ماهنامه مثلث شماره 19

‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺎ ‪ :‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu€Ì» d^ˆ¿ ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫]‪ʻԇY ÉÂƼm Z‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ ‪ -‬ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻟﻮﯾﯽ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﯾﯽ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﯾﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎی ﺧﺎﻧﮕﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﮐﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﯾﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫»‪ªu [ZfŸY :Ê»€Æm |¼v‬‬ ‫¿‪d‡Y ¾¯žËZ“ ªu ,dˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪: Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﯾﻮﺑﯽ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﯽ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﯽﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺮﯾﺐ‬ ‫§”‪¶]Z¬» |ËZ] ɇ»: ʸWZ‬‬ ‫]‪{€Ì´] ž“» ½Z´¿Z´Ì‬‬ ‫‪łÅł‚‚‚Å‚ÅÅł‚Å‚‚Å‚‚Åł‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Åł‚‚‚‚‚qÌqqqÌqqÌqÌqÌqqqqÌqÌqÌÌqqÌqÌqÌqqqqqqqqqqcccccccc€€ˆ€ˆˆˆˆ€ˆˆ€€€ˆ€€ˆ€€€€€uuuuuuuuuuuuuuu€ˆu‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺸ ﻴ ﻤ ﺎ ﻥ ﻧﻴ ﺴ‬ ‫ﻑﺋ ﻴ ﻣﻨ ﺸ ﻲﻮ ﺭﻫ ﺎ ﺕ‬ ‫ﻃ ﺮﺧ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺷﺁ ﻐﻣ ﺎﺮ ﻳﻝ ﻜ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺍ ﻔﻭﺎ ﺍﺭ ﺯ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪148‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪|¿Y{ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫§‪½ZŒ¼¸Ì‬‬ ‫]¨€‪|‹Á‬‬ ‫{‪Ã‬‬ ‫¿¼‪:Ê°‬‬ ‫‪Zŀ°¨À‹Á‬‬ ‫‪M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪|Ìn»Ê¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪€f¯{½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪€f¯{Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪88Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪++4848Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{{{{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃ{Ã{{{{Ã{{{{{{{{{ÃÃ{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃÃ{Ã{Y{Y{{{Y{Y{{{Y{{{Y{{{YY{Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪148‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪|¿Y{ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫§‪½ZŒ¼¸Ì‬‬ ‫]¨€‪|‹Á‬‬ ‫{‪Ã‬‬ ‫¿¼‪:Ê°‬‬ ‫‪Zŀ°¨À‹Á‬‬ ‫‪M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪|Ìn»Ê¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪€f¯{½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪€f¯{Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪88Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪++4848Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{{{{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃ{Ã{{{{Ã{{{{{{{{{ÃÃ{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃÃ{Ã{Y{Y{{{Y{Y{{{Y{{{Y{{{YY{Y‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ô¬¿YZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ 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‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪|Ìn»Ê¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪€f¯{½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪€f¯{Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪88Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ô¬¿YZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﯽﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﯽ{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»¾‬ ‫‪{YÁ‬‬ ‫¯‪[Zf‬‬ ‫‪¹Z»Y‬‬ ‫¯€{‪¹‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪µÔm«Y‚´f»|y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫§‪µÔm:ʇZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫§‪c€ˆu:ʇZ‬‬ ‫‪½{Ây‬‬ ‫‪kÁ‬‬ ‫‪{Á‬‬ ‫{‪ÉZłÌq{Y‬‬ ‫‪É{ZË‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¹Z¹Z¹Z¹Z¹Z¹Z¹¹Z¹»»»¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹Z‬‬ ‫¯‬ 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‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫¿|‪|Àf‹Y‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫¿|‪|Àf‹Y‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZq‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{‪½ZËY€´·ÂY½{Y‬‬ ‫‪ÃZq‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{‪Z»½{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫»‪ª§YÂ‬‬ ‫¿‪Z»ºÌfˆÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫»‪ª§YÂ‬‬ ‫¿‪Z“|̼uºÌfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u:Ê«€e‬‬ ‫‪:Ê«€e‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡¼‪d‬‬ ‫§€{‪É‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫]€‪|¿Á‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡¼‪d‬‬ ‫§€{‪É‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫]€‪¹YÁ|Ì»Y|¿Á‬‬ ‫‪¹YÁ|Ì»Y½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪{½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪dÌuÔ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹‪{|¿Â‬‬ ‫‪dÌuÔ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹‪Ê¿Zˆ¯|¿Â‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪ʸ¯Âe‬‬ ‫{‪Á‬‬ ‫]‪Ê¿Zˆ¯| ‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫]‪€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪ʸ¯Âe‬‬ ‫{‪Á‬‬ ‫]‪ÉZ«M| ‬‬ ‫‪!Ê«€e‬‬ ‫{‪€Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫‪{Á‬‬ ‫¿‪d]Â‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡|‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪!Ê«€e‬‬ ‫{‪€Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫‪{Á‬‬ ‫¿‪d]Â‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Z‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‡|‬ ‫‪©{Z‬‬ ‫‪Z^Ë‬‬ ‫¯‪:¹Ô‬‬ ‫‪©{Z‬‬ ‫‪Z^Ë‬‬ ‫¯‪:¹Ô‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪sԏY‬‬ ‫—¸^‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪sԏY|ÀfˆÅ‬‬ ‫—¸^‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY|ÀfˆÅ‬‬ ‫»œ¸‪¹Â‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫»€ŸŒ‪¾Ìˆu:Ê‬‬ ‫»€ŸŒ‪Ê]Y{:Ê‬‬ ‫»ˆ‪ÉÁZ‬‬ ‫‹‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪d‡Á‬‬ ‫{‪d‹Y‬‬ ‫‡‪|Ì ‬‬ ‫§‪ʬWZ‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‬ ‫‬ ‫‬ ‫‬ ‫{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{‪‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡MMMMMMMMMMMMMMM‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺖﺮ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺳﺗﻛﺩﻨﻮﺍﺴ ﺳﻮﺷﻧﺨ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺪﺩ ﺎﻩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻓﺳﺸﺮﻻﭙﻧﺎﻣ ﺎﺎﻪﺭ ﻩﻧ ﻛﺟ‬ ‫ﻲ ﺎﻭﻲﻛﮔﺭﺮﺎ ﺩ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻦﻳ ﺮﺑ‬ ‫ﻚﻜ ﻫﺎﮔ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻋﻭ ﺬﺍ ﺁﺭﺯ ﺍﻣﻳﺧﻭﺮﻟ ﻳﻮ ﻴﺍ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺩﺷ ﺍ ﻧﻐ ﺎﺸﻝ ﺠﺳ ﻮ ﻔﻳ ﺎﺎ ﺭ ﻥﺕﺩﺑ ﺭﻮ ﺩ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪|Ìn»Ê¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪|Ìn»Ê¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪€Ì£‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪ʸ ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪€Ì£‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪ʸ ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫¿|‪|Àf‹Y‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫¿|‪|Àf‹Y‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZq‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{‪½ZËY€´·ÂY½{Y‬‬ ‫‪ÃZq‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{‪Z»½{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫»‪ª§YÂ‬‬ ‫¿‪Z»ºÌfˆÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫»‪ª§YÂ‬‬ ‫¿‪Z“|̼uºÌfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u:Ê«€e‬‬ ‫‪:Ê«€e‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪Ê]Ô¬¿Y|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ô¬¿YZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻙﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪ ISSN : 2 008‬ﻣﺜﻠ ﺚ ؛‬ ‫‪-528 1 MOS ALAS. IR‬‬ ‫ﻝﻧﻡﻴﺍ ﻡﺴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻋﺍ ﺎﻗﻥﻼﺪ‬ ‫ﻱﻴ ﺍﺭ ﺍﻤﺯ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻧﺧﺍﺎﺮ ﻣﻭﻮﺩ ﻪﺩ ﺑﺍﭘﻛ ﺎﻪﺸ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺻ ﻪ‬ ‫ﺪﻋ ﺎﺮ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻥﺍﺭﮔﻡ‬ ‫ﮓﺎ ﺯﺪ ﺷ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺮﺩ ﺍﺩﻧ ﻭﺸﻟ ﺑﺗﺠﺎﻨﺖﻮﺍ ﺑﻳﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻭ ﺭ ﻭ ﺯ ﻫ ﺎ ﻱ‬ ‫¯¨‪Á €]Z̋Z‬‬ ‫½‪:‬‬ ‫‰‪|Ë Â‬‬ ‫‪´]Á ½ Z»Z‡ †ÌW‬‬ ‫‡‪d‡ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮓ ﺍ ﺭﻏ ﻮﺍ««‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﺑﻪﺑﻪﺭﻧﺭﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻒ ﻴﻠ ﻢ»‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻴﻒ ﻓ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊﺗ ﻮﻗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻓﺭﻩﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩﻭﻧ ﺪﻩ ﺍیﺩ ﺍی‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫‡‪d‡ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺭ ﺍﺁ ﺑﻣﭘ ﺎﺮ ﻳﺍﺲﻜﺷ ﺎﺍﻐ ﺎﺯﺁ ﺍﻏﻝﻧﺎﻘﺳﺯ ﻔﻼﺎﻛ ﺮﺭ‬ ‫‡‪ÉÂ‬‬ ‫‪ɇÂ‬‬ ‫»‪Â‬‬ ‫‪ÁÁ»Ê¼‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ ZÅĘĘ]Y‬‬ ‫‪]YÃZ‬‬ ‫{]‪ ÃZ‬‬ ‫{ ]‬ ‫ﻛﻨ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺣ ﺪ‬ ‫ﻲﻨ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻢﻣﮔﺬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺣ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺭ‬ ‫ﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﻲ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﻗﻲﺍﻧﺭﺍ ‪:‬ﮔ‬ ‫ﻲﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨ‬ ‫ﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘ‬ ‫ﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺿﺎﮔ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻨﺪ ﺭ ﺿﺎ ﺧ‬ ‫ﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻛ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻉ‪ 1‬ﺗ‬ ‫‪000‬‬ ‫ﺤﻪ‪/‬ﺩﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﻪﻪﺻﻔ‬ ‫‪100‬ﺷﺘ‬ ‫ﮔﺬ‬ ‫ﮔﺬ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﺯﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺎﻥﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‪17/‬ﺁﺁﺑﺁﻧﻧﻬﺎﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪﻭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥﺎﺭ ﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬ‬ ‫ﺷﻪ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬ ﻛ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ ‪،‬ﺗﺤ‬ ‫ﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺴ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻮﺳﻮﻱﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺪﻣﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳ‬ ‫ﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 68‬ﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪:‬ﺍﻧﻔﻜ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺟ ﻮﺑﺎﺎ ﺑ‬ ‫¿‪²‬‬ ‫¿‪²‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫ﺗ ﺌ ﻮ ﺭﻳ ﺴ ﻴ ﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪116 /1 388‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﯾ ﺎ ﺯﺩ ﻫﻢ ‪ 26 /‬ﻣﻬ ﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍ ﺭ ﻏﻮ «‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧ ﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑ ﻪ»»‬ ‫ﻒﻓ ﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴ‬ ‫ﻓﻊﺗ ﻮﻗ ﻴ ﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍیﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫یﺩ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮﭘﺮﻭﻧ ﺪﻩﺍ‬ ‫‡|‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪Ê»| ]Á‬‬ ‫{‪Z¼Á‬‬ ‫‪Z ‹¼‹d]Â‬‬ ‫¿‪d]Â‬‬ ‫‪¯Â‬‬ ‫¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ʸ¯Â‬‬ ‫‪¿ Á‬‬ ‫‹‪|¿Â‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪e{{Á‬‬ ‫‪ÁZË‬‬ ‫‪ËYÁe€´·Â‬‬ ‫»‪ZËÊ‬‬ ‫]‪{:¹€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪€Ë‬‬ ‫‪ÅZ‬‬ ‫‪€À‬‬ ‫‪·ÂY‬‬ ‫¯‪Ô‬‬ ‫{‪€Ë‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫€«‪]Ê‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫‪dÌ‬‬ ‫‪dÌuÔ‬‬ ‫‪Z^Ë‬‬ ‫»‪!¶j‬‬ ‫‪Ê«€e‬‬ ‫‪!eÊ¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ˁ©{Z‬‬ ‫‪©{Z‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫‪¹Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Ô‬‬ ‫«‪ÉZ‬‬ ‫|‪Á‬‬ ‫‪ˆÁ|Ì‬‬ ‫‬ ‫¯ˆ‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫¯{‬ ‫{‪M»Y‬‬ ‫‪Ì»Y‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺗﻮﻮﻗﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻥﻓ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﻭﻮﮐﺭﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﯽﮐ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺭﻤﻏﻭ‬ ‫ﻮﻗﻴ‬ ‫ﻧﮓ ﺍﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮ‬ ‫ﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠ‬ ‫ﻴﻠ‬ ‫ﮕﯽﺗﺗ‬ ‫ﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﯽﻩﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﻓﺭﻧ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻴ‬ ‫ﺸﺖﻩ‬ ‫ﺖﻪﻩﮕﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧ‬ ‫ﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨ‬ ‫ﻣﻪﺮﺑﭘﻧ‬ ‫ﻠﻤﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺸﻪﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﺍﺑﮕﭘﻨ‬ ‫ﻴﻪ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻴﻪﮐﭘ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﺎﺎﭼ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫ‬ ‫ﻓﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﺗﻠﻪﻬ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﺎﻴﺘﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﻓﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻮ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﯽﻮ‬ ‫ﺖﻭﻧ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻮﺷﻪﻔ‬ ‫ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺷ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳ‬ ‫ﮔﺰ ﺍ ﮔ‬ ‫ﮔﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻴ ﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗ ﻮ ﻗ‬ ‫ﻴﻠﻓﻊﻢ‬ ‫ﻥﻓﻴﻠ‬ ‫ﻴﻒﻭﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﯽﻮﺍﻓﮐﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻒﻗﻴ‬ ‫ﻮﻗ‬ ‫ﻧﮓﻤﻏ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮓﻗﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﻗ‬ ‫ﮕﯽﻴﺗ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﻩﺭ‬ ‫ﯽﻓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻢﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧ‬ ‫ﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﺑﭘ ﮕ‬ ‫ﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺖﻪﻫﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﮐﻣﺍﮕ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﭼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﻪﮐ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻓﻴﻠﻴﻩﻩ‬ ‫ﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍیﺍﺑﺎﻓﺑﺎﻪﺯﺩﻬﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫یﺷﺎﺭﺑﺎﺭﺗﺘ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮﺑﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﯽﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺍﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺷ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺖﻪ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺩﮔﮔﻮﮔﻔﺳﺰﻔ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪Ê^Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê^Ì^u‬‬ ‫¿^‪: ^u Ê‬‬ ‫¼|¼|¿^‪Ê‬‬ ‫» ‪v»v‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‪ 17/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪ 24/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{‪‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡MMMMMMMMMMMMMMM‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪:Z]:Y‬‬ ‫‪:ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪YÊËZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪ųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫¨‪d¨³d‬‬ ‫‪Z] Z]³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﭘﻮ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺠ ﺎﺩﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﺣ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‪-‬ﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ‪-‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻮﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﻔﺮی‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺮی‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ ‪-‬ﺟ ﻌ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦﻧﺎﯾﺜﺜﺮﺮ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺍ ﻟﻴ ﯾ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫»‪½ZËY€´·ÂYµ|f ‬‬ ‫‪ŠËY‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺕ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺷﻭ ﻐﭘﺩ ﺎﺭﺸ ﻴﻝﺳﻤﻜﺳﺎ ﻧﻔﻮ ﺎﻲﺭ‬ ‫‪MO S ALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN : 2008‬‬ ‫‪-52 8 1‬‬ ‫ﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻩﺗﺎﺯﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﯽ؛ ﭘﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ ‪ -‬ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ‪ -‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭙﯽ‬ ‫]‪:ÊËZųÁ d¨³ Á ZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ‪ /‬ﺍﻭﻝﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﮑﺮﻴ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻮﺳ ﻔ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺪﺍﻟ ﮑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﯾﻮﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﮐ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻋ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻬﺪی ‪--‬‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺪی‪-‬‬ ‫ﮕﯽ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺩیﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﻘ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺍ‬ ‫ﻦﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﺰﻋ‬ ‫ﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣ‬ ‫ﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻓ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺣ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﺠ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺭیﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ---‬ﺍ ﻣ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺘﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺪﺗﻘﯽﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻨﮓﺑ‬ ‫ﺘﺮﻣﺠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﺍﷲﺷ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺷ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫»‪Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‬ ‫‹¼ ‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{ ‪¾ËY{¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪½ Z̋Z‬‬ ‫½½]€‪Á:Á‬‬ ‫‪|Ë‬‬ ‫‪¨¯Â ´ ] ‰ Á ½ Z»Z‡†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ºˆËË{{Y‬‬ ‫ˆ‪º‬‬ ‫|‪„¿Y „¿É‬‬ ‫¼|‪Y É‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫‪¹Y‬‬ ‫¿|¿|¼‬ ‫«^‪uY‬‬ ‫‪{µµ‬‬ ‫‪umÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÂY{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÂYY^«mÁ‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭیﮐﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻬ ﺪﻭی‬ ‫ﻴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎ ﺎ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺪﻩ ﺍی ﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺑ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫‪:YÊËZÅZf‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZ ÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫]‪³ ¨ Z] Z‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﺭﺎﮔﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩیﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺮی‬ ‫ﮔﺮیﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻌ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺭﮔ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺮیﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻌﺮی‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺑﻪﺗﻮﻫﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻬﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻬﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺑ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﭘ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻪﭘ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻃﻮﺳﯽﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥﺗ ﺗﻓﺗ‬ ‫ﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﯽ؛‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﯽ؛ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﮐ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﺰﻩﻴ‬ ‫ﺪﻭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺰﻩﻃ‬ ‫ﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻃ‬ ‫ﺟ ﻮﺎﺷ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺰﺍیﮐ‬ ‫ﮐﻔ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﺗ ﺧ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎی‬ ‫ﺍیﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻮﻧﻪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧ ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬ‬ ‫ﺭﻩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺑ‬ ‫ﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻍﺑﺎﭼﺎ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﻧﯽﻭ ﺍ ﺗﻌﺠﺩﺭﺿﭘ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﻇﺮﺮﻩ ﺩﯾ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻨﺎﻇ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪ 10/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‡€¿‪d‹Â‬‬ ‫»‪ɇÂ‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‪ 17/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪½Z̧Y€—Y €Ì̤e ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm †ÌW ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎی ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻧﻤﯽﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺪﻩﻫﺎی ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﯾﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎی ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫Ÿ^‪Â‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪ʼeZy Y‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫]‪:Z:Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪] ųÁ‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨ ³‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫‪{Y€§Y {ÁÁ µZ¼fuY‬‬ ‫‪½Z“€f » ž¼m Ä] €‡ {Ây‬‬ ‫]‪²¿Ä‬‬ ‫¿‪²‬‬ ‫‪: Ì¿YÂ‬‬ ‫»‪| yÊ‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿Y‬‬ ‫»‪ÂyÊ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ¼¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪‹{¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫§‪fˆÌ¿Ê¸ ‬‬ ‫‪ºÌ‬‬ ‫‪ºÌfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪½{ª§Y‬‬ ‫‪½{Y‬‬ ‫‪ʸ ‬‬ ‫¿|‬ ‫‪ª§Y‬‬ ‫{‪¿Y‬‬ ‫‪{ÁÉZ‬‬ ‫]€‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫»‪§€Â‬‬ ‫»‪Â‬‬ ‫‪] ÉY‬‬ ‫„‪{Y‬‬ ‫‪¥‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪¥Z‬‬ ‫¿„‪Å{Y‬‬ ‫‪¿½Z‬‬ ‫^‪Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫‪Á|À‬‬ ‫‰‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫«‪Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪É|¼u‬‬ ‫¿|‪ ËYf‹Y‬‬ ‫‪«Y‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪f‹Y‬‬ ‫‪€´·Â‬‬ ‫€‪ËY‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪€Ì‬‬ ‫¿|‬ ‫‪ÃZq‬‬ ‫‪€Ì‬‬ ‫‪´·Â‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪£Y{Yq‬‬ ‫‪Z:Ê‬‬ ‫§€{‪É‬‬ ‫¿„‪]£{Y‬‬ ‫§€{‪É‬‬ ‫]‪„¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪«€e‬‬ ‫‪«€e‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ÊË‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫|“‪ZZ‬‬ ‫‪ÅÉ|¼u‬‬ ‫€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ËY‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‡¼‪d‬‬ ‫‪|̼u‬‬ ‫‪€´·Â‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‡¼‪d‬‬ ‫‪YÅ|ÀË‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪Ã̼u‬‬ ‫‪´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪YÄ]MZÄ‬‬ ‫]‪» Ä‬‬ ‫»‪Z]Z‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﯾﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺵﺁﺑﺎﺩی ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﯾﻮﺭﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺰﯾﺰﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪی ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ ﺷﺮﯾﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪-‬ﺣﺴﻦﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽﮐﻮﺍﮐﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪-‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﭘﺰﺷﮑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮی ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﮐﻮﺷﮑﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺑﮏ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦﺷﺎﻩﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫‪:Y