ )ﺯﻳﺒــﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ( ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺤﻮﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ »ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ« )ﺭﻭﻟﻮﺷﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ( ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﺳﻴﻨﺴﻜﻲ )ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺍﻟﻒ )ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐ( ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﻮﻛِﺲ ﻓﻴﭽﺮﺯ(‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺨﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫)‪( Boat That Rocked‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺗﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ )ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2003‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 1960‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭗ ﺳﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻓﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭﻱ )ﻛﭙﻮﺗﻲ(‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻱﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺎ )ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ«؛‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ »ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ« ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﻲ »ﻫﻤﻠﺖ«(‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫)ﺭﺍﻛﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ«( ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰ ﺁﻱﻓِﻨﺰ )ﻫﻢﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧــﺖ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﺎﺗﻴﻨﮓ ﻫﻴﻞ«( ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﻜﭽﺮﺯ(‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺁﻏﻮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫)‪( Broken Embraces‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻪﻟﻮﭘﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ« )‪ ( Volver‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺁﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻱ »ﻭﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻧﺎ« )ﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻦ( ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻦ« ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1950‬ﻧﻴﻜﻼﺱ ﺭﻱ )ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ( ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺁﻏﻮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻟﻤﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﺎﻳﺠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ؟« )ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ‪(EPA‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ) ‪(Brothers‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﻛﻪﺷﺶﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﭘﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﻭ »ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻨــﺎﻑ )ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﺩﻙﺑﺎﺯ( ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ)ﺟﻴﻚﺟﻴﻠﻨﻬﺎﻝﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻱ»ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥﺑﺮﻭﻙﺑﻚ«(ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﻫﻤﺴﺮ)ﻧﺎﺗﺎﻟﻲﭘﻮﺭﺗﻤﻦ(ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ)ﺗﻮﺑﻲﻣﮕﻮﺍﻳﺮ(ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺯﻡﺟﻨﮓﻋﺮﺍﻕﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪).‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻻﻳﻨﺰﮔﻴﺖ(‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﭼﺮﻱ) ‪(Cheri‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ« )‪(1988‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻓﺎﻳﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺰﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ )ﻣﻠﻜﻪ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻫﻤﭙﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭙﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻮﻭﻝ ‪ 1920‬ﻛﻮﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻭِﻝ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ« ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ )ﺭﻭﭘﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﻧﺪ( ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ )ﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺘﺲ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﻴﺰﺭﻱ«( ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱﻫﻢﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﻔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ«‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﻣﺎﻛﺲ(‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﻫﺮﺕ ﻻﻛﺮ)‪(Hurt Locker‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﻧ ِﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﮕﻠﻮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻮﻝ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ )ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻧﻨﮓ« ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺭﻩ ﺍ ِﻻﻩ« ﺷﺪ( ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍ ِﻭﻧﺠﻼﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﻛﺮﻳﺘﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﺗﻴﻤﻨﺖ(‬ ‫‪ -10‬ﺧﺒﺮﭼﻴﻦ )‪(informant‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﺭﺑﺮگ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭﻱ )ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ«( »ﺧﺒﺮﭼﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ »ﺍﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻛﻮﻭﻳﭻ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﺎﺳــﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫)ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺏ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻲ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﺯﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺰ )ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻥ( ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ )ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﭽﻦﻭﺍﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ( ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻴﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻛﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺰﺩﻝ ﻭ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺭﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪) «.‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﻧﺮ(‬ ‫‪-11‬ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭ) ‪(InglouriousBastards‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺋﻨﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳــﺒﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﻲ )ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﺍَﻭِﺭﻱ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻦ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐﻭﻏﺮﻳﺒﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﻪﻳﺮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻮﺭﻳﺲ ﻟﻴﭽﻤﻦ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭﻱ )ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻧﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻮﻟﻮپ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﻳﻦ(‬ ‫‪ -12‬ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺎ )‪(Julie & Julia‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺭژﻳﻨﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺳــﻴﻠﻚﻭﻭﺩ«‪» ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ« ﻭ »ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺗﻞ« ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ )ﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺍﻣﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺟﻮﻥ ﺑﺎگ« ﻭ »ﺷﻚ« ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ )ﻣﺮﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﭗ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1950‬ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﭼﻲ ﻫﻢﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﭗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﺩﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﭗ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪) «.‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﭘﻴﻜﭽﺮﺯ(‬ ‫‪ -13‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ )‪(Lovely Bones‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭﻱ »ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺟﻜﺴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﺎ ﺑﻮﻳﻨﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻭﻝ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻟﻴﺲ ﺳــﻴﺒﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻜﺴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ »ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎ« ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺋﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻦ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻛﻔﺎﺭﻩ« ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺵ )ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺮگ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺭﻓﺘﮕﺎﻥ« ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭽﻞ ﻭﺍﻳﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ« ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﻮﻧﺖ ﭘﻴﻜﭽﺮﺯ(‬ ‫‪ -14‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻫﺎ ﺯﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫) ‪(Men Who Stare at Goats‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻧﺖ ﻫﺴــﻠﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺷﺐﺑﺨﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ،2005‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﺶ ﺟﺮﺝ ﻛﻠﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ‪/‬ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻮﻧﻲ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺳــﻴﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎ«( ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺴــﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻒ ﺑﺮﻳﺠﺰ )ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ( ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﺴــﻲ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲ« ﻭ »ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ«( ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻚﮔﺮﮔــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳــﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﺭﭼﺮ(‬ ‫‪-15‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﺷﺨﺼﻲﻣﻦ‬ ‫)‪(My Own Love Song‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭﻱ )ﺭﻧﻪ ﺯﻟﻮﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩ« ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺗﻠﻨﺪ«( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﭼﺮﺥﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﻫﺎﻥ )ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺚ ﭘﻴﺎﻑ( ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﮔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻤﺠﺰ(‬ ‫‪ -16‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ)‪(precious‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﻠﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ )ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻫﻴﻮﻻ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣــﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫)ﮔﺎﺑﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻳﺐ( ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ( ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻻﻳﻨﺰﮔﻴﺖ(‬ ‫‪ -17‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ )‪(A Serious Man‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺋﻞ ﻛﻮﺋﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔــﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺗﻴﺮﻩﻭﺗﺎﺭ »ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺰﻥ« ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﭘﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1960‬ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﻮﻛﺲ ﻓﻴﭽﺮﺯ(‬ ‫‪ -18‬ﺷﺮﻟﻮﻙ ﻫﻮﻟﻤﺰ) ‪(Sherlock Holmes‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺩ ﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻴﻦ« ﻭ »ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ«‪» /‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﭙﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩ« ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﭽﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻻ« ﻭ »ﻗﺎپﺯﻧﻲ« ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭽﻞ ﻣﻚﺁﺩﺍﻣﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﻧﺮ(‬ ‫‪ -19‬ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻭﻭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻙ )‪(Taking Woodstock‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮓ ﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ )ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻙﺑﻚ( ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺷﺎﻣﻮﺱ )ﺑﺒﺮ ﺧﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍژﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ( ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﮔﻮﺩﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻠﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺘﻦ )ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻭﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﻚ«( ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﻛﺲ ﻓﻴﭽﺮﺯ(‬ ‫‪ -20‬ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ) ‪(Tempest‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺗﻴﻄﺲ« ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﭙﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ )ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺮﻳﺪﺍ« ﻭ »ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ«( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻠﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭﻱ )ﻣﻠﻜﻪ(‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺍﺻﻠﻲﺭﺍﺍﻳﻔﺎﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﺟﺎﻳﻤﻮﻥﻫﻮﻧﺴﻮ)ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺑﺮﺍﻱﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﻭ »ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ«( ﻭ ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ )ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ«(ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪).‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻣﻴﺮﺍﻣﺎﻛﺲ(‬ ‫‪ -21‬ﻧﻪ )‪(Nine‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 2002‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ »ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ« ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻣﻔﺮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ‪ /‬ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺲ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻱ»ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ«ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﺗﺎﺟﻮﻧﺰ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﺩﻱﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﻴﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜــﻮﻝ ﻛﻴﺪﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﻪﻟﻮﭘﻪ ﻛــﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﻧﭻ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﻓﻴﺎ ﻟﻮﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﺳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﻪ ﺯﻟﻮﮔﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺩپ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺝ ﻛﻠﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻴــﻮ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺭﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﺶﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﻳﻦ(‬ ‫‪ - 22‬ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ )‪(Invidious‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﻮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻠﺴــﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻜﻬﺎﻡ )ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﻮ )‪ (2001‬ﻭ ﺷﺮﻟﻮﻙ ﻫﻮﻟﻤﺰ )‪(2009‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺖﺩﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﭘﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﻧﺮ(‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﻀﺮ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴـﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳـﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰﺍﺯﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻦﮔﺮﻭﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﻮﻳﺲﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯﺩﻭﻭﺳﻪﺟﻠﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺍﻋﻼﻡﺣﺎﺻﻞﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺯﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺴـﺘﺮﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺻﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴـﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪﻱﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺧـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯﺯﺑﺎﻥﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪،‬ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯﺗﺎﺯﻩﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺻﺪﺭﻯﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺸـﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻠﻮﻏﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻯﺩﻋﻮﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷـﻰ ﺑـﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺳﻪﺗﻦﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯﺍﺯﺻﺒﺢﺗﺎﻏﺮﻭﺏ‪،‬ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻝﻭﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻏﻴﺒﺖﻳﻚﺭﻭﺯﻩﻧﺴﺘﺮﻥﺣﻜﻤﻰ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﺩﻭﺿﻠﻊﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻣﺜﻠﺚﻃﻼﻳﻰﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺻﺪﺭﻯﺍﻓﺸـﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﭘـﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ »ﻭﻧﺪ«ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ ‪ logy‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ؟ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ‪ beam‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﺗﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺲ«‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺐ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐﺷﺎﻳﺪﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥﺁﻧﭽﻪﺍﺯﻗﺒﻞﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻯﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺮﺳـﺘﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﮔﻞﮔﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﺎﻩﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰﺩﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺁﻫﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻩﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﮔﻠﺒﺮگ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﮔﻠﺒﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺁﺑﺰﻯ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻰ »ﺧﺎﻛﺰﻯ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻯﺍﻓﺸـﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ ‪ Logy‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ »ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ‪ Logist‬ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻨﺎﺱ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ« ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ »ﺭﻗﻤﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ« ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻯﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻳﻢ؟ ﺧﺐ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧـﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪﺭﺻﺪﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪﻯﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ Facebook‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ‪ Facebook‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺑﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‪Add‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥﻳﺎ‪ share‬ﻛﺮﺩﻥﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺮﺩﻡﻋﺎﺩﻯﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻭﺭﻭﺍﺝﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ »ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ« ﻳﺎ »ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﻳﺎ »ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪ share‬ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭﺍژﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻯﺍﻓﺸـﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺳــﻠﻴﻘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻮﻳــﺲ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺫﻭﻗﻰ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻮﻳﺲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻟــﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻠﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﺭﻭﺍﻥﻧﻮﻳﺲ« ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺎﺱ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ »ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺎﺱ« ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺁﮔﻨﺞ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ«‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ« ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ »ﺭﻗﻤﻰ« ﻳﺎ »ﺭﻗﻮﻣﻰ« ﭼﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻰﺳﻮﺍﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ »ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺭﻗﻤﻰ« ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳـﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻣﺪﺧﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻀﻢﺗـﺮ« ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻓﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺜﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺜﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ »ﭘﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ« ﻳﺎ »ﭘﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ« ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ »ﭼﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻐﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘــﺎﻝ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺭﻗﻤﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺜﻞ »ﭘﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ« ﻳﺎ »ﭘﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ« ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﺟﻌﻠﻰ« ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺮ ﻛـﺲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ! ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﻟﻰﺗﺮ« ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺍﻭﻟﻰ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺴـﻮﻧﺪ »ﺗـﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑــﺪﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻰﺗﺮ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺍﻭﻟﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻫﻢ »ﺍﻭﻟﻰﺗﺮ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﻏﻠﻂ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦﺣﻜﻤﻰ‪:‬ﺍﺯﻃﺮﻓﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥﺭﺍﺍﻳﻦﻣﺮﺩﻡﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫»ﭼﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ »ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺸـﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ »ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ »ﺑﻘﺎﻟﻰ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻭﺑﺎﺭﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ »ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖ« ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻟﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻘﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ »ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻯ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻯ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠـﺐ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤـﻮﻡ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫـﺎﻯ ﻟﻐﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳـﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳـﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣـﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳـﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑـﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺣـﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑـﺮﺩ ‪Native‬‬ ‫‪ speaker‬ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﺮﻕ »ﺑﺮﺍﻯ« ﻭ »ﻣﺎﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻯﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻓﻰ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻼﺵﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻳﺎﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳـﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺘﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢﻭﺑﻌﺪﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺑﺴﺎﻣﺪﺍﻳﻦﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺷﻜﻞﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝﺗﺮﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺪﺧﻞﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢﻭﺷﻜﻠﻰﺭﺍﻛﻪﺑﺴﺎﻣﺪﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺍژﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫»ﺍﭘﻴﻼﺳﻴﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﻣﻮﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﭘﻴﻼﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺸـﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺪﺧﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻟﻐﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻟﻐﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻟﻐﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻴﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ )ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ( ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻻﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻯ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺫﻭﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴــﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪25‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 8‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 69‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪69‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺘﺮﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺴﺘﺮﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻧــﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ )ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 78‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻛﺮﺩﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍﻫﻢﺩﻭﻛﺘﺎﺏ»ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻨﺎﻣﻪﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥﻭﺍﻋﻼﻡ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪﻯ« ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻛﺘﺎﺏﻋﺮﺿﻪﺷﺪﻩﻛﻪﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺑﺎﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺁﻥﺭﺍﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺗﻴﻢﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﺫﻭﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﻟﻐﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﺮ ﻟﻐﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺧﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻟﻐﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪﻯ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻐﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ -1 :‬ﺁﻏﺸــﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﺴــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻢﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪-2 .‬ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫)ﺯﻣﻴﻦ( ‪ -3‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‪).‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬ﺹ‪(68‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺨﻦ‪ :‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪﻱ‪ -1:‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻳﻊ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﭼﺴﺒﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫>ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺴﻞ<‪ -2‬ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ >ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻫﺮ< )ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪(52‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺎﺫﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳـﺨﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺎﺫﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪) .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(98‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ -1 :‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺳﺘﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪-2‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪) .‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪(163‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳـﻲ ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪﻱ‪ :‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﺣﻖ )ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺷــﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺝ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ(؛‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺒﺮﻯ؛ ﺗﻠﻜﻪ >ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺎﺫﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺧﺎﺫﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪ< )ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(115‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪﻱ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ( )ﺹ ‪(290‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺨﻦ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ )ﺹ ‪(271‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻝ‪ -1 .‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ)ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻰ( ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳـﻰ ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪﻯ‪ -1 :‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪}-2‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ{ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ >ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ<‪} .3‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ{‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻟﻰ؛ ﻗﻼﺑﻰ >ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ<‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳـﺨﻦ‪ -1:‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺁﺩﻣﻚ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ ‪ -2‬ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ :‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ ‪ -3‬ﺳﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ :‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ« ﺳﻪ ﺟﻠﺪﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺭﻱﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺘﺮﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﺮﺕ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻲﻭﭼﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷــﺼﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻲ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ....‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻬﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﻭﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙﺷﺪﻩﻳﺎﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺑﺰﺭگﻭﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻛﺎﻇﻢﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺑﺠﻨﻮﺭﺩﻱﺩﺭﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑﺑﺰﺭگﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻬﻴﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‪ 13‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﻬﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﺻﺪﺭﺣﺎﺝﺳﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﻭﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻟﻐﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬ﺑﻲﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻟﻐﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﺑﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﻲﺳﻪﺩﺍﻧﺸﻮﺭﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺯﺑﺎﻥﻭﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺩﺭﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲﻧﻮﻳﻦﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺵﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﺑﻜﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪،‬ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻟﻐﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﺿﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖﻭﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﻇﻢﺍﻻﻃﺒﺎء ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﺮ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺗﻐﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﺪﺭﻛﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻔﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻋﻤﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺰﺭگﻭﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱﺧﻠﻖﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﺧﺎﻧﻢﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﻬﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺨﻦ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻭﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩﻭﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﺤﺴﻦﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲﺑﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﻪﺗﻨﻘﻴﺢﻭﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﺁﻥﺑﻪﺧﻂﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺭﻱﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺘﺮﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﻓﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻠﻢ« ﺟﺮﺝ ﺳــﺎﺭﺗﻦ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﺭﺗﻮﺭﭘﻮپ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺟﻠﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺧﻴــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ« ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ -1 :‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻇﺮﺍﻳﻒ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ -2 ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ‪ - 3‬ﭘﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﺻﺪﺭﻱﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻭﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳــﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻲ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻟﻐﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻐﺰﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ« ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺜﻼ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲﻭ ﺳﺮﻩﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻪﺟﻠﺪﻱ »ﻭﺍژﻩﻳﺎﺏ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺳــﺮﻩ« ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ« ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺘﺮﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﺎﻻﻳــﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﺑﻪﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳــﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺧﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻭﺍﺋﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ« ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺧﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‪،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺭﻭﺷﻲﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺷﺪﻩﻭﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻌﺐ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺳﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻭﺛﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺷﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺳﭙﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫»ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻬﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﮔﭻﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻩ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻩ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺳﭙﻬﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻳﻰ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﺷﻌﺮ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﭙﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﻘﻞ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺁﻓﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻄﺴﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺑﻊﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻧﺎﻣﺰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻧﺎﻣــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﺍﺟﻰ ‪ 12‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺍژ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ‪120‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 140‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻧﮓﺭﻭﻏﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ‪ 73‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 114‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻲﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﺣﺼﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺭﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﻴﻼﺭﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﺑﺸﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﻮ ﮔﺮﻳﮕﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮﺍﻙ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻐﺘﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞ ﮔﺮﻳﮕﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﻧﻠﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻝﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳــﭙﻬﺮﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻧﺎﻥﺳﻌﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﻣﻮﻓﻖﺷﺪﻩﻭﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶﻭﺍﺟﺪﺳﺒﻜﻰﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﻭﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﭘﺮﺩﻩﻣﺎﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﭘﺮﺩﻩﻣﺎﺷﺮﻗﻴﺎﻥ‪.‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶﻓﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ« ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ »ﺿﻴﺎء« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ »ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺴﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺳﭙﻬﺮﻯ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺒﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻛﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻗﻠﻢﻣﻮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ« ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯﻯﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻯﺳﭙﻬﺮﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺑﻪﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯﻛﻪﺍﻭﺍﺯﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﻣﻮﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣــﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸــﺖﺑﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﺱﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺴﺒﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﭙﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻪﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺟﺰﺍﻯﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖﺑﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﺶﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺩﺭﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻯﺳﭙﻬﺮﻯﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ »ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺳﭙﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ‪18‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺴــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﻮﺭﻣﻨــﺲ )ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ( ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺳــﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺳﭙﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﻳﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ« ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 300‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ )ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ( ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻧﺼﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻘﻞ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﺸـﺖ ﺳـﺮﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪﺟﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻘﻞ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ« ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻀﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﺮﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ 57‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ،57‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺻﺒﻐﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻘﻞ« ﻭ »ﺣﺪﻳﺚ« ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ »ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﺍﺑﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﻲ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲﻣﺘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ »ﻋﻤﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺴــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺁﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ »ﺑﺮﺧﻲ« ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ؟! ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻬﺎﺕ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻝﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻥ »ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ« ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺮگ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻔﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟!‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻧﺼﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺼﺮ »ﻋﻤﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‪» ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ« ﺍﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ«ﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻧﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﺟﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺖ« ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ »ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ« ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ »ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ« ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ« ﻳﺎ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺻﻔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ« ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫»ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ« ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻤﺢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻲ« ﻭ »ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ« ﻭ »ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﻏﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻗﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ!‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ‪4-5‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﻻ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ« ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳــﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺤﻮﻝ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ »ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺴﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭﻛﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻴﺮﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷـﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸـﻒ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴـﻦ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻟﻐﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺏﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ( ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﺎﺏﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻩ ﻓﻬﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺝ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‪ «...