ÊËZÅd‹Y{{ZË‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪:½ZËÁ„a |̌¼m‬‬ ‫‪|¿Y|¿ {Y‡ ZÆ¿M‬‬ ‫‡‪ÂÀÌf¿YZe ¹Z¿Ä] ÉYÃZf‬‬ ‫‡‪ÉÂ‬‬ ‫‪ɇÂ‬‬ ‫‪» Áʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‬ ‫‪Ę]Y‬‬ ‫{]‪Ę]YZ‬‬ ‫{ ]‪ÃÃZ‬‬ ‫‪: Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫»‪ļ¯Zv‬‬ ‫¯‪ÊËZ̼Ì‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫{]‪ɇ»Á ʼ‹ZŠĘ]Y ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Zˆ¯ Äq‬‬ ‫»~‪|ÀÀ¯Ê» À¯Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭی ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻟﭗ ﻓﻴﮑﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺎﻕﻧﺠﻴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﺤ‪--‬‬ ‫ﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺳ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻴﯽ ﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽﻗ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺮ ﯾﺤﺍ ﺍ ﻋ‬ ‫ﻔﺮی‬ ‫ﻌﻔﺮی‬ ‫ﺩﮐ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻌ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ ﺟ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﺑﯽ ‪-‬ﺩ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻏ‬ ‫ﯾﺜﺮﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ ﻴﯾﺜ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﮐ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ ‪ 1000‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫ ﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮی‬ ‫ﮔﺮی‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤ ﺍﻭﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮی‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻌﺮ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺍﻗ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻝﺍﺷ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻬﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫|ﻧﻮ ﺑ‬ ‫‪Ô‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﻭﺍ]‬ ‫‪¿ZÅÊ‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪¿Ô‬‬ ‫ﻮﺗ]‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﭘ¿¬‪Z¿»Y‬‬ ‫ﺻﻣ‬ ‫ﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻃﻮﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﯽ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻃﻮﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﮐﯽ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣ‪eÀ‬ﺎﻓ‪ZY¬¿»ÆÀe‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﻦﻩ‬ ‫ﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﺷﻴ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺎﻥﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﺪﻭﯾﻭﯾ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍی‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎیﻔ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﻮﺁﻧﺰ ﮐﺗ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻩﺍﺯﻩﻔ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺪﺁﻧﻮﻠ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﮕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﮕ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻍ ﺿﭼ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻌﺠﻓ‬ ‫ﯾﻨﺎﻧﯽﻭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺩﺩﯾ ﻨﺎﻧﯽﻭﺗ‬ ‫ﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS. IR‬‬ ‫‪ISS N : 2 008‬‬ ‫‪-528 1‬‬ ‫ﻭی ﮐﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭ ی‬ ‫ﺍﷲﻣﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﮕﺮیﺮ ی‬ ‫ﺁﯾ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴ ﮕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍی ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﮑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮑﻔ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﺘﺮﯾﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﮐ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺩ‬ ‫ﻬﺪی ﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ ‪--‬‬ ‫ﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻨﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫ ﻨ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺰﺍﺩی‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪﺴﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‪--‬‬ ‫ﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ‪--‬‬ ‫ﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪-‬ﯾ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪی‪-‬ﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺭﻫ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺪﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﻨ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍ ﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺯﻩ ﺍﺯﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪116 /1 388‬‬ ‫ﻬﺮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺡﻣ‪19‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺮ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺩﻣ ﻄ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝﺮ ﻗ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺭ ‪/‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﻤﻴ ﺪ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻼﻡﺗ ﻭ ﺣ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ ‪،‬ﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﮐﮐﻼ‬ ‫ﯾﺒﺎﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺯﯾﺯ ﺒ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺮ ﻩ ﺻﺎ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺩ ﻣﺭ ﻨ ﺎ ﻇ‬ ‫‪116 /13 88‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪ 26‬ﻣ ﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﯾﺎﺯ ‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪ºˆË {Y Ê^Ì^u‬‬ ‫¿„‪ºˆË{Y‬‬ ‫‪„¿ ¹Y‬‬ ‫^‪Ê^Ì‬‬ ‫¼|‪É‬‬ ‫‪: µ‬‬ ‫¼|‪É‬‬ ‫‪¹Y‬‬ ‫¿|‬ ‫¿^‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪Âu‬‬ ‫¿^‪Ê‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫«^‬ ‫¼|‬ ‫‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪¿u‬‬ ‫‪Y{Âm‬‬ ‫¼|‬ ‫«^‪µÂ‬‬ ‫»‪Yv‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪mÁ‬‬ ‫ ‪v»ÁY‬‬ ‫ﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺩﺭﻙﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜ‬ ‫‪MO S ALAS. IR‬‬ ‫‪Y |ÀfˆÅ‬‬ ‫—¸^‪¹Â ¸œ½Z‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫´€‪:» ½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫»€ŸŒ‪Ê‬‬ ‫—‪Ê‬‬ ‫€ŸŒ¸^‬ ‫‪sÔ‬‬ ‫ˆ‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫‪sԏY‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪·Â»uY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫{‪d‹Y{d‡Á‬‬ ‫‪{‹ ʼ‹Z‬‬ ‫ˆ‪ÉÁZ‬‬ ‫{‪: ÅÊ]Y‬‬ ‫§‪»Ê¬WZ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‡|‬ ‫‡‪M{Ì ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﯾﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ 26 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪: Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎی ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﯾﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺮﯾﺮی‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﯾﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﯽ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫‡|‬ ‫‡|‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê»Z‬‬ ‫]‪| ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪Á‬‬ ‫‪Á{ʸ¯Â‬‬ ‫‪d]Â‬‬ ‫‪ʸ¯Âe‬‬ ‫‪d]Â‬‬ ‫‪{Á‬‬ ‫‪{Á‬‬ ‫´€‪¿ ½ZËY‬‬ ‫‹‪|¿Â‬‬ ‫·´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪¿ e ZË‬‬ ‫{‪€Ë‬‬ ‫‪:¹ZË‬‬ ‫]‪Á€ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪€Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ô¯·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê«€e‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪dÌuÔ‬‬ ‫‪Z^Ë‬‬ ‫‪!dÌu‬‬ ‫‪Z^ËÊ«€e‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪!¹‬‬ ‫{©‬ ‫¯ˆ‪Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫‪YÁ|Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪©{Z‬‬ ‫¯ˆ‪Ê¿Z‬‬ ‫|‪¹YÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Ô‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫{{‬ ‫‪Ì »Y‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪ISS N : 2008 -528 1‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﯾﯽ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﯾﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎی ﺧﺎﻧﮕﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﮐﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﯾﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ ﻧﻤ ﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋ ﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ÃZ]{ ÊËZ̼̯ { ˆ» Z] ³ Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪‰Y º¸Ì§ ¾Ë€yM‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫»‪:Ê^Ì^u Ê^¿ |¼v‬‬ ‫‪ºˆË{Y„¿É|¼uY {ÂmÁ‬‬ ‫‪¹Y|¿ µÂ^«Y‬‬ ‫¯¨‪:½Z̋Z‬‬ ‫½‪:‬‬ ‫‪ÁÁ€]|Ë´]‰Á ½Z»Z‡†ÌW‬‬ ‫¿‪º ÌfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪ÌfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪ª§YÂ‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫{‪½{Y‬‬ ‫§‪ʸ ‬‬ ‫{‪|¿Y‬‬ ‫‪¿ Á»d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪€ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪€]]¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪{Y‬‬ ‫‰‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿|Àf‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫¿|‪|Àf‹Y‬‬ ‫‪½ZË‬‬ ‫¿„‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪½ZË‬‬ ‫‪É|¼u‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫·´€‪Y‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪‹Y«Y€´€Ì£‬‬ ‫¿|‪:‬‬ ‫‪ÃZq‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪€Ì£‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪YÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Z]ZÅ‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫§€{‪É‬‬ ‫‪Ê«€e‬‬ ‫§€{‪É‬‬ ‫‪Ê«€e‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪qÉ|¼uY‬‬ ‫‰‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫¼|‪É‬‬ ‫|“‪Z‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫·´€‪ËY‬‬ ‫‡¼‪d‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀË‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‡¼‪ÁMd‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫´€‪ËY‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪uY‬‬ ‫‪̼u‬‬ ‫‪MY‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫»‪Z»·ÂÄ]Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z]Ä‬‬ ‫‪Z]Y‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´¿ :½Y{Z¿ …ZÌ·Y‬‬ ‫»|‪|‹Z] «Z]» Z¼Ì‡ ½Y€Ë‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪116 /1 388‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺡ‪ 19‬ﻣ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺭﻩﻣﺩﻫﻄﻢﺮ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﻝﺮﺷﻗ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺍ ‪/‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻤﻴ‪ /‬ﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻼﻡﺗﻡ ﻭ ﺣ‬ ‫ﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎ ﮐ ﻼ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻔﺘﻪﺯ ﯾ ﺒ‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺮﻩ ﺻﺎﻫﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣ ﻨﺎ ﻇ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪ 24/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻠﻲ ‪:‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪی ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩی‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﯽ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺎی ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﯽﮐﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍی ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﯾﺜﺮﺑﯽ ‪ -‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻮﺍﻧﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮیﻗﺎﺩﺭی ‪ -‬ﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ‪ -‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ ﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮی ﺁﯾﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭیﮐﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻄﺎی ﺟﺎﯾﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎی ﺗﺪﻭﯾﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺩﯾﻨﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻃﻮﺳﯽ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺮیﮔﺮی‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍی ﺧﻮﮐﯽ؛ ﺗﻬﺪﯾﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫]‪²¿ Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪d‡ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﯽ ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﯽﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫»‪½ZËY€´·ÂYµ|f ‬‬ ‫‪ŠËY‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺣﺴﻦ ﯾﺎﺭی ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﯽ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪی ‪ -‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﮑﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‡‪d‹Y{d‬‬ ‫‹¼‪{‹Á{Ê‬‬ ‫ˆ‪ÉÁZ‬‬ ‫§‪ʬWZ‬‬ ‫{‪:ZÊ]Y‬‬ ‫‪Å» ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‡‪|Ì ‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫‪ISSN : 2 008 -528 1 MOS ALAS . IR‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺯﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫‪ɁÁ€Ìa‬‬ ‫‡‪» ÉÂ‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ÉÂ‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫]‪‡ Ä‬‬ ‫§€‪Y‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫§€‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬ﻩ‬ ‫ﺍیﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ |ÀfˆÅ‬‬ ‫—¸^‪¹Â ¸œ½:½»Z‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫—¸^‪Z‬‬ ‫»€ŸŒ‪Ê‬‬ ‫€ŸŒ‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ZËY€s´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪sԏY‬‬ ‫‪Ô‬‬ ‫‪»¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ISSN : 2 008-5 28 1 MOS ALAS. IR‬‬ ‫¯€{‪¹‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫¯€ {€‬ ‫‪€¹Z‬‬ ‫‪¯¹Z»Y‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫‪Z »«Y‚´f‬‬ ‫¯‪[Zf‬‬ ‫§‪:ʇZ‬‬ ‫‡‬ ‫»‪»|y‬‬ ‫‪{YÁ‬‬ ‫§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»¾‬ ‫‪|·YµY‬‬ ‫ﺍﻥ ‪ÔmÔ m‬‬ ‫‪µ‬‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫»‪cY€]Zz‬‬ ‫‪cY€]Zz‬‬ ‫ﺖﻣ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐ»‬ ‫¯¶‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ¯¶‬ ‫‪€Ë‬‬ ‫»|‪€Ë‬‬ ‫»|‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭی]‪Z]Z‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭی‬ ‫‪³Ád¨³‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳ ﯽ‪Ád¨³‬‬ ‫ﺑ ﺮﺭﺳ‬ ‫]€‪{Y{ {ÉY‬‬ ‫‪ÁkÁ½{Â‬‬ ‫‚‪É{ZˁÉZÅ‬‬ ‫‪y c€Ìq‬‬ ‫‪ˆu‬‬ ‫‪+48‬‬ ‫»‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫{‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪‹¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠ‬ ‫ﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﻣﺪﺩﺳﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﮋ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪیﻧﮋ‬ ‫ﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺭﻩﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺍﺳﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ‬ ‫ﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﺰﻣ‬ ‫ﭼﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺣ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺠﻤ ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﭘﻨ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫»‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ ‪¼‹{¾ËY‬‬ ‫¿^‪½Â̇ŻÄ]Ä]|ËZ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫¬‪ֈÌW½Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫{‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫€‪ŠʼË‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ{‬ ‫€{‪ÁÉ‬ﻣﮑ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠ‪Á‬‬ ‫‪É{€°‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪¯،‬‬ ‫ﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫{‪°Å‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫{‪Å‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫‪, ¼‡Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺩی‪,،‬‬ ‫‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪»Ê^m‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬ﮐﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫¾‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫‪̈u‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫ﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫{¯‬ ‫ﺍ ﺣﻤﻴ‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﻏﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻠﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺪﺳﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﭘﻮﺤ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣ‬ ‫ﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺠ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‪، ،‬‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺷﻣ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻋ ﺍﺖ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻠ ‪،‬ﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﺴﻮﺯ‪،،‬ﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬ﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻀﯽﻭﻋ‬ ‫ﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭیﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﻣﮐ‬ ‫ﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺯﯾﺮﺗ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﻮﺩﺧﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻣﺤ ﻤﺪ‬ ‫‹¼‪Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫‪¼‹Ê‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫«‪¸Ÿ ,¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫]‪,¥Z^Ì·Z«€«Z‬‬ ‫‪€« Z]|¼v‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫{¯‪»€f‬‬ ‫{¯ ‪€f‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ Ê]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫‪|¿|¿Z»ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫ﺤﻪ ‪ 1000‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻢ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻬ ﺮ ‪ 148 /1 3 88‬ﺻﻔ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ﺷ‪/‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﻭﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻍ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺩ ﺍﺭﻓﺍ ﺮﺳ‬ ‫ﭗﻭﻤ ﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﭼ ﻋ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺮﺑﺑﺎﺎﺩﺭ ﺳﮐﺘ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ ﺩﺩﺭﺭ ﮔ ﻔﮔﻔ ﺖﻭﻭ ﮔ ﺑﻮ‬ ‫‪ 116/13 88‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭﻝ ‪ /‬ﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒ ﺮﻱ ‪،‬‬ ‫‪MOS ALAS. IR‬‬ ‫‪IS SN : 20 08‬‬ ‫‪- 52 8 1‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺯﻭﺍﺯﺍﻗ ﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺚ؛ ﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ ﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺚ؛ﺚ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﻣﺜﻠ‬ ‫‪Á M‬‬ ‫¨€‪|‹Á‬‬ ‫‪Z ŀ°] ¨À‹Á‬‬ ‫¼Œ‪½Z‬‬ ‫¿¼‪: Ê°‬‬ ‫{‪¸Ì§ |¿Y‬‬ ‫{‪Ã{Y{Y‬‬ ‫{{‪Ã‬‬ ‫{‪Ã‬‬ ‫»‪ºË{€¯Ö‬‬ ‫‪Ö»{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﻴﺪﺪﯾ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻩ ﺍﻧ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖﺍﺟﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺗﻘﻮ ﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖﻣ‬ ‫ﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ«ﺗ«‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﺎﺯیﻴ‬ ‫ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﻩﻭ ﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ»ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭗ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺍ»‬ ‫ﭼﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﭼ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻦ ﻣﺭﻘﺿﺪﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻝﺩﻓ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﺳﺑﺎﺎﺎﻣ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺎیﮔ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺖﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮔﻔ ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻧﺎﺎ ﺩ ﺭﮔ ﻔ ﮔﺘ ﻔ‬ ‫ﮑﺎﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻮﻓ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟ ﻘ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬ﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﯾﻤ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻌ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴ‬ ‫ﺷﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟ‬ ‫ﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺿﺎﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﮐ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻣﭘﻋﻠﻠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫§€‪ZË©Y‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫]‪ Z‬ﻣ‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖﭘ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫‪ºº£‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪£‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»‪ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫»‪ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫§‪Y Z‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫»®‬ ‫»®‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪ɁÁ€Ìa‬ﺭ ﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫‪ɁÁ‬‬ ‫‪€Ìa‬ﻓﺮﺍ‬ ‫‡‪»» ÉÂ‬‬ ‫‡‪ÉÂ‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫]‪Ä‬ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫§€‪Y‬‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ ﺍیﺩ §€‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ ‪ -‬ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻟﻮﯾﯽ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu€Ì» d^ˆ¿ ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫]‪ʻԇY ÉÂƼm Z‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ ﻧﻤﻴﻦﺑﺎ ﻋ ﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‪ 17/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ‪ 8/‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‪ 17/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ‪ /‬ﺍﻭﻝﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ‪ 22/‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍ ﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳﯽﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺟﻨﺒﺶﺩ ﺸﺠﻮ ﯽ‬ ‫ﮕ ﻫﯽ ﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﺘ ﺏ ﻗ ﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﺳﺮ ﻝ ﮔ ﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﻣﯽ ﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﺤﺮ ﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣ ﺩ ﻣﻪ ﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻌﺮ ﻒ ﺟﺪ ﺪ ﻫﻮ ﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳ ﺳﻨ ﻣﻪ ﺟﺪ ﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺭ ﻴﺘﻪ ﺮ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺩ ﺳﺘ ﻥ ﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻬﺮ ﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻫ ﺷﻤﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺳﻤﻴﻌﯽ ﮋ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی ﻋﺘﺼ ﻡ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓ ﻃﻤﯽ ‪ -‬ﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﻫﺪ ﺭ ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿ ﺻﺪﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪی ﻓﻀ ﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺿ ﺣﺠﺘﯽ ‪ -‬ﻻ ﻪ ﻓﺘﺨ ﺭی ‪ -‬ﻓ ﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭ ﻮ‪ -‬ﺷ ﻫﺮﺥ ﺷﻬﻨ ﺯی‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤ ﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿ ﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳ ﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ ﻫ ﺷﻤﯽﻃﺒ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺤﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗ ﺳﻤﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﮐ ﻇﻢ ﺳﺠ ﺩ ﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﺭﻋﻠﯽ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟ ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﯽ ﺠﻔﯽ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﯽ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘ ﺡ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﻌﻘﻮ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫]€‡‪²Àm Y †a d·Á{ 3 { É{YM Á d·Y|Ÿ Z] Ä ‡Âe d^ˆ¿ Ê‬‬ 3 ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‪،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺣـﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻃـﻰ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧـﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋـﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺳـﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼـﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴـﻠﻂ ﻏـﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺑـﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼـﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘـﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺳـﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻌـﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺳـﺘﺎﺭﻩ« ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲ ﻫﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺵ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ؟‪16...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪18.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻨﺪ‪20.................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪21........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪22....................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪23.........................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‪24.................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ‪25.............................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‪26.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻄﻖ ‪ 33‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ‪34........................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪36...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺵ‪38......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪39....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪40.............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪42................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪43...........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ«ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺵ» ﮔﺎﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪58........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‪61...........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪62...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪63..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪65.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻨﮕﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ!‪66............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‪67.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪28......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪30...............................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻚ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪32.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﺣــﻮﺍﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‪46.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩ ‪48....................................‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪50...................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪52..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ‪53...................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪54........................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪56............‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪70...................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ؛ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪72.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪73...............................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪74.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻗﺪﺳﻴﺖ‪75.....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪76......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﭘﻼﺗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻮﻓﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﻕﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨــﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺏﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪78................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪80....................‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪82........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻧﻮ‪84................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪86..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪88......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪90......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺛﻘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪92..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪94..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪95............................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﮔﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪96.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻄﺮ ﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻄﺮ ﺳﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ‪ 13‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ‪ «.‬ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻄﺮ ﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻛﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻫﺎﺗﻒ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ 7 ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻪ ‪ 88/9/16‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦﻇﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺎﺫﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺑﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕﻧﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﺑﺮﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺗﺨﻠﻒﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺧﺎﺭﺝﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻄﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕﻧﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻣﻮﻫﻨﻰﻋﻠﻴﻪﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵﺣﻴﺎﺕﻧﻮﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺑﻪﺫﻛﺮﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻲﺍﺯﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﻗﺒﻠﻲﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ؛ »ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 73‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺣﻴﺎﺕﻧﻮﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 81‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﺪﻭﺑﺎﺯﺗﻤﺎﻡﺗﻼﺵﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺖﻭﻧﺎﻡﻧﻴﻚﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖﻭﺍﻳﻦﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺣﻴﺎﺕﻧﻮﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﺎﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﺧﻮﺑﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺣﻞﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺑﻮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺣﺎﻻﺧﻮﺩﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻂﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬــﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻘﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺘﻞﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛــﺰ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻣﻜﺮﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺳــﻔﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺞ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻲﻓﻀﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻀﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ‪ 268‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻼﺡ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻠﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﻀﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫــﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﻧﻌﻤــﺖ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﺯﻭﺍﻳــﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺗﻴﻠﻦ ﺷــﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺍﺗﻴﻠــﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻃــﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺗﻴﻠﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻘــﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺏﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳــﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜــﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻯﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ‪ 72‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺻــﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﺴــﺮﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻳﺎ »ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ« ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﻤﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ »ﺭﻳﻞﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘــﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻞ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗــﺪﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫــﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺻﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻫــﻢ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪﺧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻨﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪﺧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﻬــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻰ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪﺧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪﺧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻨﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ؛ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ(‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧــﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ – ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎ ‪ 360‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ )ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ(‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺮﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺗﻨﺶﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺒﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ )ﻧﺎﺗﻮ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺸــﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺟﺐﻃﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ )ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ( ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ] ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ[ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ »ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ »ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫‪...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺭگﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻜﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺴﻴﻤﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﻴﭽﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺫﻯﺣﻴﺎﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺗﺠﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻟﻮﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺨﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 190‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ – ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﺨﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫــﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 11 .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻮﺗــﻮﻯ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛــﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗــﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻮﺗــﻮ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﺪﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻮﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻍ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍژﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﺸــﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰﻫﻢﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺑﺎﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﺎﺳﺦﺑﻪﻭﻯﺑﺪﻭﻥﺁﻧﻜﻪﻧﺎﻣﻰﺍﺯﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﺍﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥﻧﻴﺰﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺳﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻭﻧﻴﻢﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺷﺶﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺁﺏﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﻭﺩﺳﺘﭙﺎﭼﮕﻰﺍﻭﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﻪﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺩﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪﭼﻨﺪﻛﻠﻤﻪﺩﺭﻣﺘﻦﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢﺗﻠﻔﻆﻛﺮﺩﻩﻳﺎﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﻯﺩﺭﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺯﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﺧﻮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﺑﺮﺳﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯﺩﺭﻣﺘﻦﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭﺗﻮﻗﻒﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ»ﺷﻤﺎﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟«‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﺎﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺴﻰﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯﺗﻮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﺎﻥ ‪ AFC‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ‪ AFC‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 1200‬ﻟﻮﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻠﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ‪AFC‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ‪ AFC‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ‪ AFC‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺠﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧــﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪AFC‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺠــﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﺮﻩﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻯﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻰ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪12‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ 14 14 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﻫﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺵ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺟﻨــﺐ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻰﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧــﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺸﺮﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﺷﺪﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﺣﻘﻮﻕﻭﻋﻠﻮﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻧﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕﻭﻧﻴﺰﻣﻠﻰﺷﺪﻥﺻﻨﻌﺖﻧﻔﺖﻧﻘﺶﻣﻬﻤﻰﺍﻳﻔﺎﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﻏﻠﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯﭼﭗﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯﺑﻴﻦﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‪1330‬ﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬ﻣﺎﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﺭﺍﺩﺭﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 32‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 32‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1342‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﺳﺤﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪42‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 42‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ‪ 42‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ‪15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 42‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀــﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ )ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ( ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﺍﺯﺍﺳﻼﻡﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 76‬ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 88‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺳــﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ »ﺳﻨﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺵ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ »ﻣﺮﺟﻊ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 32‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ‪ 240‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺗﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺧﺺ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇــﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﮔﻠﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﻃﻠﺒــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧــﻪ« ﻭ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ« ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎ ﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻭﺟــﻮﺵ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻐﻀﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺸﻨﺞ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴـﻦ ﻋﻀـﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠـﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺧــﻮﺍﺹ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﻧﻈﺎﻡﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻟﻌﻨﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ« ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻃﻌﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺵ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻗــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳــﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌــﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻁ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻣﺪﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﺾ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 82‬ﻭ ‪ 83‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1320‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 1320‬ﺗﺎ ‪1332‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺼﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸــﻘﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺭﺭﻓﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺟﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺥ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺦ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺦ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1339‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1332‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺟﻨﺐﻭﺟﻮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﺒــﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻕﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ )ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺤﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﺭﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻖﻭﺍﻻﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻼﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻲﺍﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﻓﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳــﺘﺎﻟﮋﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺯﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 82‬ﻭ ‪ 83‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﺩﻳﺮﻳﺎﺯﻭﺩﺳﺮﺍﻍﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍﺳﻌﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺩﺭﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣــﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻋﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻓﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦﺭﺗﺒﻪﺭﺍﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱﻓﻜﺮﺳﺎﺯﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺑﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲﻫﻢﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻇﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺧــﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﺭﺗﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬ﻫﻢﺑﻪﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸـﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﺑﻪﺳـﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﭘﻴﺸـﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻳـﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻃـﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺳـﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺮژﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﺎﺹ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰﻛﻪﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯﺍﻳﻦﺩﻫﻪﻳﻌﻨﻰﺳﺎﻝ‪ 78‬ﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺭﺥﺩﺍﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻯﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻋﻤﻞﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻭﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﺩﺭﺣﺪﻳﻚﺟﻨﺒﺶﻇﺎﻫﺮﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪﻧــﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺗﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎﺍﻳﻦﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﺎﻳﺪﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳــﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗــﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﺍﺯﺁﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸـﻴﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳـﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻃـﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺳـﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﻤﻊﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ـ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ـ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻢﺭﻳﺨﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻚﺗﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺟﻨﺒﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﭼﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠــﺪﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ »ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮ« ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻓﻌـﺎﻻﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺣـﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﭼﻪﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱﺑﺮﺟﻨﺒﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻲﺍﻻﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺑﻲﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻱﺭﺑــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﺧﺘﮕــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨـﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳـﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲﺩﺭﺗﻤﺎﻡﺩﻧﻴﺎﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥﻣﺎﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﺤﻴﻂﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕﻭﺣﺘﻲﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮﺍﺯﺑﻌﻀﻲﺍﺯﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥﻭﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻭﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕﻧﻴﺰﺩﺷﻤﻦﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻛﺮﺩﻩﻛﻪﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﺭﻭﺑﻪﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮﺷﺪﻥﺍﺳﺖﻭﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻧﻴﺰﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱﻭﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﺯﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕﺑﺤﻖ‪،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺒـﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺨﺸـﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻠﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻳﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ)ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻤــﻼﺕ ﻓــﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1378‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫)ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺴﻴﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫)ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻲ – ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ( ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠــﺐ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻜﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ)ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺜــﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎﺯﺩﮔﻲ«‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ »ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎﺯﺩﮔﻲ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻜﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ‪ online‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ )ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ( ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻳــﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ )ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻳــﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ »ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ « ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ) ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ »ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻋﺮﺻــﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﭼﻬﺎﺭﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﻜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺟﻤﻌﻲﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺩﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ )ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ( ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ) ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫)ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ – ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻰﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﭘــﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﻣﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻒ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺐﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ؟« ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ »ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳــﺰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ«‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲ »ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺶ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1378‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﺋــﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ؟ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺍﻟﻠﻬﺠﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1373‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1384‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 30‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1388‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺳﭙﻨﺪﺁﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1348‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪ ،84‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﮔﺬﺷﺖﻭﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺪﻛﻪﺍﺯﺩﻳﺪﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲﻧﻪﺩﺭﺣﻴﻄﻪﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﻭﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻗﻴﺐﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺳﺎﻝ‪84‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺭﺍﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻭﭘﺪﺭﻣﻬﺪﻱﺭﺍﺍﻳﻔﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻧﻘﺶﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕﺑﺪﻫﺪﻭﺯﻣﻴﻦﺭﺍﺑﻪﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﻢﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﭼﻨﺪﻱﺑﻌﺪﺩﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺩﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﻭﺑﺎﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕﻛﺎﻣﻞﻭﺩﻭﺭﺍﺯﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰﺑﻪﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﺩﺭﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭﺧﻮﺩﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺪﻭﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻃﻼﻉﻣﻠﺖﻓﻬﻴﻢﻭﺭﺷﻴﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻭﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺩﺭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺑﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻴﻢﻛﻪﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻭﻗﻮﻩﻗﻬﺮﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡﺍﺯﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﻧﺴﺘﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﺣﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺁﻳﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﺍﻭﺻﺤﻴﺢﺍﺳﺖﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻫﺎﻱﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻛﺎﺫﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻜﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫــﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴــﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺮﻭژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﺷــﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 84‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ‪ 88‬ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻜﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ 9 ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ »ﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻌﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻭﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥﻗﺪﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﻃﺒﺴﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﻳﺎﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻫــﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 120‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻏﺘﺸــﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﻤﻢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 800‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ‪8‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎءﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﻗﺪﻳﺮﻱﺍﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ 1384‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺿﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻓﺎﺣﺸــﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﭙﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﻗﺪﻳﺮﻱﺍﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﻨﺞﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤــﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻗﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﻠــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺟﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺳــﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ »ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ« ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ«ﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ »ﺁﻗــﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷــﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﺣﻤﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺒﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟــﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘــﺪﺭﺵ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻫــﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﻱﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 87‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺎﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪-‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‪،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰﻛﻪﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳــﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 16‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ «.‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﺑﻪﭼﻪﺣﻘﻲﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻭﻳﮋﻩﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺟﻠﺴﻪﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ‪ 290‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪182‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﮔﺮﻧﻘﺼﻲﺩﺭﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻭﻳﮋﻩﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺼﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ «.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻃﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺩﻭﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﺭﻭﻳﻪﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﺣﺎﻛﻢﺑﺮﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﺻﻼﺡﺑﺮﺧﻲﺍﺯﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺑﺎﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺍﻳــﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 155‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠــﺐ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭﻟﻮﺍﻳــﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘــﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺭﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻃﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲﻣﻘــﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻛﻠــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﻳــﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻋــﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠــﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ «.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺩﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟــﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻮﺩﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ – ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻭﻳﺴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶﺗﺮﻳﻦﻟﻮﺍﻳﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗـﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯﻧﺎﺷﻰﺍﺯﺣﺬﻑﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧـﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﺸـﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳـﺎﻝ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼـﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﺳـﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺷـﻰ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨـﺪ؟ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪87‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﺁﻥﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻭﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﺟﺪﻯﺩﺍﺭﺩﭼﻄﻮﺭﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ‪6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 120‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰﺭﺍﻛﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺩﺭﻳﻚﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥﺻﻮﺭﺕﻗﺒﻞﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺑﻪﺁﻥﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻦﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻭﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺗﺼﻮﺭﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻮﺛﺮﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺯﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮپ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻓﻌﻠﻰﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺭﺍﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﺟﺮﺍﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ )ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ( ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋـﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺘﻰﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺑﺎﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻫﺪﻑﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰﻛﻪﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞﺍﺯﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻃﺒﻌﺎﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺟﻠﺴﻪﺑﺎﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼـﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺳـﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ – ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇـﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺳـﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨـﺞ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳـﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻻﻳﺤﻪﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﻫﻢﻛﺎﻫﺶﭘﻴﺪﺍﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺤﻤﻞﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻰﺭﺍﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﻓﻀﺎﻯﻓﻌﻠﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻗــﻒ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﭼﻘـﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧـﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 12‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻳــﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﭼﻚ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ‪17‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻰﻣﻘــﺪﻡ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ )ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻰ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺟــﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺺ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭﻗﺖﻛﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﺍﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖﻛﺸﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪15‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ – ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﺍﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﺷﺪﻩﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﻭﺍﺭﺩﻋﻤﻞﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﺑﺎﺑﺤﺚﺳﻬﺎﻡﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﺳﻬﺎﻡﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺭﺍﺑﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻧﻴﺰﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»‪99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭼﻚ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕﺟﻤﻌﻰﻳﺎﺧﺮﺩﻛﻠﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺮﺍﻯﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﭘﺲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺭﺳﻤﻲﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻄﻖ ‪ 33‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ -‬ﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ! ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﺖﭘﻮﻳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺶ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ‪ 33‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻴﺰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻥ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ -‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻯ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻜﻞ ﺁﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﮔــﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ «.‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗــﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣــﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣــﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻚ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴــﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻴﺘﻮﻝ ﻫﻴﻞ‬ ‫ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ -‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻃﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻠﻰ ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻴﺸــﻠﻪ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻧــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﮔﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﻪﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﺭﻳﺰﻭﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻚﻛﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻰﺑﻰﺍﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ -‬ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ -2011‬ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻠﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺘﺲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻟﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﺋﻮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ‪30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ -CIA-‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺷــﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪ CIA‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﻴﻨﻮﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪30‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑــﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ )‪ 3‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ( ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪7‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﺱ ﻓﻮگ ﺭﺍﺳﻤﻮﺳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﭗ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﭙﻰ ﻛﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﻤﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪30‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻴﺰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ »ﺻﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻰ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛـﺮﺩ ‪30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺫﺭ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺒﻪﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟـﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ« ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ« ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ »ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺷﺪﺕ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳـﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ – ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ‪ Pak -Af‬ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻨﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 98‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴـﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ( ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻚﻛﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨـﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻛﺸـﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻰ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ«‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ )ﭼﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﻟﻴــﮓ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ( ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫)ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ( ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ – ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺩﻳﻮﺭﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻰﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋــﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷـﻜﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸـﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 2001‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ – ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻼﻝﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺼـﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻠﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻜﺘﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻜﺘﻴﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻭﺷــﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏــﺰﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳــﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﻼ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﻄﻌــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺒﻪﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭘﺘﺮﺍﺋﻮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺺ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺑﺘــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺬﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﺎﺗــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﺗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﻤﻮﺳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴــﺮﻛﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ؛ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻨــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳــﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓــﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋــﺰﺍﻡ ‪30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ »ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ« ﻭ »ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ« ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ‪ -‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪(1358) 1979‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪،(80/6/20) 2001‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻃﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷــﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺮﺳﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪2012‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،(88/9/10) 2009‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃــﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻛﺮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻲﺍﻥﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 6‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ (88/9/15) 2009‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﻔﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻠﻴﺞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫)‪ ( State Mafia‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗــﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ‪ D‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ )‪،(Disrupt‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )‪ (Dismantle‬ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )‪ (Defeat‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪،2011‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 7‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ -‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 2012‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1982‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1985‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ 16 ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪1985‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻑ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪1982‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮگﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪....» :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻄﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،1993‬ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ ،1996‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2000‬ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 2006‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗــﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ :‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳـﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﻮﻻ ﻧﺎﺻﻴــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻻﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1985‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﭘﺎپ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺍﻱ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﺑﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ )ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻘﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ( ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻲ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1985‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻣﺶ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻤﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1985‬ﺁﻣﺪ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ )ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ( ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻜﻨﻮﻧــﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲﮔــﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺼﺖ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺰﺍﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺪﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻤﭗﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1992‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2005‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺺﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴـﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼـﻞ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴـﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼـﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴـﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺷـﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣـﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺳـﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣـﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣـﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻪ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﻣـﺪﺕ ﺣـﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷـﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳـﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪1985‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷـﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺭﻳﺸـﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺸـﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳـﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴـﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻴﺐ ﻧﻌﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻃﻲ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺸﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1982‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﺮﻱ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻠﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚﺳﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 2006‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2000‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1982‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2000‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻃﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ ﺑﺪ ﺟﻠــﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳـﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﻘﻒ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﭘﺎپ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣـﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴـﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳـﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 17‬ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10-11‬ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 4-5‬ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺗﺰﻭﻙ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻌﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺄﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺟﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻣﻨﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻣــﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻄﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﺑﺎﻧﻚﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‪34‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺟﻮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫‪45‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ‪6/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪44/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1387‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫــﺎ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1387‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1387‬ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ‪6/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ‪11/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪1/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﺭﺷﺪﺍﻳﻦﺷﺎﺧﺺﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 86/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﭼﻮﺑﻲ ‪ 40/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺟﺎﺕ ‪ 14/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻒ ‪11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻲ ‪ 5/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1386‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪26‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 100‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 45/8 ،1386‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻞ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻐﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ )ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ( ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫‪ 34/3‬ﻭ ‪ 44/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺷﺎﺧﺺﻗﻴﻤﺖﺳﻬﺎﻡﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 22/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 6/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 24‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ 16 ،‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ‪ 67/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 66‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻙ ﺑﺎ ‪ 65/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪24‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ‪ 23‬ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 37‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 110‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑــﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 110‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﻬﺎﻝ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﻗــﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﺠــﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﺪﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺼﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟــﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻰﻛﻮﭘﺘﺮ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ!‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺐ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ »ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﻭ »ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻧﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﺲ ﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90 -‬ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻧﻮ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﻮ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﻮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﻮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﺩﻛﻼﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻧﻮﭘﺎﺭﺱ )ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻧﻮﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻧﻮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻧﻮ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻧﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪90-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﻮ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻧﻮ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻧﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻧﻮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻧﻮ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90 -‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪90-‬ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺍﻧﺒــﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪90 -‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪» :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90 -‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 6‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﺲ ﻟﻴﻔﺖﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻨــﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﭼﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﺶﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻗﻮﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90 -‬ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ )‪6‬ﺳﺎﻝ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻡﺳﺎﻝﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻋﺮﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪﻛﻪﻫﻨﻮﺯﻫﻢﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩﻭﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺁﻥﺗﻮﺟﻪﻛﺮﺩﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﻠﺖ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﻭﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﺭﻧﻮ‪-‬ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺲ ﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻧﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻋﺮﺿﻪﭘﻠﺖﻓﺮﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺷﺮﻛﺖﺩﺍﭼﻴﺎﺩﺭﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱﺷﺒﻴﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻭﻓﺮﻭﺵﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪،90-‬ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﻮ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﺩﺍﭼﻴﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺗﻨــﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90-‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻋﺠﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90 -‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻂ ﻧﻜﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90 -‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪90-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻚﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﭼﻴﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺧﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨــﺎ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﭼﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﺪﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺒﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﻢﺣﺠﻢﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﺎﺭﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺒﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺭﻭ )ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﻠﺖﻓﺮﻡ‬ ‫‪ (X90‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻪﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻧﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭼﺮﺥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺲﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﺲ ﻟﻴﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺴﺒﻨﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻣﺰ ﺿﺪﻗﻔﻞ )‪(ABS‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4499‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺳﻤﻴﻌﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻣﻮﺟﺐﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺿــﺮﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻼﻗﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺰﺋﻴــﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻳــﺾ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪64‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪67‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪76‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪55‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪600‬ﺗﻦ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺻﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺖﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ‪15‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2010‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ‪17/2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪23‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻓﻮﻻﺩﺑﻪ‪42‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺗﻦﺑﺮﺳﺪﻭﺍﺯﻃﺮﻓﻲﺩﺭﺳﻨﺪﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪55‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻨﮓﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺫﻏﺎﻝﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻣﻦﮔﻴﺮﻓﻮﻻﺩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﭼﻴﻦﺍﺯﻟﺤﺎﻅﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻓﻮﻻﺩﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ‪500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﮕـﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌـﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳـﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1000‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ‪ 187‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺎﻛﻴـﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸـﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻌــﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﮕــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻــﻞ ‪44‬ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻭﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺲ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮓﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳــﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟــﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔـﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﺎﻳـﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺷــﺪﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻨــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺁﻟﻴﺎژﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻤــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴـﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌـﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕـﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻰ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻻﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠــﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘـﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﺯﺭﻭﺯﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴـــﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟـــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻯ ﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘــﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ‪90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺦ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻠﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺎﻑ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﻑ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ‪ 160‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﻨﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﻑ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﻴﻠﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﻨﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﻧﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﻔﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺟﺎﺕ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺟﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻙﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﻬﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺟﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 127‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺄﺱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻠﻮﻛﺒﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﻟﺪﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﺪﺍﻙ ﺗﺮﻙﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﻟﺪﺍﻙ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 500‬ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﺮ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﮔﻠﻨﺎﺯ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻙ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﻭ ‪ 76‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻌﻮﻕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺻﻨﻒ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 75‬ﻭ ‪ 76‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻰﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑــﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻔﺎﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺛــﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﻬﻴﻨــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫)ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ( ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ )ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ( ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪﻗﺪﻭﺳﻰ‪،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕﺣﺬﻑﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩﻭﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰﻣﺜﻞﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻦﺑﻮﺩﻥﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‪،‬ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪﻳﺎﺑﺎﺷﻴﺐﻣﻼﻳﻤﻲﺭﺷﺪﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺑﻪﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰﺻﺮﻓﺎﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺯﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﺷﺪﻩﻭﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻛﺎﻻﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺭﺍﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺎﺟﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻟﻮﻛﺲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻟﺖﻓﻘﻂﺳﻬﻢﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺭﺍﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻏــﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻮﻝﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻏﻮﻝﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻬﻦﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺭﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺑﻴﻦﺳﻤﺖﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵﻭﺳﻤﺖﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺑﻪﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺵﻳﻌﻨﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺧﻮﺩﻳﺎﺑﻪﺑﺤﺚﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻧﻜﻨﺪﺗﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻭﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﻣﻌﻄﻞﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺻﻨﻌﺖﺳﻮﻕﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲﻛﻪﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻭﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻭﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻨﻌﺖﺩﻋﻮﺕﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺣﻀﻮﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪﺗﺎﺑﻠﻜﻪﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﻴﺪﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻭﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﺩﻭﺭﻭﺯﻩﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊﻭﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪﻗﻠﻌﻪﺑﺎﻧﻰﻣﻮﺟﺐﺷﺪﺗﺎﺑﺮﺧﻰﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺯﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﻮﺍﻥﺑﺎﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺣﺮﻑﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﻛﺮﺳﻰﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﺁﮔﺎﻩﺍﻳﻦﻛﺶﻭﻗﻮﺱﺑﺎﻣﻬﺮﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻭﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﻴﺪﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺳﻜﺎﻥﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﻗﻠﻌﻪﺑﺎﻧﻰﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﻣﻬﺪﻯﻣﻔﻴﺪﻯﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻧﻴﺰﺷﺪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥﻭﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﻭﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﺭﺍﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻧﻴﺰﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺭﺍﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺑﻨﺎﺑﻪﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻛﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ‪ 28‬ﺳﺎﻝﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺩﺭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﻣﺪﻳﺮﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﻳﺪﺭﻭﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﺎﺳـﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺏ ﻧﻮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺏ ﻧـﻮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧــﻮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺍﺳــﻜﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺍﺳﻜﻠﻪ‪10 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﭘــﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺷﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﺏ ﻧﻮﺡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺝﺷﻜﻦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ )ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺏ ﻧﻮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﺮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺁﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳــﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺪ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ‪TEU‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻮﻳﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﭼﺎﺑﻬـﺎﺭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺷـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺗﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻮﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺷﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻔﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 300‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺷــﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺼﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻌﻮﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﺳﺖ ‪ 6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻮﺝﺷــﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺝﺷﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﻜﻠﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺮﺏ ﻧﻮﺡ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﻃـﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15 ،14‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺍﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﺍﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﻠﻪ ‪ 150‬ﺗﻨﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻜﻠﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺎﻛﺲ )ﻛﺸــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ(‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻜﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳــﻜﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺴــﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ »ﺍﺯﻣﻞ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﻴﻮﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳـﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴـﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳـﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﭼﻪﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 127‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 78‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ ﻣﻲ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﻪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺸــﺘﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺍﻣـﺮ ﻫﺸـﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﺷـﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧــﻊ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗـﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﭙﺴــﺎ )ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯﻭﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ«ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺵ» ﮔﺎﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﻭ »ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢﻧﺴﻼﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ‬ ‫»ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ »ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﮕﻰ« ﻭ »ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ« ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ‪ 38‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ« ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺷـﻜﻞ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣـﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳـﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫‪1387‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺎﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗـﻮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗـﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪50‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ؛ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ« ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ – ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺵﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ – ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺁﺑﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺑﻜﺸـﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ )ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ( ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺵ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺑﻠﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺶ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻢ ﻋﻤﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺸـﺖ؟ ﻣﮕـﺮ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻼﺷـﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃـﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻒ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﻰ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧـﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃـﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 8:30‬ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﭽــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳـﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ«‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘـﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﺘــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﺾ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻯ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﺴــﺘﮕﻰ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ‪ 35‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 6 ، 5‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ‪ 5‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 4‬ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺘﺶ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﻯﻭﻯﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 7‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 8‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﺁﻣﻨﻪﺿﺒﻂﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﻛﻪﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖﻣﻦﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯﺷﻬﺮﺭﺍﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺯﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﺻﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺿﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﻳﺸﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺜﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﻼﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 88‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺑﺎﻣﺎﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴــﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﺻﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻓﻜــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻯ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﭗﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﻛﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻛﺐﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻛﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﺶ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻛﺐ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺗـﻮ ﻛﻮﻛـﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫـﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻨـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫـﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻛﺐ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻛﺐ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﻛﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﭗ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺵ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴــﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻴــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺘﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳــﺎ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ»ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ« ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺩﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ »ﺍﻟﻒ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫»ﺏ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ »ﺍﻟﻒ« ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺰﻛﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴـﺖ ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺏ‪ :‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﻪ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﻳﻚ ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ»ﺏ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﭘﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ »ﺏ« ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻏﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺗﺤﺖ ﻟﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩﻭﻋﺸﻖﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥﺑﻪژﻭﻟﻴﺖﻗﻼﺑﻲﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﭘﻲﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻖ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻭﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﺶﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪،‬ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺷﻮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ(‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ »ﻫﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳــﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ! ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺎ ﮔﺎﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ »ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ« ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺹ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻨﺰﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﻨﺰﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ )ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺭ( ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻨﺰﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻡ ﻏﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻨــﺰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﺮﺑﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺄﻭﻳﻞ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ »ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ« ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔـﻲ ﻋﺰﻳـﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨـﺪﻭﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﻩ ﺳـﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺴـﺎﻓﺮ« ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻛﻪﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳـﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﺴـﺖﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳـﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠـﺎ ﺁﻏـﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻡ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﺮﺧﺮ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﮔﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳـﭙﺲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﭘﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻓﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭼﻨﺪﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﻴﺮﻱﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻭﺍﺭﺩﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺷﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﻣﺎﻃﺮﺡﺳﻴﻨﺎﭘﺲﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺭﺍﻛﻪﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﺎﭘﺲﭼﻬﻞﻭﭘﻨﺞﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢﻭﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮﺁﻥﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻛﺎﺭﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﻛﺪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺑﻪﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺷﺪﻩﺍﻭﻝﺭﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪﻭﺍﺯﺁﻥﺧﻮﺵﺷﺎﻥﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ؟ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 29‬ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻲﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻳﻚﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺑﻮﺩﻭﻣﻦﻭﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ -‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪﻭﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺁﻥﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕﺻﺤﺒﺖﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﻭﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢﻛﻪﺑﻌﻀﻲﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎﺑﻪﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻭﺑﻌﻀﻲﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪.‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﺍﺯﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪-‬ﻣﺜﻼ‪-‬ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻳﺎﺍﺯﻛﺎﺭﺧﻮﺷﺸﺎﻥﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺭﺍﻩﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﻫﻢﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﺁﺫﺭﻧﻮﺵ)ﭘﻠﻴﺲ(ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻓﻜﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ)ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻻﻥﭘﻴﺎﻡﺩﻫﻜﺮﺩﻱﺑﺎﺯﻱﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ(ﻛﻪﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻧﻘﺶﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺳﺮﺍﻳﻦﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺑﺎﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱﻭﺗﺸﺮﻳﻚﻣﺴﺎﻋﻲﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠـﺐ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸـﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺴﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸـﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺳــﻪﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳﻲ )ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻳﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮﺍﻳﻦﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳﺮﻗﺖﺍﺳﺖﻭﺩﺭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺍﻳﻦژﺍﻧﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ‪،‬ﺁﻳﺎﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺧﺎﺻﻲﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻱﺩﻳﻦﻳﺎﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉﻳﺎﮔﺮﺗﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺍﺯﺁﻥﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻛﻼ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﺷﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻧﻴﺶ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳـﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳـﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢﻭﻟﻲﺟﻮﺭﻱﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢﻛﻪﺣﻮﺍﺱﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺭﺍﭘﺮﺕﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺯﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺯﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻟﻮ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺲ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﺩﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ )ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ« ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔـﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ »ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴــﺖ ﭼﻮ« ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺒﻴــﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠــﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻭﻗــﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻬﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ )ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ(‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﺸﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃ ِﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻢ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩﻱ »ﻗﻄﻌﻪﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ )ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ( ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻤﻚﺣﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁِ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳـﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ؟ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣـﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻇﺮﻳﻒﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗـﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳـﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱِ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲِ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺯﺩﻱِ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻼﻓﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎ ِﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦِ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﺩﺯﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻦِ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﺯﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ )ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﻜـﺶ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﮔـﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷـﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣـﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﻚ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻃﻨﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑِ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲِ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮ ِﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻼﻓﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱِ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳـﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈــﻪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺗــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱﺗـﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺶ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥِ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺏِ ﻣﻴﻞِ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳـﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺐﻭﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﺮﺥ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻦﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪38‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲﺍﺵ )ﮔﺎﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ(‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ‪ 50‬ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻲﺍﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-3‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻨﻮﺍﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ )ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ )ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ( ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻌﺪﻳﺎﻥ( ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻣﻴــﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﺵ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻨــﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ )ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻓﻼﺡ‪ (1384-‬ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫)ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤــﻰ‪ (1385-‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣــﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺰﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﭘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻫــﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨــﺪﻭﻕ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺯﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ )ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻭﻳﺴﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﺟﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﻼﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺥ ﺩﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺵ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮگﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ )ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺤﺖ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻧﺎ‬ ‫)ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ(‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ )ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ( ﺑﻪ ژﻳﻼ )ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ( ﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ )ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ( ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘــﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ( ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺻﻔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ )ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ( ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻰ )ﺧﻠﺞ( ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﭘﺨﺸﻰ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻳــﺺ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﮔﺎﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ«‬ ‫ﮔﻨﮕﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﺮﺑﻲﻛﻪﺩﺳﺘﻲﻫﻢﺩﺭﻋﺎﻟﻢﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕﻭﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣـﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳـﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳـﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻧـﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺴﻜﻮﺕ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺷــﺮﺧﺮ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ‪ 30‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﺮﺧﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﺮﺧﺮ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﺧﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺩﺭﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺒﻴــﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ »ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺻﻔــﺮﻱ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺒﺎﺱ« ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 70‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺁﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻗﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﮕﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻦ ﺩﻟﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻨﻮﻭﻧﺘﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ«ﻱ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻧﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ »ﻣﻠﻮﻳﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺑﺎﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺳﺮﻗﺘﻲﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺷﻜﻞﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺯﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻫﻤﺬﺍﺕﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ )ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ( ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﺯﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢﻭﻫﻢﺭﻳﺘﻢﻗﺼﻪﻣﺎﻥﺭﺍﺣﻔﻆﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝﻣﺎﺳﻌﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱﻭﺧﻂﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﺍﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺁﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺧﻲ ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻗﺼﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺳـﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸـﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺶ« ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﮔﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻮﺭﺳــﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺵﺻﺤﺖﻋﻜﺲﺑﺰﺭگ»ﻫﻤﻔﺮﻱﺑﻮﮔﺎﺭﺕ«ﻭﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﻧﻴﺶ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢﻳﺎﺍﻭﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﻧﻴﺶ«ﺭﺍﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪﻛﻪﺟﺰﻭﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺭﺩﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲﻣﻦﻃﺮﺡ»ﺷﺮﺧﺮ«ﺭﺍﻛﻪﺩﺭﭼﻨﺪﺻﻔﺤﻪﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻡﺑﺮﺩﻡﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‪،‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ »ﺳﻠﻴﻨﺠﺮ« ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ »ﻓﺮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻭﻳﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ« ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴـﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤــﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10 - 11‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻻﺳﺖ« ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺰﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺰﻥ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻟﻨﺰ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺧــﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺰ ﺗﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮ ﻟﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴـﺎﻝ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫)ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ(ﻭﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ)ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚﺻﻔﺮﻱ(ﻛﻤﺘﺮﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺎ ‪ -‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﺪﺧﻠﻘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﺬﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴــﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ«ﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ«ﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ »ﺭﻓﺘﻦ« ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﭼﻪﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻓﺮﻭﻍ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ »ﻗﻤﺮ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺟﺶ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﮕﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺷــﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ »ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﺣﺶ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ؟ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻧﺎﻥ« ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺘﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﻧﺎﻥﺧﻮﺭ« ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺘﻰ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻬﻤﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻭ« ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ »ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻔﺎﺭﺳﻰ«‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪» .‬ﻫﺪﻳﻪ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺭﻓﺘﻦ« ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺰﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﮔﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﻋﺬﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ »ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﺯﺑﺮﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻼﺭﻯ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻰﭘﻮﺭ« ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺟﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺁﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﻀﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺭ ﻭ… ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﻳﻢ ﻭﻧﺪﺭﺱ« ‪ -‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻟــﺮﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ »ﺩﺭﺑﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﻫﺎﻳﺲ ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺑﻰﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ – ‪ 14‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ -‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﭘــﺎ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ‪40‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﭼــﺎپ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 28‬ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻜﺴــﻴﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﭙﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻰﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﺶ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻬﻞﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1356‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰﺷﺪﻭﭘﺲﺍﺯﺁﻥﺗﺎﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﻯﻣﺪﻳﺪﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﻛﻪﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﺶﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺧﻮﺩﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻥﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻋﻜﺲﻫﻢﺩﺭﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷﻬﺮﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺩﺵﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﺳﻌﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡﺩﺭﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﻢﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻢﻛﻪﺧﺎﺭﺝﺍﺯﻗﺎﺏﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺎﻳﻰﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻩﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻭﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶﻫﻢﻳﻚﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻪ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻩﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﮔﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻜﺴــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺮﺗﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﺮﻳﻤﻨﺘﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 30‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫‪ 150×100‬ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷــﻰ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 25‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬــﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﻋﺠﻴــﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺻﻨﻒ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺻﺪﻣﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻣﺸﻖﻫﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﮕﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻜﺲ »ﻻﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ« ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻱ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻱ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣــﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﻨﺮﻱﺁﻥﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﻳﺎﻋﻜﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱﺑﺎﻻ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺧﺼﻮﺹﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠــﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔــﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺁﺳــﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺧــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﭘﺴــﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﻫﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﻫﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺯﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺯﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﻧﺲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺻﻔﺮ« ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻫـﻢ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺋـﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﭙﻲﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ« ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ـ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘــﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ( ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ )ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾﻧﻤﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺴﻴﻜﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ـ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ـ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﺵ ـ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺎ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼ ِﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﻠﻴﺖ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﻛﻠﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ »ﻛﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘــﻪ ﻭ »ﺗﺼﺮﻑ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ« ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺼﺮﻑ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ـ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻲ ـ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﻜﻴــﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺮﻫــﺎﻱ )ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ(‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ـ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸـﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻰﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ـ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻏﻴﺮﺟﻬــﺖﺩﺍﺭ )ﺧﻨﺜﻲ( ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮﻱ؛ ﺏ( ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸــﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻳﻦ؛ ﺝ( ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻁ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ؛ ﺩ( ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻟــﻒ( ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫)ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪(...‬؛ ﺏ( ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ؛ ﺝ(ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ )ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‪(...‬؛ ﺩ( ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ؛ ﻩ(ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ )ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ( ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌــﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻘــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻌﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨــﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﻫﺰﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌــﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻠﻐﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺯﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ـ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻌﺎﻥﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ـ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ )ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻳـﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟــﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ـ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ـ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻨﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ؟ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘــﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﻣﻦﺟﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺪﺍﻣﻪ(‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ـ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻘــﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ـ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﻄﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﺎﻓﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻀﻤﺤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ـ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ )ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ژﻟﻪﺍﻱ( ـ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ؟ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘــﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ـ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠــﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ )ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ( ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻘﺎ« ﻭ »ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ« ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻠﻲ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻘﺎ ـ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﻭ »ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻠــﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣــﺪﺕ ـ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ )ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺃﻛﻞ ﻣﻴﺘــﻪ( ـ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺟﺰءﺟﺰء‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ـ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜــﻲ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺵ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺐ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺏ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺌــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺵ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ؛ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳــﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ )ﺷﻴﻌﻪ( ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻭﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺳﻠﻔﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺟــﺰ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻛﻲ ﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺘﻨﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﭘﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮ ﻫﻴﻨﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ‪16‬ﻭ ‪17‬ﻡ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﺳﻴﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﺛﻨﻲﻋﺸﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻞ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺑﺨــﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳــﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺭﺷــﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧــﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻼ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺳﻨﺦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨــﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﻮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﻋﻠــﻞ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﻨﻲﻋﺸﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻔــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻢﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻘــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫»ﺧﻠﻂ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ« ﻳﺎ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻓﺮﻣﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻔﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺮﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﻀــﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻠﺒــﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻠﻔﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﺯﺥ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻔﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﻢﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﺍﺯﺩﻝﺳﻨﺖﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝﺑﺎﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﺻﻼﺡﻫﻢﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺑﺎﻣﻨﻄﻖﺧﺎﺹﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﺎﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﻭﺑﺎﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕﺍﺯﺩﺭﻭﻥﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻭﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺳﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫»ﻭﻻﻳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮ ِﻡ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ‪ .1 :‬ﺁﺷــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ؛ ‪ .2‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ‪ .3‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻠﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻗﺪﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻥِ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﮔــﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌــﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺹ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؛ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻢ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﺪﺳــﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﺜﻲ ﺑﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻑﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺷــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻫﺪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺏ‪ :‬ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻲﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻊﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻋﻠﻞﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺪﻥﺩﺭﻏﺮﺏﺑﺎﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱﻭﻋﺮﻓﻲ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻱﺧﻮﺩﺗﺤﻤﻞﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻳﻦﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺩﻗﻴﻖﻭﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺩﺭﺳﺖﺍﺳﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﻭ‪...‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﺤﻮﻝﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱﻭﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕﺯﻣﺎﻥﻭﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲﺑﻪﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﺯﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﻚﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁ« ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻌﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﺸﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ » ﺧﻼﻓﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﻟﻌﺎﺏ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻨﻜﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ »‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ« ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ »ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌــﺮﺽ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫» ﻧﻘﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠــﻞ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑــﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﻔﻲ ﻇﻮﺍﻫــﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ » ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ« ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ »ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺳــﻨﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺞ ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫»ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻧﺪﻩ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﺥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫» ﺍﻣــﺖ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻭ ﻧﻀﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤــﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ »ﺣﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ« ﺍﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺳــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺺ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﭘﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻠــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺣﻖ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻬﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺸﺖﺯﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ« ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ« ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ »ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ؛ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧــﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 136‬ﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﻨﺞﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺷــﻴﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻰﺍﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﻴﻠﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻖ ‪ 30‬ﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻩﮔﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺱﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺟﺖﻓﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺱﻭﺟﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻭﻧﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻼﺹ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺧﻮﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠــﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻩﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ 28‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺷﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺧﻮﺷــﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻫﻢﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﻝﭘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﺴــﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺯﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ؛ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺷــﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺤﻴﻄــﻰ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺸــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ‪ 12 ،10‬ﻧﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺷــﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 13‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻳﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ؟ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻔﻴﻒ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﻔﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺖﻓﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻔﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺵ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺖﻓﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 28‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺖﻓﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻣﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺖﻓﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﻔﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺮﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻟﻴﻔﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﻴﻔﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﻔﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛ »ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻔﺶ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻔﺸﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻔﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﻳﺰ ﻛﻔﺶﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻛﻔﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻟﻖ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﻭﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﭼﻄﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻢﺟﻮﺍﺑﺸﺎﻥﺭﺍﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻞﻳﻚﻣﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻚﻣﺮﺩﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺁﻧﻜﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﺮﺩﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪2136‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ ﺣﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﮔﺬﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺼــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﻃــﻊ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺳــﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 708‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ‪2136 :‬ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺐ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪ 4 :‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ‪3 :‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ 30 :‬ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ‪ 31/5 :‬ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺖﻓﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺖﻓﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪1130 ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ svuj‬ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ‪33‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺟﺖﻓﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ‪97‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺴﮕﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺖﻓﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺑﺎﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻬﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻧﻜﺮ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫــﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻌﺎﻝﺯﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺭﺟﺢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ )‪ (EPC‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺴﺒﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﮔﺬﺭ )ﺗﻮﻧﻞ( ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻞ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭘﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﮔﺬﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﻓﻨﻰﻭﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﻰﻭﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷـﻬﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺷـﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺪﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻞ ﻓﻠﺰﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺻـﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴـﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰﻭﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ 35‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﭘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺪﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻼﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧـﺐ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ؟ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧـﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺴــﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻞ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭘﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﮔﺬﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳــﻰ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺏﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺧﻼﺹ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1385‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪21‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 86‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺼﺐ ‪ 70‬ﻋﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺖ ﻓــﻦ‪ 11 ،‬ﺍﮔﺰﻭﺯ ﻓﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻫــﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ژﻧﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ )ﻋﺪﻡﺧﻴﺮﮔﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 3‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺋــﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻳﺪﻛﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 136‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ‪ 25‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭﺑﻨﺪﻯ‪56 ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺑﻨﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 660‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺧﺎﻛﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ 200 ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 250‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑــﻊ ﻣﺶﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ‪ 450 ،‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻦﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻭ‪ 26‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺟﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖﺯﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﺩﻫﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﭘﻨﺞﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒــﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﺎﻝ )‪ 57‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،(68‬ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺮﺍﻫﺎ )ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻯ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻋﻴﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺼﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺴــﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧــﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺷﻬﺮﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭﻭﻗﺖﺑﻪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻯﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻯﻛﻪﺍﻭﻧﻴﺰﻋﻀﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺗﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺣﺮﻑﻭﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺧﺎﺻﻰ‪،‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺣﻴﺎﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،80‬ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻠﻚﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﻚﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻰﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻚﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺠﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻚﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻥ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﺟﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﺗﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻖ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻟﻮﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﭘﺮﻃﻤﻄﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌــﻼ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﻡ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤــﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﻭﺑﻪﮔﻮﺍﻩﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒــﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺮﺩﻡﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺭﻭﻧﺪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻳﻦﺷﻬﺮﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﺷﻬﺮﺷﻠﻮﻍﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﺗﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺳــﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ – ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ ‪ -‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻏﺮﺍﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦﭘﺘﺮﺯﺑﻮﺭگ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺍگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪500‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ‪ 200‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 200‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌــﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻠﻮﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻯ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺳــﺎﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻫﻮﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﭘﺮﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺠﺎ؟ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﻰﺧﻴﺎﻟــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻛﻔﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴــﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ‪200‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﻭﺻﻒﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ – ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ‪ -‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺼــﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ – ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺗﻮﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫‪ 50 ،40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺒﺎﻟﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻟﻨﺪﻧﻰﻫﺎ ‪ 200‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 50‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧــﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﮕﺶ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻯ ﭼــﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 12 ،10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﺏ ‪ 30 ،20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 75‬ﻭ ‪ 76‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺴــﮕﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 70‬ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﻤﺴــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘــﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪-‬ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ -‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭘﻠﻪﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺒﺎﻟﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔــﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﺴــﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺭﻣﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫــﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﭘﺲﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻯ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴـﻠﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺸــﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺐ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕــﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ »ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴـﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﻧﺸـﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﭼﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻮﺋﻨﺲﺁﻳﺮﺱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻤﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﮓﺑﻴﭻ! ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻳـﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭ »ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﭽﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ )ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻗﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﺠﺎﻥ( ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﺤﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻛﺸــﻰ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪/‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺸــﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﺷـﻬﺮﻯ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ؟ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴـﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿـﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘـﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣـﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻟﻮﻙ ﻫﻠﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﺎﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨــﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ!‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻮﻛﻮﺭﺑﻮﺯﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﻟﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰﻫﻢﺻﺤﺒﺖﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﻢﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ«ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺍﺯﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻧﻰﭼﻮﻥ»ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﻰ«ﻭ»ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻰ«‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺷﻤﺎﻗﺎﺋﻞﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻨﺪﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﺮﺍﭼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ »ﺧﻼﻓﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺵ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺴـﻴﻦ« ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ »ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﺮ« ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ »ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺶ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮﻯﺑﻪﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻃﺒﻘﻪﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻮﺍﻝﺁﺧﺮ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕﻭﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷـﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺷـﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ‪ Suburb‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ«‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻧﺨﺮﺍﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳــﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﻠﺶ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﮓ ﺑﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﻠﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻰﺷــﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﻻﻭﺍﻟــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 1618‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1624‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻣﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻐﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺁﻏﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻨﺪﻗﻰ ﺣﻔﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺩﻻﺟﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﻙ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1284‬ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﻨــﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﻫﻠﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺸﺖﺿﻠﻌﻰ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﻩﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺷﺎﻧﺰﻩﻟﻴﺰﻩ« ﺩﺭ »ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ« ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﺼﻔــﺎﻯ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﻣﻘﺮﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ« ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﻻﻟــﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ – ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﻠﻮﻍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺻﻨﻒ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﺸــﺖﺿﻠﻌﻰ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺪﻕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺿﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ 17‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻰﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ 46‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻣﺮﻣﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺭگ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺩﻻﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1345‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯﺷﻤﺴــﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 2500‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1348‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1350‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺷﻬﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪38‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺱ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻕ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ )ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻰ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﺱ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﮔﻨﺒﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺒﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﻧﺲﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺿﻠﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺮﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻗﻮﺱ ﻃﺎﻕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺒﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺘﻦ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺴﺖﻭﺷﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1370‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1372‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 17‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﺩﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺝ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1387‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺸﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﺨﺮﺍﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷــﻠﻮﻏﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪،‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻭﻯ )ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ(‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰء ﻻﻳﻨﻔﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﮔﺬﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 110‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻥ ژﻭﻟﻴــﻮﺱ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1350‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1370‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻓﺮﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1354‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ )ﻣﺘﺮﻭ( ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1378‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴــﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 29‬ﻣــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺜﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪...‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻗﺮﻳﺤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ »ﻛﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ؟« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ«ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻴﻢ »ﺍﺻﻠﻴﺘﺖ ﻛﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟« ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧــﻰ« ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺯﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻘﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻟــﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ؛ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻌﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻳﻎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻌﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻳﻎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻰ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴــﺚ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺠﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻛﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺘﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﻨﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻰﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺛﻘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣــﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻠﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻟﺸﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪ 1366/10/27‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 8‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪ 1386/7/8‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 5‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 95‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻣــﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻀﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1948‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 60‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﺤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺸــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻧﺼــﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺯﻧﮕﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺸــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭘﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴــﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺛﻘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﻜــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻣﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻄﺮﻧﺞ‪،‬ﻫﺎﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﺑﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺯﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺟﺴــﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺗﺮﭘﻠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺛﻤﺮﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨـﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳـﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧـﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﻭﺑﻌﻀﺎﻏﻴﺮﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺭﺍﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻉﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺬﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺷـﻬﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨـﮓ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤـﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳـﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﻬﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﺘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻋﻠـﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺷـﻬﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨـﺎﺭﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺣـﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫـﺎﻱ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨــﮓ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ!‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪،BBC‬‬ ‫‪ CNN‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ 20‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ« ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﻮﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻢﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﺒــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﺎﻳﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺟﻤﻌﻲﻭﻣﺠﻤﻊﺁﻥﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻣﺠﻤﻊﺭﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲﺑﻪﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻧﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﺑﺎﻳﻚﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺗﻠﺦﺍﺯﻭﺭﺯﺵﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺧﻮﺩﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪﻳﺎﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻯﺑﻪﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﺭﺍﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻛﻨﺪﻭﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺎﻓﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺑﻪﻳﻚﺭﻭﻳﻪﺟﺎﺭﻯﺩﺭﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕﻭﺭﺯﺵﺷﺪﻭﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺗﻮﺳﻂﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩﻣﻰﺷﺪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ 40 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓــﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻭﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡﺍﮔﺮﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﺭﺍﭘﻴﺶﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﻨﺞ‪،‬ﺷﺶﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﺧﻮﺏﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎﺧﻮﺏﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﮔﺮﻓﺖﺍﻣﺎﻣﻦﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﻫﻴﻢﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺷﺸﻢﺩﻭﺣﻪﺭﺍﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢﻭﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢﻣﻮﻓﻖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﮔﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﭘﻼﺗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻮﻓﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﻕﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻌــﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﭘﻠﻲﺁﻑ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻞ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺖ ﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻋﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﮔﻮﺋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺗﻮ ﭘﺮﻳﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 94‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ژﻭﺋﻞ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﻃــﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ‪ «...‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘــﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺳــﺖ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧــﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﻳﺮﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩﻭﺷﺸﻢ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﮔﻮﺋــﻪ( ﻭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻋﺬﺍﺏﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 90‬ﻗﻮﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺎﮔﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ‪ 2004‬ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺪﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴــﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﺑﻴﻼﺭﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪«.‬ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﮔﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻪﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻟﺒﻲ ﺳﻠﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﺎﺟﺴــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻮﻻﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺳــﻜﺮﺍﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻣﻄﻤﺌــﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺎﭘﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺑﻴﻮ ﻛﺎﭘﻠﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1950‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻚ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﺁﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﻟﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ‪ 5‬ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺰﻳــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ »ﮔﻠﺪﻛﺎپ«‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺍﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﻨﺎﻟﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﻭﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ‪ 28‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮔﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪ 93‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻠﻲﺁﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳــﺮ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﻃــﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻚ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ،1982‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺎﭘﻠﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌــﻒ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻏﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻳﻮﺁﺧﻴﻢ ﻟﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻏﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﻢﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺕ ﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻭﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺐﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﭙــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺁﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﻮﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺍﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻠﻲﺁﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺍﻛﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻜﺮﺗﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﻮﺋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻟﻴﭙﻲ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﻗﺪﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﻔــﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﻮﺋﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﻳﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺍﻛﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﭙﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻴﭙﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻭﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺘﻮﺯﻭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﻓﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸــﻲ ﺧﻮﺵﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻧﮕﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ ﻋﺎﺝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻧﮕﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ‪ A‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ‪ B‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲﺍﻻﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻪﭘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻟﻲﻳﺪﺳــﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻲﻳﺪﺳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺍﺳﭙﻮﺭﺗﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻙ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﭘﺎﺋﻮﻟﺘﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﻛﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﺎﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮپ ﻃﻼﻱ ‪ 2008‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ ﻋﺎﺝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺘﻪﻧﮕﺮﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻠﻴﻠﻮﺩﺯﻳﭻ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻧﮕﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﻧﮕﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻼﻳﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻝﺑﻮﺳﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﮔﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ژﺍﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻲﻳﺴﺘﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻟﻴﻮﺭﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝﺑﻮﺳﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻝﺑﻮﺳــﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸــﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴــﺎﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺗﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺘﺴﻔﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱﮔﺮﻭﻩﻣﺮگﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺁﺱﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱﺭﻭﺯﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻛﺎ ﺩﺭ‪ 16‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲﺟﻠﺐﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻗﺮﻋﻪﺧﻮﺏﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ 10،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﻗﺎﺭﻩﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦﺗﻴﻢﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ 98