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻢ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴـﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟـﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘـﻰ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺳـﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃـﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻟﻄﻔـﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗـﻰ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪﻫﻮﻳـﺖ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴــﻚ« ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻁ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻮﺳــﻰ ﺯﺭﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ـ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ـ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺯﻻﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟــﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳــﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸــﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺣﺮ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻗﻮﭼﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ« ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 37‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺮﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﻣــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻓﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻴﻆ ﻣﺤﻴﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻟﻘﺎء ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨــﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻼ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻘﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺷ ّﻜﺎﻛﻴّﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻓﺴﻄﺎﻳﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ« ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﺎﺋـﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻣﻲﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺣﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣـﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﻠﻤــﺎﺕ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻟﻘﺎء ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ـ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ـ ﺑﺮﺁﺷــﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﻓﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻤﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﻄﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ـ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ـ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒــﻰ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺯﺭﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺸــﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻋﻘﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﻧﻤﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ‪ 180‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺸﺎء ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﺒﺘﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ »ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥِ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻛﺴﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﺒﺘﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ـ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍء ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻘﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻨﺪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﻧﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻗﻮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻰﺍﻟﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺣﺸﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴـﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛـﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻧﻮﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺺﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ؛ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ؛ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ؛ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ؛ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ‪ ....‬ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠــﻢ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺩﻳﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺦﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺼﻴــﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻴﻎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪259‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺎﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱﺍﺯﻧﻮﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺯﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻄﻴﻊ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﻠــﻂ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﻮﻏﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻧﻤــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﷲ ﻛﺠﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ« ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴّﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1340‬ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 28‬ﻭ ‪ 23‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﻧﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻣﻲﺑﺎﺩﻛﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ـ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ـ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﻴﻦ ‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﻟﻌﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ؛ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺻﻮﻓﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻗﺎ؛ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬــﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝﺍﻟﻤﺒﺪﺃ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳــﺪ؛ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺣﻠﺒﻰ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﺍﻻﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ؛ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﺭﻙ ﺳﻔﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻼ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘـﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺗـﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺶ ﺧﻄﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﻧﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴــﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪﻣﺎﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺑﺎﻣﻌﻀﻞﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢﺑﺮﺗﻌﻘﻞ‪،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪،‬ﺗﺪﺑﺮﻭﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﺯﻋﻘﻞﭼﻪﺑﻪﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺟﺰﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﭼﻪﺑﻪﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﻛﻠﻰﺁﻥﺩﺭﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺧﻮﺩﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽﺭﺍﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻼ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺿﻼﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﻘﻠﻮﻥ« ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑ ّﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻟﻐﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘـﺪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ« ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻏﺮﺽ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﮔﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺽ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 1‬ـ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻧﺎﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﻞ‪ 2.‬ـ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻧﻘﻠﻰ‪ -3 .‬ﺧﻄﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ‪ -4‬ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻـﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴـﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺠّ ﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻛﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﻧﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻰ«ﺑﻪﻣﺎﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﭙﺨﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻣﻬﻢﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥﻓﻘﻂﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺩﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺟﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻫﺎﻟـﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴـﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺘـﺎﺏ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﻼ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺳــﻪ ﺟﺰﻭﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺼﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺘﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼــﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻧﻘـﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴـﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻢ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧـﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺳـﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺁﻏﻮﺷـﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺰ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳـﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳـﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸـﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷـﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻴﺴـﻰﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ)ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ (1386‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺼﺮﺵ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼء ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳــﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺎﺳﻮﻧﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﻤﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1287‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1311‬ﻩ‪ -‬ﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺸــﻘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻼﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ )ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﻪ( ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻯ )ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﺮﻭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫)ﺩﻩﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ( ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫‪ 69‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺴــﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺎﺭﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﻜﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻃﻤﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺬﺍ ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ّﺍﻻ ﻓﻼ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐﺯﻧﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﻨﺞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﻦﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‪ 36 ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﻠﻴﻤﻲﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1307‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1317‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺷﻴﺰ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺷﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺸــﻢ‪ -2 ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻰﺳﻬﻮﺍﻻﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻣﻮﻡ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ‪ -3‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﭼــﺎپ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ)ﺍﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻡ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦ )ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ( ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺰ ﻛﻮﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺰ ﻛﻮﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻄﻠﻮﻋﻴﻦ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻼﺡ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻣﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻣﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻋﺪﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪«.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻗــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻠﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻭﻃﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ‬‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻃﻦﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺵ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﻦ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺵ ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻃﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻫﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻃﻦﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺽ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫــﻢ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺵ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺒﺎﺏ ﻏﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺟﻬﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﺠﻞ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺠﻞ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ)ﺹ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1328‬ﻩ‪ -‬ﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪﺍﻻﻣﻪ ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻁ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺳــﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕــﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ‪ :‬ﻋــﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ‪ «.‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻠــﻚﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣــﺪﺭﺱ‪ -:‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟــﻒ( ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ؛ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ( ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣــﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺧﺮﺍﺝ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ‬‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻲ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻉ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻳﺎﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﺭﺍﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺷﺮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ :‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺛﻐﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻞ‬‫ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ‪C - 130‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻯ ‪ C -130‬ﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﻬــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 1384‬ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 128‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ 132‬ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ‪C-130‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫــﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟــﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ‪ C -130‬ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪1384‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 128‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪132‬‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ 94 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ‪ 40‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 13:45‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺩ ﻏﻠﻴﻈﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 10‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﻠــﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻝ )ﻋﺎﺩﻯ( ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ‪ C -130‬ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ‪ R.O.V‬ﻧﺎﻭﺑﺮﻯ ﻳﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ )ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫــﺎﻯ‪ C -130‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ )‪ (FDR‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ )ﺑﺮﺝ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ‪ C -130‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻱ‪ C -130‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﻭ ‪ 4‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﻝ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢﻛﺮﺩ‪ » :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 3‬ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻗــﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺪﺭﻭﻟﻴﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﺴــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ‪C -130‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ »ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻄﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒــﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ‪ C -130‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺩﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻥﺑﺎﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ« ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 82‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 93‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ )ﺍﭘﺮﻭچ( ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻣﺒﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ )ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ( ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ‪ C -130‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ‪ 15‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﺼــﺪﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻡ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ‪ C -130‬ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪ 132 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥﻭﻻﻳﺖﺗﻮﺳﻂﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴــﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ C -130‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ 8‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 14‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ )ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﻀﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ -‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ‪ ، C -130‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﺒﻠــﻎ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻪ –ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻮﻡﺍﻻﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺩ‪) .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ« ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 23‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺷﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ‬ ‫‪ 1961‬ﮔﻮﺁﺗﻤﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ‪ ،1971‬ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ‪ 31‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ،54‬ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻡ ﺷﺪ‪(.‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺷــﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻧﻬﺎﺟﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ‪ C -130‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ –ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺼﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ – ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺡﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻨﺠﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ‪ - (...‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ )‪ 8‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ‪ 8‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿــﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺼﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫‪ 35‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻜﻢ ‪35‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 544/31‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 87/8/13‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺫﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﻩ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ‪ C -130‬ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‪ C -130‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‪ C -130‬ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺑﻪﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍﻯ ‪ C -130‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻰﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺺ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ 15 ،‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻜﺲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ ،C -130‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻰﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻳﻮﺵ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺰﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺡ‪ -‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ‪ 15‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 84‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﺨﺮﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‪ -‬ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸــﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ‪ C -130‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪9‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺪﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﺩﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻮﻟﻮ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪ ‪ 20‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1336‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ ‪6‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫)‪ (1365-71‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1371‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ – ﻋــﻜﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ‪ C -130‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﺮﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ‪32‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺷــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩﺩﻝ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦ ‪5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻲ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻢ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘــﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪12‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺳــﺒﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺗــﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ‪ C -130‬ﺑﺎ ‪4‬ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ »ﻳﺎﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ« ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﻳﺎﺣﺴــﻴﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻳﺎﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺩﺳﺘﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺷﺎﻧﺲﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻢ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻱ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪A‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ؛ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻳﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻴﺐ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻼﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪A‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‪ -‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥﺑﺎﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻋﻼﺋــﻢ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻙ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧــﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻮﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﻒ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻰ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷــﻠﻮﻍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺬﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﺣــﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪A‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺷﻴﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪A‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺑﺎﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ‪ ICU‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺗﻌﻠــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ« ﻟﻘــﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ژﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺧــﻮﻙ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻲﻓﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ -‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ‪ -‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؟« ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ ،A‬ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ( ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺁﺫﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸـﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺞ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ‪ A‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺫﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷـﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺳـﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ICU‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻛﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺣﺞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻳﻠﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﻳـﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻮﺳـﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠـﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺗﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻮﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﻟﻴﻤﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻘﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺑﻮﺳﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ‪ ICU‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﻻﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ‪ ICU‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻭﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺍﭘﻴﺪﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﺛﺒﺖﺷﺪﻩﺭﺍﺩﺭ‪ 140‬ﺿﺮﺏﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺑﺘﻼﻛﻪﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺎﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ‪H1N1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴــﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺘﻤﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻏﺮﺑﺎﻟﮕــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻚ ﺭﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺞ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﭼــﺎﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﺳــﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻘﻔﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻄﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺐ ﻳﻠﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺴــﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺗــﺎ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻴﻤﻪ ﺣﺴﻦﻣﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨــﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄــﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺯﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ؛ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻊ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ‪5‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ppm 50‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ‪ppm 500‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ‪ SO2‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﻟﻔﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺪﻯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺰﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺳﻴﺪﻳﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺨﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺑــﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖﺍﺳﺖﻭﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﻊ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺸﻬﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻭﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮء ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ‪ 100‬ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ – ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻳﺎﻥﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﻫﺘــﻞ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺘﻞ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ؛ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻤﭗ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻋﻜــﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻗــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴــﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻴــﺎﻁﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺑﻜﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ« ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻏﻼﻣﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﮔﻠﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴــﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺘﺶ ﻓﻘﻂ »ﺭﺷﻚ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ« ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫــﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻴﻪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ؟« ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴــﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ!‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ؟ ﺁﺏ ﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻓــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫‪ B‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺰﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻮﻳــﭻ ﻭ ﺑﻼژﻭﻭﻳﭻ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ‪ ....‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻲ »ﺧﻴﺮ« ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ »ﺧﻴﺮ«ﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻱ« ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺗﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﻴﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺷﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﺮﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨــﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺯﺩﻭﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ »ﻫﺪﻑ« ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ »ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ؛ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮ ﻣﺘﺸــﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮگ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳـﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻜﻠﻒ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ 87‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺳـﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴـﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳـﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳـﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭﻃـﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧـﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺸـﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗـﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴـﺰ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠـﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺳـﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ‪ 2‬ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩﺷـﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺷـﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ 5‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2011‬ﺁﺳـﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﺒـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔـﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷـﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻨﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛــﻲﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﻢ ﺻﺪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠـﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟــﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ B‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻲﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ؛ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﮓﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛــﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻳﺄﺱ« ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻴـﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ‪ 45‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 11‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳـﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ»ﻗﻠﺐ ﺷـﻴﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑــﺪﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ؛ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴـﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 32‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ‪ 45‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴـﺎﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ‪70‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ« ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷـﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﻭﻳﻢ؟!‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺗﻮﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻌﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻌﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺻﺪﺍﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻲﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﻪﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴـﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﻪﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ؟!‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺗﻪﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻻﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺘﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﻻﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﮔﺎﺱ ﻫﻴﺪﻳﻨﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﻭﻭﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭﺍﻣﻴﻠﻮﺗﻴﻨﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﻻﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺣـﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﻪﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳـﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫‪ 32‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ‪ 19‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ‪ 35‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟــﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻀــﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﻤﻮﺗﺮﺵ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﭽﺴــﺐ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﻴﻤﻮﺗﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺦﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺷــﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﻴﻤﻮﺗﺮﺵ ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺬﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻟﻴﻤﻮﺗﺮﺵ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃـﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻨﻜـﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2011‬ﺁﺳـﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺩﻝ ﺷﻴﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺮﺥﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺩﻝ ﺷﻴﺮ«‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴـﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ‪ 11‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ‪ AFC‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ AFC‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ AFC‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﮓﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴـﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺷـﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺳــﻮﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﺯﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻢ! ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻠﻲﺁﻑ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﮔﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮچ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻴﻤــﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺗﺮﺍﺷﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺭﺍﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺵﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﺑﺎﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦﻧﻜﺎﺕﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺩﺭﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺩﻧﻴﺎﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﺯﻣﺎﻥﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲﻛﻪﺭﻭﻱﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪،‬ﺗﻼﺵﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺷﺪﻥﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺏ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺧﻮﺑﻲﺑﺎﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥﺑﺰﺭگﺩﻧﻴﺎﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﭼﺮﺍﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﮔﺎﺱ ﻫﻴﺪﻳﻨﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﻭﻭﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻫﻴـﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻴﻢﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠـﻪ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩﭘـﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫـﺪﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒـﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻞ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪،86‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺑــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﻲ ﻗﻄﺒــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴــﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴــﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻻﺻﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺩﻝﺷﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﻢﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﺮ ﺷﺶ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻞ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪97‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺮﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 87‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻴﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻣﺪﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺟــﺬﺏ ﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻌــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳــﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺷــﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠــﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﺗﺰﺗﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺋﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻨﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒــﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟــﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻓﻨﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 4-2-3-1‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻼ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻢ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻭﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﻘــﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟــﻮژﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺺﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﺑﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗــﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪ ....‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ‪UP‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖ؛ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪﻋﻤﺮﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮﻣﺤﺎﻝﻭﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱﺭﻭﻳﺎﻣﻲﺑﺎﻓﺪﻭﺑﺎﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺩﺭﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱﻋﻤﺮﺵ‪،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺶﺭﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﺶﺭﺍﻫﻢﺷﻜﺴﺖﺩﺍﺩﻭﺑﻪﭼﻴﺰﻱﻛﻪﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻗﺼﻪﻛﻪﻋﻤﺮﺵﻓﻨﺎﻱﺁﻥﺁﺭﺯﻭﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2006‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ »ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻮﻝ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺟﺎﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺒﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒــﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﺗﻮپ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻠﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲﻫﺎ )ﻣﺎﺭﻛﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﻣﻮ( ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ »ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻧــﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ‪ UP‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺮﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺮﺑﭽﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮﻛﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪﻣﺎﺁﻥﭘﺴﺮﻙﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺍﮔﺮﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻛﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺴــﺮﻙ ﻫﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱﺍﺳﺖﺑﺮﺍﻱﺁﻧﻜﻪﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶﺭﺍ‪،‬ﻗﺒﻞﺍﺯﺑﺎﺯﻱﺑﺎﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻞﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺼﺮﺗﻲﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥﺑﻪﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻦﺑﻪﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻻﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱﻣﺎ‪،‬ﻫﺪﻑﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﺟﺎﻡﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱﺁﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦﻗﻄﺒﻲﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺐﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ »ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ« ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﺳﺎﺯ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍژﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻤــﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ »‪ «Crazy‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟« ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ژﺍﻥ ﭘﻞ ﺳﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ«‬ ‫»ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪» .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ »ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ....‬ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺑﻮﺭﺍﻣﻴﻠﻮﺗﻴﻨﻮﻭﻳــﭻ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻭﻭﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺪﻳﻨﻚ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﻣﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍگ ﻫﺎﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷــﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﺑﺎﺯ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ‪ ....‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﺯﻭﺑﺎﺯ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺪﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ ،2009‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺍﻻﻻﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ »ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺲ« ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﻻﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﻢ ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻚ ﻫﻠﻨــﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺟﻰ ﺳﻮﻧﮓ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﻠﻮﺗﻴﻨﻮﻭﻳﭻ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺏ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺐ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻭﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻞ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ 97‬ﺗﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻫﺘﻞ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺮﺣﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﮕﺎﻧﺶ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺪﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺶ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻚ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻯﻛﺎﺭﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﻢﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺯﻧــﻰ ﺩﺍﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺷــﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﮓﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳــﻼﻓﺶ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻟﻤﺲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻨﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧــﻼء ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﻯ ﺫﺍﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻞ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻴﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﻏﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ 97‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺭﺩﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻓﺶ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﻧﻔﺲﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻦﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺑﺠﻨﮕﺪ‪،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯﺑﺎﻧﻘﺎﺏﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻧﺠﺎﺕﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﻻﺯﻡﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻢ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻫــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑــﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ‪ UCLA‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻄﻴﻞ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ؛ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺒــﺢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗــﻮ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﻣﺤﻞﻫــﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﺲﻫﻮﺩ« ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦﻗﻄﺒﻲﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺎﻟﻜﺴﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺪﻓﻢﺗﻨﻬﺎﻛﺴﺐﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢﻛﻪﺣﺘﻲﭘﻮﻟﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ؛ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﺍﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻟﻜﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﻳﺲ«‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 2000‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ -‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒــﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﺘﻲ ﺗﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒــﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻟﺦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲﻛﻬﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