ماهنامه مثلث شماره 20

‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ‪ 29/‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎی ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﯽ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯی ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯی ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮی‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﯾﻤﯽ ﮐﺴﺮی ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﮐﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪﻫﺎی ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﯾﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎی ﮐﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪:½ZËÁ„a |̌¼m‬‬ ‫‪|¿Y|¿ {Y‡ ZÆ¿M‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ ‪ -‬ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻟﻮﯾﯽ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﯾﯽ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﯾﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎی ﺧﺎﻧﮕﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﮐﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﯾﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu€Ì» d^ˆ¿ ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫]‪ʻԇY ÉÂƼm Z‬‬ ‫»‪ªu [ZfŸY :Ê»€Æm |¼v‬‬ ‫¿‪d‡Y ¾¯žËZ“ ªu ,dˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪: Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﯾﻮﺑﯽ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﯽ ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﯽﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺮﯾﺐ‬ ‫§”‪¶]Z¬» |ËZ] ɇ»: ʸWZ‬‬ ‫]‪{€Ì´] ž“» ½Z´¿Z´Ì‬‬ ‫‪łÅł‚‚‚Å‚ÅÅł‚Å‚‚Å‚‚Åł‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Å‚Åł‚‚‚‚‚qÌqqqÌqqÌqÌqÌqqqqÌqÌqÌÌqqÌqÌqÌqqqqqqqqqqcccccccc€€ˆ€ˆˆˆˆ€ˆˆ€€€ˆ€€ˆ€€€€€uuuuuuuuuuuuuuu€ˆu‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫|‬ ‫‡‪µZ‬‬ ‫»^‪ÁZ‬‬ ‫‪žËZ«Á‬‬ ‫‪´z‡Za‬‬ ‫]‪|̋Z‬‬ ‫»‪\nfÀ‬‬ ‫¿‪:ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪ÉZm‬‬ ‫‪¦Ë€ve‬‬ ‫‪®Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZËÁ‬‬ ‫]‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪|a‬‬ ‫‡‪Z‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫]€‪½Z³„»ºËY‬‬ ‫‹‪:½Zˀn‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫¯‪ZÀ‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﻣﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫¯‪Ä¿ZyZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë€yMÊ]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫§‪º¸Ì‬‬ ‫§‪{Â‬‬ ‫¯‪ÓÂaZ‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{]‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪«Á€fe‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫Ÿ¼¶‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫¯‪ɀƘ»|À‬‬ ‫‪ºÅ‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm‬‬ ‫‹‪dnu{Â‬‬ ‫‪¹Ô‡ÓY‬‬ ‫‪:ʼÌÅY€]Y‬‬ ‫§€‪Ã|À^Ë‬‬ ‫{‪|¿{Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ŸÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫دﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫دﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎدﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﯾﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﮐﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﯾﺎﻧﯽﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻓﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻣﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪148‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪|¿Y{ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫§‪½ZŒ¼¸Ì‬‬ ‫]¨€‪|‹Á‬‬ ‫{‪Ã‬‬ ‫¿¼‪:Ê°‬‬ ‫‪Zŀ°¨À‹Á‬‬ ‫‪M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪|Ìn»Ê¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪€f¯{½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪€f¯{Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪88Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪++4848Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{{{{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃ{Ã{{{{Ã{{{{{{{{{ÃÃ{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃÃ{Ã{Y{Y{{{Y{Y{{{Y{{{Y{{{YY{Y‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪148‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫»®‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫{§‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪|¿Y{ÉY€mZ‬‬ ‫§‪½ZŒ¼¸Ì‬‬ ‫]¨€‪|‹Á‬‬ ‫{‪Ã‬‬ ‫¿¼‪:Ê°‬‬ ‫‪Zŀ°¨À‹Á‬‬ ‫‪M‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫‪º£‬‬ ‫»‪Ä¿Z‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪|Ìn»Ê¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫{‪€f¯{½Z¬Å‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪€f¯{Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫]‪€«Z‬‬ ‫«‪¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫‹¼‪88Ê¿Zz‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪++4848Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{{{{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃ{Ã{{{{Ã{{{{{{{{{ÃÃ{Ã{Ã{Ã{Ã{ÃÃÃ{Ã{Y{Y{{{Y{Y{{{Y{{{Y{{{YY{Y‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ô¬¿YZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﯽﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﯽ{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»¾‬ ‫‪{YÁ‬‬ ‫¯‪[Zf‬‬ ‫‪¹Z»Y‬‬ ‫¯€{‪¹‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪µÔm«Y‚´f»|y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫§‪µÔm:ʇZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫§‪c€ˆu:ʇZ‬‬ ‫‪½{Ây‬‬ ‫‪kÁ‬‬ ‫‪{Á‬‬ ‫{‪ÉZłÌq{Y‬‬ ‫‪É{ZË‬‬ ‫]€‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¹Z¹Z¹Z¹Z¹Z¹Z¹¹Z¹»»»¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹Z‬‬ ‫¯‬ ‫¯€{{€€{{€€€{{€€€€{€{€{€{€{€{‪¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹¹‬‬ ‫«««ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»|‪€Ë‬‬ ‫¯¶‬ ‫»‪cY€]Zz‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫»|‪€Ë‬‬ ‫¯¶‬ ‫»‪cY€]Zz‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪½Y€ËY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿‪Ã|Ë{Z‬‬ ‫]´‪{€Ì‬‬ ‫‪ɁY€y‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪Z°Ë€»M‬‬ ‫¿¼‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|¿YÂe‬‬ ‫]‪ÕY|°¿Z‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫]‪|¿Â»ZÌ‬‬ ‫]‪:ÖÀ¼Æ‬‬ ‫‪ֈ̸´¿Y‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪|ÀÅYÂy‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫{‪ʇZ¼¸bË‬‬ ‫‪YÁ€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫‪dŒa‬‬ ‫‪Ã{€a‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ{‪YÂË‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪YÂË{|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫]‪Ö‬‬ ‫‪Õ{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫‪€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪[Y€y‬‬ ‫¯‪]]]]]]]]:Âa€´ˆŸ:Âa€´ˆŸ|ÌÀ‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪/‬‬ 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‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ô¬¿YZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﯽﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﯽﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﯽﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﯽ{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»¾‬ ‫‪{YÁ‬‬ ‫¯‪[Zf‬‬ ‫‪¹Z»Y‬‬ ‫¯€{‪¹‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫»‪µÔm«Y‚´f»|y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë|·Y‬‬ ‫§‪µÔm:ʇZ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ë|·Y‬‬ 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‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫دﻫﻢ‪/‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪/1388‬‬ ‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫‪1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪sԏY‬‬ ‫—¸^‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪sԏY|ÀfˆÅ‬‬ ‫—¸^‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY|ÀfˆÅ‬‬ ‫»œ¸‪¹Â‬‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫»€ŸŒ‪¾Ìˆu:Ê‬‬ ‫»€ŸŒ‪Ê]Y{:Ê‬‬ ‫»ˆ‪ÉÁZ‬‬ ‫‹‪{Â‬‬ ‫‪ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫{‪d‡Á‬‬ ‫{‪d‹Y‬‬ ‫‡‪|Ì ‬‬ ‫§‪ʬWZ‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‬ ‫‬ ‫‬ ‫‬ ‫{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{‪‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡MMMMMMMMMMMMMMM‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪Ã|¿Z]MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫]‚‪±‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫زﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎدﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﯽﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍی‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍی‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭی‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﯾﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪی‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﯾﻴﺰیﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﯾﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﯽ‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫]‪ÊËZÅZf¨³Z‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭیﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻴﮕﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩی‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪی‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪|Ìn»Ê¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫»‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪|Ìn»Ê¼Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬‬ ‫‪,‬‬ ‫»‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫¯€‪ʼË‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭی‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮیﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫]‪:Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪d‡Y‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪€Ì£‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪ʸ ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZÅ‬‬ ‫‪€Ì£‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉZÅ‬‬ ‫§‪ʸ ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫¿|‪|Àf‹Y‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫¿|‪|Àf‹Y‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY€´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪ÃZq‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{‪½ZËY€´·ÂY½{Y‬‬ ‫‪ÃZq‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫{‪Z»½{Y‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫»‪ª§YÂ‬‬ ‫¿‪Z»ºÌfˆÌ‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿„‪{Y‬‬ ‫»‪ª§YÂ‬‬ ‫¿‪Z“|̼uºÌfˆÌ‬‬ ‫‪Z“|̼u:Ê«€e‬‬ ‫‪:Ê«€e‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪{Z¼fŸYºË‬‬ ‫»‪Ö‬‬ ‫¯€{‪ºË‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪½Â̇ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯی‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭی‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪{:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪:|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽﻣﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﯾﻨﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IRISSN:‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫»‪Ê]Ô¬¿Y|¿|¿Z‬‬ ‫‪Ê]Ô¬¿YZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪M OSAL AS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻝ ﺴﻡ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻥﻋﺎ ﻧﺪ ﻴﻼﺍ‬ ‫ﻱﺭﺎ ﺍ ﺍﺳﻗ‬ ‫ﺸﻴ ﺍ ﺍﻤ ﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻪ ﺎﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺧ ﺮﻮﻧ ﺍﺩﺩﺎﻭﭘﻣ ﺑ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008‬‬ ‫‪-5281‬‬ ‫ﺖﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺨ ﻴﻲﻲ‬ ‫ﺖﺳﺗﻛﺩﻮﻨ ﺍﺴﻮﺷﻧ‬ ‫ﺸ ﻧﺮﭙﺎ ﻣﺎﻪﺭﺎ ﻧﻩﻛﺟﺪﺩﺎﻩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣ ﻓﻻﺳ‬ ‫ﻲ ﺎﻛ ﺮﻥ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻲﮔ‬ ‫ﻚﻮ ﻳﻦﮔﺍﻜ ﺑﺮﺎﻫﺎﻳﻭ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺍ ﺯ ﺬﺍ ﻳﺁﺭﻭﻣﻟﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻮﺋ ﻴﻣ ﻨ ﺸﻲﻮ ﻫﺭﺎ ﺕ‬ ‫ﻃ ﺮﺧ ﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳ ﻭﻔ ﺍﺎ ﺯﺭ ﺍﺕ ﺷﺁﻐﻣ ﺎ ﺮﻳﻝ ﻜ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺭ ﻭﺯ ﻫ ﺎ ﻱ‬ ‫‡‪d‡ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜ ﻐﺎﺍ ﺎﺯﺁ ﻝﺍﻏ ﻧﺎﺳ ﻘﺯﻔ ﻼﺎﻛ ﺭﺮﺏﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺭ ﺍﺁ ﺑﻣ ﺎﭘ ﺮﺍ ﻳﺲ‬ ‫]‪²¿Ä‬‬ ‫¿‪²‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫‹‪Á€ËZÌ‬‬ ‫|‪Á‬‬ ‫½‪:‬‬ ‫¯¨‪Â] ´] Z‬‬ ‫‪‰Á ½Z»Z‡†ÌW‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺪﻛﻨ‬ ‫ﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨ‬ ‫ﺬ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺍﻨ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻢﺗﺮﮔ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﺍﻛﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻡﻣﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻔﺘﻢﺭﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻲﻧﺭﻣ ﺍ‪:‬ﮔﺮﻛ‬ ‫ﺪﮔﻲﻢ‬ ‫ﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﺿﺎ ﺎﺻ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻮﺍﻧﻨ‬ ‫ﻨﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎ ﺧﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨ ﺪ‬ ‫ﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻉﻉﺗﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪1000‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪/‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘ ﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺩ‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪/13‬ﮔﺬ ﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻥﻛﻛ‪8‬ﻪ ﺍﺍ‪8‬ﺯﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻢ‪17/‬ﻭﺁﻧﺁ ﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﺷﺷﻫ ﻧ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻝ‪/‬ﺎ ﺷ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺴﺒﺘﻲﻪﺧﺒ ﺮ ﻱ‪،‬ﺗ ﺤ‬ ‫ﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺴ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻮﻱ ﻧ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻮﺳﺍﺪﻣﺍﺭﺭﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺮ‪:‬ﻮﺪ‬ ‫‪68‬ﻜﻧﻧ‬ ‫ﻧﻔ‬ ‫ﺮ‪:‬ﺎﻣﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﺍﻧﻔﺑﺎﺟﻜﺳﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﯾﺎزدﻫ ﻢ ‪26/‬ﻣﻬ ‪8‬ﺮ ‪ 116 /138‬ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌ ﻮ ﺭ ﻳ ﺴ ﻴ ﻦ‬ ‫‡‪ÉÂ‬‬ ‫»‪É Â‡ ÁÂ‬‬ ‫‪»Á Êʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪¼‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ĘÄ]Y˜]YÃ‬‬ ‫]‪ ÃZ] Z‬‬ ‫{ {‬ ‫]‪:ÊËZųÁ d¨³ Á ZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ ‪ -‬ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻤﻦ ‪ -‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭙﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ «‬ ‫ﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮓ ﺍ ﺍﺭﻏ ﻮ‬ ‫ﮓ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻓﻓﻴ ﻴﻠ ﻠﻢ»ﻢ»ﺑﺑﻧﺭﺭﻪﻪ ﻧ‬ ‫ﻮﻗﻴ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻴﺗﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﺭﻩﻊﺗﻮﻗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ ﺍی ﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧﺪﻭﭘﺮﻩﺍ ی‬ ‫]‪|‡ÊÊ| ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪»Z¼»Z‬‬ ‫‪‹Á‬‬ ‫]‪d‬‬ ‫]‪d‬‬ ‫¯ ¿‪Á{{¿Â‬‬ ‫‪ÊÂe¸¸¯Â‬‬ ‫‪Á‬‬ ‫¿|‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫‪½ZË‬‬ ‫‹‪{{Â‬‬ ‫‪Á€À‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ËY:¹‬‬ ‫‪ZÁ‬‬ ‫‪€Ë‬‬ ‫´€‪Á€eY‬‬ ‫·´€‬ ‫¯‪ˀZÔ‬‬ ‫]‪ËÀÅZ‬‬ ‫‪»Å]dÌ‬‬ ‫{‪{Ë‬‬ ‫‪dÌuÔ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪! ·ÂZ ¶j‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫«‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪! Z^Ë‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪Ê«€e‬‬ ‫‪€Ê‬‬ ‫{©‪Ëe‬‬ ‫‪©{Z‬‬ ‫‪uÔ‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫‪ÊYÁ|Ì‬‬ ‫‪YÁ|Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪¿ZÉ‬‬ ‫‪Z¿ˆZ‬‬ ‫ˆ‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¯‬ ‫‪»Y‬‬ ‫‪{Z«M¯{Z«M‬‬ ‫‬ ‫ﻴﻠﻢﻮﻗﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻥﻴ ﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﻮﻮﮐ ﻓﺭﻓﻴﺎﺎ‬ ‫ﻒﮐ‬ ‫ﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﯽﻭ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺍﻗﻴﺭﻏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﻴ‬ ‫ﻮﻗ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗ‬ ‫ﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮓﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﺗ‬ ‫ﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻴﻢﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻴﻢﻪﺭ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺖﺑﭘﺑﻧﺭﻓ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺖﻩﻮﻧﮕﻩ‬ ‫ﻨﻨﺪﺑﺮﺍﻫ‬ ‫ﮕﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﺸ‬ ‫ﻠﻤﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺸﺍﺮﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ ﺑﺍﻣﭼﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﻪ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩﮐﭼﻣ‬ ‫یﺎﭘ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻤﻬﺗﻬﻪﻫ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺯﺩﺘﺑﺎﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫یﻪﻮ ﺍﻮﻪ‬ ‫ﺍیﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺷ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺖﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻭ‬ ‫ﻮﺷ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﻔﻔﮔ‬ ‫ﮔﮔﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻮﻗﻴ ﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻥﺭﻓﻊﺗ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻮﺍ ﻓﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻒﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﻮ‬ ‫ﻤﯽﺭﻏﻭﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﻴ‬ ‫ﯽﮐﻴ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮓﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻠﻢﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﺗ‬ ‫ﮓﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗ‬ ‫ﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﯽﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﻧﺭﻓ‬ ‫ﻴﻢﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫ‬ ‫ﻨﻨﺪﻩﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻴﻢﻪﻧ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﮕﻮﺮﮕ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﭘﺑ‬ ‫ﺸﻪﺑ‬ ‫ﭼ ﺍﺑﻨﻨﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻣﻤﭘﮐﻨﮕﻪﺍﻫ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﺎﭼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻴﻠ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩﻪ‬ ‫یﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻩﻴ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﺯﻓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺗﻬ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺯﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﯽ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺘﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﯽﻪ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺖﻪﺍﺷ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳ‬ ‫ﻮﺷﮔﻔﮔﻔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﮔﻔ‬ ‫ﮔﮔ ﮔﺰﮔ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪: Ê^Ì‬‬ ‫^‪Ê^Ì‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫| ¿^‪^u^Êu‬‬ ‫‪¿ ¼v‬‬ ‫‪| ¼v‬‬ ‫» »‬ ‫]‪²¿Ä‬‬ ‫¿‪²‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺸﻴ ﻤ ﺎ ﻥ ﻧ ﻴ ﺴ‬ ‫ﺪﻋ ﺎ ﺮ ﻥﺻ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻥﺭﮔﻡ‬ ‫ﮓﻗﺎﺯﺪﺷ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺠﺖﺍﻮ ﻳ‬ ‫ﺑ ﺮﺩ ﺍ ﻧﺩ ﻭﺸﻟ ﺑﺗﻨ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺎﺯﻩﺗﺎﺍﺯﻭ ﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻙﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻙﺩﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠ ؛‬ ‫ﺷ ﺍﻐ ﻧﺎ ﺸﻝ ﺠﺳﻮ ﻔ ﻳ ﺎﺎ ﺭ ﻥﺕﺩ ﺑﺭﻮ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪ºˆˆË{Y‬‬ ‫‪º‬‬ ‫¿„ ‪{YË‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫|‪„É‬‬ ‫¿|¿‬ ‫‪¼uY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫«^‪¹ ¼u|Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Y‬‬ ‫‪{¿mÁ‬‬ ‫‪µ‬‬ ‫«^‪µÂY{Â‬‬ ‫‪YÂm‬‬ ‫‪ Á‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‪ 17/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰدﻫﻢ‪ 24/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{{‪‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡‡MMMMMMMMMMMMMMM‬‬ ‫‪::ZZ] :ÊË‬‬ ‫‪] Y‬‬ ‫‪ÊË‬‬ ‫‪YÊË‬‬ ‫‪ÊË‬‬ ‫‪ÅZ ZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅZf‬‬ ‫‪³Á‬‬ ‫‪ZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪¨³‬‬ ‫‪Z]d¨³‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‡‪d‡ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺕﺭ ﺕ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻭﺷ ﭘﺩﻐ ﺭﺎﺸ ﻴﻝﺳﻤ ﻜﺎﺳﻧ ﻮﻔﺎﻲ‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008‬‬ ‫‪-5281‬‬ ‫ﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴﻭﺍ ﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺎﺯﺗﻩ‬ ‫ﻙ؛ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪: Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﯾﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺵﺁﺑﺎﺩی ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﯾﻮﺭﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺰﯾﺰﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪی ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﯽ ﺷﺮﯾﻔﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﯽﻃﻼﯾﯽ‪-‬ﺣﺴﻦﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﯽﮐﻮﺍﮐﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪-‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﭘﺰﺷﮑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮی ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﮐﻮﺷﮑﯽ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺑﮏ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﺰﺩﺍﻧﯽ‪-‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦﺷﺎﻩﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫‪:Y ÊËZÅd‹Y{{ZË‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺰدﻫﻢ‪ 10/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺰدﻫﻢ ‪ /‬ﺍﻭﻝﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﺠ‬ ‫ﺐﺣ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕﻴ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽﯽ‬ ‫ﺠ‬ ‫ﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﻋﻠﻧ‬ ‫ﺭی‪---‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭی‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴﯽﻗﺎﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺮ ﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘ ﺍﻌﻔ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻥﺟﺮﮐﺘ‬ ‫ﻏﻔ‪--‬ﺩﺮ‬ ‫ﯽﻏﻔ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﯽﺍﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺮ ﺑﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻦﺜﺮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﯾﺜ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻴﻦﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﮐﺘ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻟﺩﻴ‬ ‫|‪:‬‬ ‫ﮐﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭی ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭی‬ ‫ﮐﻨ‬ ‫‪ÌÌ¿¿YÂy‬‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬ﺍﺍﷲ‬ ‫‪Ã‬ﯾﺖﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﯾ‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺮیﺁ‬ ‫‪ÃZ‬ی‬ ‫¼‪Z‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴ ﮕ‬ ‫‹¼‹‬ ‫‪¾ËY‬ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻩﻩﺭ ﻣ‬ ‫‪¾Ë‬ﺭﺑﺎﺑﺩ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺍیﺩ‬ ‫{‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩﺪﻩﺍی‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺮﻭ‪Y‬ﻧ‬ ‫{ ﭘ‬ ‫ﻟﮑﺮﯾﻤﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯﺎﺮ ﯾ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺯ‬ ‫ﮑ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻟ‬ ‫ﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺮﺒﯾﻮ‬ ‫ﷲﺎ‬ ‫ﺿ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﻋ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻬﺪی ‪--‬‬ ‫ﻤﯽ ‪--‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﻘﻴﻤﻟﺍ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻫﻨﮕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩیﻘ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﻣﻋ‬ ‫ﻠﻢ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﻦ ﺩﻴ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺮﺧﻓ ﺰﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﺮﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣ ﻓ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻓ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫یﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥﺭ‪-‬ﺍﻣﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪی‪-‬ﯾﺎ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺴﻦﺮﻫ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪی‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺒﺭﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﺣﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻘﯽﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻮﺷﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﷲﺮ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺗﻘ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﷲﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺗ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻫﺪﺍﺪﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺍﺳﻫ‬ ‫ﮔﺮیﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﻴﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﻮﺳﻌ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﮔﺎﺭﻪ‬ ‫ی‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﮔﻴ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺮیﻤ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺮی‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻗﺘﻫﻤﺗﻫ‬ ‫ﺎﻝﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻬﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢﺑﺍ‬ ‫ﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻧﻮ ﺑ‬ ‫ﻮﻝﭘﻭ‬ ‫ﻮﻝﻭﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﯽ؛ﺍﺯ ﻓ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺡﻪ‬ ‫ﻮﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ؛ﺯﺗ‬ ‫ﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻓ‬ ‫ﺮﺡﻪ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺤ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ ﺍﻣﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻠ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺳﻃ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﮐ‬ ‫ﺰﻩﺮﻃ‬ ‫ﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺰﻩﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﯾﻦﻃ‬ ‫ﺧﻦﺑ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﯾﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﮐﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍیﺑ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﯽﺩﮐﺩﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎی‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄ‬ ‫ﺎیﻮ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﻧ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﻮﺁﺁﻪ‬ ‫ﻔﻠ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺟﺟ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻧ‬ ‫ﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻔﻠ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺁ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﺍﺯﻧﺁﻭ ﻧﻮﻮ‬ ‫ﮕ‬ ‫ﻬﺎﻥﭼﺍﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺎﻥﻬﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﺿﭘﺭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﭘ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ ﻭﻭﺍ ﻓ ﺮﺩﺟ‬ ‫ﻨﺎ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﯾ‬ ‫ﻣﻣﻨﺎﻇﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺮﻩﺩﯾﻨ ﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫‡€¿‪d‹Â‬‬ ‫»‪ɇÂ‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﯽ؛ ﭘﺎﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪½Z̧Y€—Y €Ì̤e ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫‪ÂƼm †ÌW‬‬ ‫‪†ÌW ÉZ«M‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎی ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻧﻤﯽ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺪﻩﻫﺎی ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﯾﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎی ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‪ 17/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫‪{Y€§Y {ÁÁ µZ¼fuY‬‬ ‫‪½Z“€f » ž¼m Ä] €‡{Ây‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫Ÿ^‪Â‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¿É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪ʼeZy Y‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢﻣﺮﺩﻡﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﯾﺎزدﻫﻢ‪ 26 /‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ˆ‪f ˆÌ¿ÌÌf‬‬ ‫‪º‬‬ ‫§‪½{¸ ‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫§‪̸ §ª‬‬ ‫»‪|¿{Yª§YÂ‬‬ ‫‪YÂ‬‬ ‫{‪Y‬‬ ‫€‪¿»Á‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪ÁÉ‬‬ ‫‡‪d‬‬ ‫‪{€]{Y„Y]ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÅY¥‬‬ ‫^‪¥Z‬‬ ‫‰ ‪¿Y‬‬ ‫‪Á½Z‬‬ ‫‪Ì·¿É‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫‪|À‬‬ ‫‹‪|Àf‬‬ ‫·‪‚Z^Ì‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪ZÉm|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¿|‪ËYf‹Y‬‬ ‫»‪«¶j‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪ZÉ‬‬ ‫¶‬ ‫·´€«‬ ‫‪|¼uY‬‬ ‫¿|‪Y‬‬ ‫‪YY€Ì£‬‬ ‫‪:Ê‬‬ ‫‪Ã‬‬ ‫‪j€ÃYY‬‬ ‫‪»·ÂZq‬‬ ‫‪Ì£‬‬ ‫‪«€e‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫¿„‪Y‬‬ ‫‪«€½M‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪½ZË‬‬ ‫‪Zq‬‬ ‫‪{ZeÅ‬‬ ‫‪]Y‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫]‪Z‬‬ ‫‪ËZÉ|¼uY‬‬ ‫¼‪YZ“|Ì‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫¼‪d‬‬ ‫§€{‬ ‫‰‬ ‫´€‪„Å‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‪É|¼uY‬‬ ‫‪ËZÅ‬‬ ‫¼‪d‬‬ ‫§€{‬ ‫‪¿‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Á‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Y‰Á‬‬ ‫‪´‡|Ì‬‬ ‫‪‡·Â|ÀË‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‪ÏY‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪Ãu‬‬ ‫‪¼u‬‬ ‫‪ZÄ]MÄ]»|ÀËM‬‬ ‫]»‪Ä{Z]Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‡‪ÂÀÌf¿YZe¹Z¿ Ä] ÉYÃZf‬‬ ‫‪:Y‬‬ ‫‪: YÊË‬‬ ‫¨‪ÊËZÅZf‬‬ ‫‪ZÅZf¨³‬‬ ‫] ‪³Z] Z‬‬ ‫‪: Ì|Ì‬‬ ‫‪|¿Y Ây‬‬ ‫»‪¿YÂÊ‬‬ ‫»‪yÊ‬‬ ‫‹¼‪ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ¾Ë‬‬ ‫‪¼‹Y ¾ËY‬‬ ‫{ {‬ ‫‪:: Z]ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪Z ] ųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZ‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫»‪½ZËY€´·ÂYµ|f ‬‬ ‫‪ŠËY‬‬ ‫‪ŠËY‬‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮ «‬ ‫ﻧﮓ ﺍ ﺭﻏﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﺑﻪﺑﻪ ﻧﺭ ﺭﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻒ ﻴﻠﻢ»‬ ‫ﻴﻒ ﻓ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻩﺭﻓﻊﺗﻮﻗ‬ ‫ﺍیﺩﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫یﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﻧﺪ ﻩﺍ‬ ‫ﺪ‪ 116 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ‪ /‬ﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺮﺡ‪19‬‬ ‫ﻄﺮ ‪/‬ﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄ‬ ‫ﺮﻗﯽ ﻢ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻣدﻫ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎﻝ ﺗ‪/‬ﺮﺗ ﻗ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺪﺳﺎﺭ ﻝﺿ‬ ‫ﺣﻤ ‪/‬ﺣ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻱﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺧﺒ ﺮ‬ ‫ﯾﺒﺎﺎﮐ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻪﻧﺯﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﻇ ﻩﺮﻩ ﺻ ﺎﺩ ﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻨ ﻣﺎﻇ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﻪ ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻢ ‪26‬ﻣﻬ ﺮ ‪ 116 /1388‬ﺻﻔ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﺗ ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪/‬ﺳﺎ ﻝ ﺍﻭ ‪/‬ﻝﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﯾﺎزدﻫ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫{]‪ɇ» Á ʼ‹ZŠĘ]Y ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Ê¿Zˆ¯ Äq‬‬ ‫»~‪|ÀÀ¯ ʻÀ¯Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭی ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻟﭗ ﻓﻴﮑﺸﻦ‬ ‫‪ÉÂ‬‬ ‫»‪É»‡Â‬‬ ‫‪‡ ÁÊ ¼‹ ZZÅ‬‬ ‫˜‪Ä‬‬ ‫]˜ ‪ÅÄ‬‬ ‫]‪]Y Y  Z‬‬ ‫{]‪Ãà Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫‹‪½ZÌ‬‬ ‫½ €‪Á:Á‬‬ ‫¯¨‪]Z‬‬ ‫‪| Ë ´] ‰Á‬‬ ‫½‬ ‫‪½ Z»Z‡ †ÌW‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭی ﮐﮐﻨﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﷲ ﻭی‬ ‫ﺖﺍﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺁﯾﺖ‬ ‫ﮕﺮی‬ ‫ﺁﯾ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴﺮی‬ ‫ﻧﺠ ﻴﮕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﺭﺭﻩﻣﻴ ﺎﻣﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍیﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍی‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫‪IS SN: 2008‬‬ ‫‪-5281‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩیﻪ‬ ‫ﺮیﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌ‬ ‫ﮔﻴ‬ ‫ﻮﺳﻌ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺑﺎﻪ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﺎﮔ‬ ‫ﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺮی‬ ‫ﻬﺪﯾﺪ ﺑﺑﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻌﺮی‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻞ‬ ‫ﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫|‪Z‬ﻧﻮﻓﻭﺑﻮﺍﻓﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﺪﺗ‬ ‫‪Ô‬‬ ‫¿|ﻭ¿‬ ‫ﺗﺤ]‪¬Å‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ZÔ‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫ﺧﻮﮐﯽ؛ﺍﺯﻧ¿¬‪ »Y‬ﻧ]¿‬ ‫ﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺎﻣ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺻ‬ ‫ﺢﺯﺗ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺍ¿‪»ZÆÀeY‬ﺑﺮﻪﻪ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥﻩ‪Àe‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯾﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻮﺳ‬ ‫ﺻﻠ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍیﺑﯾﺮﻃ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻃ‬ ‫ﻧﺼ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍی‬ ‫ﺼﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﺷ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﯽﺭﺑﺎﻧﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎی‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﻪﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎی‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻔﻠﻮﺁ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺩﺁﻧ‬ ‫ﺍیﻧﻮﺟ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﺍیﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺧﻧﺁﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺭﺕﻔ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻮﻧﺪﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻬﺎﻥﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﮕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﭼ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺟﺟﺿﭘ‬ ‫ﯽﻭ ﺍﻓ ﻌﺠ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨﻨﻧﺎ ﺗ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇ ﺮﻩﺎﻇﺮﻩﺩ ﯾ‬ ‫ﻣﻨ‬ ‫ﺩﭘﻮ ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﺩﭘ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺐﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕﻧﺠﻴ‬ ‫ﯽﻋ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺭی ﻠ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭی‬ ‫ﺁﻝ ‪--‬‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻮﺍ ﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺮی‬ ‫ﻴﯽﻗﻧﺍ‬ ‫ﯽﺍﻋ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻋﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﻌ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻴ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﺍﻔ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺟ ﻌ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‪--‬‬ ‫ﺍﻥﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻔ‪--‬‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺱﺑﺮﺭﺍﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﻦﻧﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﻴﺮ ﯾﯾﺜ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﻟ‬ ‫ﺣﻟﺘﺍ‬ ‫‪º ˆËÊ^Ì^u‬‬ ‫¿„‪{¹Y‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫ˆ‪˺‬‬ ‫¿„‪Y{Y‬‬ ‫¿|‬ ‫¿^‪Ê‬‬ ‫^‪Ê^Ì‬‬ ‫‪:¼uµ‬‬ ‫|‪É‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫|‪YÂ‬‬ ‫¿^‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫‪Y ¼uY‬‬ ‫«^‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪{¿Yµ‬‬ ‫‪|¼Âv‬‬ ‫‪{Â‬‬ ‫«^‪mÂ‬‬ ‫»‪¼v‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪m»ÁÁ‬‬ ‫‪: Z] ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu€Ì» d^ˆ¿ ÃZ]{ ÉYÃ|¿Á€a‬‬ ‫]‪ʻԇY ÉÂƼm Z‬‬ ‫»‪ļ¯Zv‬‬ ‫¯‪ÊËZ̼Ì‬‬ ‫‪|‡  Ê‬‬ ‫]‪Ê»| ‬‬ ‫¼‪Z‬‬ ‫‹¼‪»‹Z‬‬ ‫]‪d‬‬ ‫]‪Ád‬‬ ‫‪Á{Ê‬‬ ‫‪{Ê‬‬ ‫‪¿¿¸¯Â‬‬ ‫¿|¯¸‬ ‫´€‪{ {ÂÁÂ½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪Áe‹eÁÊ‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪€€ÀÅ‬‬ ‫‪:¹ZË‬‬ ‫{‪€Ë‬‬ ‫‪ZË‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫´€€‬ ‫]‪ÀÅZ‬‬ ‫¯‪Ô‬‬ ‫‪»»dÌuÔ‬‬ ‫{‪Ë‬‬ ‫»‪Z]!·Â ¶j‬‬ ‫‪Z^Ë‬‬ ‫‪Ê«€e‬‬ ‫‪¹!Y‬‬ ‫»‪¹¶j‬‬ ‫‪Z^Ë‬‬ ‫‪YÁ|Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê«€e‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫{©‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪YÁ|Ì»Y‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫{©‬ ‫¯ˆ¿‪¿Z«{{Z‬‬ ‫‪MZ‬‬ ‫‪ˆZ‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪¯Z«M‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴ ﺮﺿﺎﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇ ﺮﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴ ﻧﻤﯽﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺮﯾﻤﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻟﮑﺮﯾ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﺍﻟﮑ‬ ‫ﺒﺪﻔ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻮﺳ‬ ‫ﺕ ﯾﻋ‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘ‬ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺰ ﺮﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‪-‬‬ ‫ی‪-‬‬ ‫ﻬﺪی‪-‬‬ ‫ﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻨﮕﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻫﻟﺍﺍﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺰﺍﺩی‬ ‫ﺩی‬ ‫ﻘﻴﻤ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻓﻣﻘﻴ‬ ‫ﻦﺰﺍﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﻴﻣ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﻴ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺣ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺍﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ‪--‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥی‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻬﺪیﯾ‪-‬ﺭ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺎﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒ ﺮ‬ ‫ﺴﻦﻫﺒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘ‬ ‫ﺣﺴ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﯽﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﷲﺮﻨﻘﺣ‬ ‫ﻮﺷﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺗ‬ ‫ﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻮﺷ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻫﺪﺩﺪﺍﮐﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻫﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭ ﻗﻌ ﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ﻠﺚ؛ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜ‬ ‫‪€e‬‬ ‫‪Y |ÀfˆÅ‬‬ ‫½»œ¸‪¹Â‬‬ ‫—¸^‪: Z‬‬ ‫‪½Z‬‬ ‫´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫€ŸŒ‪Ê‬‬ ‫¸^‬ ‫€ŸŒ‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪sÔ‬‬ ‫—‬ ‫‪sÔ‬‬ ‫ˆ‪» ¾Ì‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪·Â‬‬ ‫ˆ‪»¾Ì‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫‪Y Yu‬‬ ‫{‪d‹Y{d‡Á‬‬ ‫‪{‹ ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫»ˆ‪ÉÁZ‬‬ ‫]‪Ê: Ê‬‬ ‫{‪¬WZɧ Y‬‬ ‫‪Z«M‬‬ ‫‡|‬ ‫‡‪M{Ì ‬‬ ‫ﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚﻣﺜ؛ﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫‪ISSN: 20 08-5281 M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎی ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﯽ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﯾﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺮﯾﺮی‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﯾﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﯽ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪ É‬ﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺭ‬ ‫‪Á‬ﺮﺍ‪É‬‬ ‫‪€Ìa‬‬ ‫ﺮﯾﺎﻝ»‬ ‫‪Á€Ìa‬‬ ‫ﺮﯾﺎﻝ»ﻓ‬ ‫ﺳ‪ÉÉ‬‬ ‫‡‪Â‬‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫]‪‡ Ä‬‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫§€‪Y‬ﻩ‪Ä‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ]€‪Y‬‬ ‫ﺍیﺩﺩﺭ§ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭ ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﯾﯽ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﯾﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎی ﺧﺎﻧﮕﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﮐﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﯾﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ ‪ -‬ﻧﺠﻔﻘﻠﯽ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻟﻮﯾﯽ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﯽ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﯽ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﮐﻮﻫﮑﻦ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮی‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ÃZ]{ ÊËZ̼̯ { ˆ» Z] ³ Á d¨³‬‬ ‫‪‰Y º¸Ì§ ¾Ë€yM‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫]‪:Y ÊËZÅZf¨³ Z‬‬ ‫»‪:Ê^Ì^u Ê^¿ |¼v‬‬ ‫‪ºˆË{Y„¿ É|¼uY {ÂmÁ‬‬ ‫‪¹Y|¿µÂ^« Y‬‬ ‫¯¨‪:½Z̋Z‬‬ ‫½‪:‬‬ ‫‪ÁÁ€]|Ë´]‰Á½Z»Z‡ †ÌW‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA .SIR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 20 -5281‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫‪ÃZ´¿ :½Y{Z¿ …ZÌ·Y‬‬ ‫»|‪|‹Z] «Z]» Z¼Ì‡ ½Y€Ë‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺪ‪ 116 /138‬ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪1000 /‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪19‬ﻣ ﺷ‪8‬‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫ﻢﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻄﻄﺮ‪/‬‬ ‫ﯽ ﻣدﻫﻣ‬ ‫ﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺷ ﺗﺮﻗﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎﻝ ﺗ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺪﺭ ﻝﺿ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲﻤﻴﺣ‪/‬ﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡﻭﻡ ﺣ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺒﺮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎﻪ ﮐ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺧﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻪ ﯾﺒ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ‬ ‫ﺮﻩ ﺻ ﺎﺩ ﻕ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺩﺭﺭﻣﻨﻣﺎ ﻇ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰدﻫﻢ‪ 24/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻠﯽ ‪:‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮی ﺑﺎﯾﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﮕﯿﺮﺩ‬ ‫»‪½ZËY€´·ÂYµ|f ‬‬ ‫‪ŠËY‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪی ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩی‬ ‫‪ºÌfˆÌ¿Ì¿Ê‬‬ ‫ˆ‪ºÌf‬‬ ‫»‪ª§YÂ‬‬ ‫{½‬ ‫¿|‪ª¸ ‬‬ ‫§‪¸ ‬‬ ‫{‪§YY‬‬ ‫‡‪§Âd‬‬ ‫]€‪Á‬‬ ‫€‪Á‬‬ ‫‡‪{d‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪»É‬‬ ‫‪{Y„¥‬‬ ‫‪]ZÅ‬‬ ‫¿„‪YY‬‬ ‫‪¥‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫·‪¿YYZ^Ì‬‬ ‫^‪Z‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫‪‚m‬‬ ‫¿|‪|Àf‹Y‬‬ ‫‹‪|Àf‬‬ ‫‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪̂É‬‬ ‫«‪·ZZ‬‬ ‫‪|¼uY‬‬ ‫¶‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫»‪¶j‬‬ ‫‪m‬‬ ‫‪«YY‬‬ ‫‪ÉY‬‬ ‫´€‬ ‫»‪j‬‬ ‫‪|¼uY‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪Y{É‬‬ ‫‪Z]:Ê‬‬ ‫‪{Ã‬‬ ‫‪€Ì£‬‬ ‫‪É‬‬ ‫¿„‪€ÃZ]Y‬‬ ‫‪¿·ÂY„Zq‬‬ ‫€{‬ ‫‪Ì£‬‬ ‫‪Zq‬‬ ‫‪«€e‬‬ ‫€{‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫·´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪½M‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪¿Ê‬‬ ‫·´€‪½ZËY‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪§§ËZÉ|¼uY‬‬ ‫¼‪Z“|Ì‬‬ ‫‰‬ ‫¼‪d‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪ÅÉ|¼uY‬‬ ‫¼‪d‬‬ ‫‪ËZÅ‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫‰‪Á‬‬ ‫‪‰Á‬‬ ‫‪Ã|ÀËM‬‬ ‫‪YljÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÁÂ‬‬ ‫‪|ÀËM‬‬ ‫{]‪‡Z]Ä‬‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪|̼u‬‬ ‫‪ÄZ]Y‬‬ ‫‪u‬‬ ‫{ ]‬ ‫»‪Z‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﯾﺜﺮﺑﯽ ‪ -‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻮﺍﻧﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮیﻗﺎﺩﺭی ‪ -‬ﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ‪ -‬ﯾﺤﻴﯽ ﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﯽ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎی ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﯽﮐﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍی ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﯽ ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﯽﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫]‪²¿ Ä‬‬ ‫‡‪d‡ZÌ‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁd¨³‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫{‪d‹Y{d‡Á‬‬ ‫»ˆ‪{‹ ÉÁZ‬‬ ‫‪ʼ‹ZÅ‬‬ ‫‪ʬW‬‬ ‫]‪:Ê‬‬ ‫§‪ÉZ‬‬ ‫‪Z«M‬‬ ‫‡‪Y{| Ì ‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯﺍﺯﻭ ﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛‬ ‫‪{Y{ {Á‬‬ ‫‪ÉkÁ‬‬ ‫{½]€‪Y‬‬ ‫‪É {ZË‬‬ ‫‪ y‬‬ ‫‪c€ˆu‬‬ ‫‪É ZłÌq‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﻝ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻱﺗ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪ ﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧﺒ ﺮ ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ Y€ e ¹Â‬‬ ‫‪|ÀfˆÅ‬‬ ‫½½»œ¸‬ ‫€‪:ÊZËY‬‬ ‫—¸^‪½Z‬‬ ‫Œ‬ ‫—¸^‪Z‬‬ ‫»€Ÿ‬ ‫‪´·ÂY‬‬ ‫‪sԏY‬‬ ‫‪sÔ‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ˆ‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫ﺍﻥ « ‪Y u‬‬ ‫‪É‬ﺯﺭﺯﺯﻧﺪﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ €Ìa‬ﻓ‪Á‬ﻓﺮﺮﺍﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻝ»‬ ‫ﺮﯾﺎﻝ‬ ‫‡‪Â‬ﺳ‪É‬‬ ‫ﺭﻩ]] ‪Ä‬‬ ‫§€‪Y‬‬ ‫ﺍیﺩﺩﺭ§ﺑﺎ€‪Y‬‬ ‫ﭘ ﺮﻭ ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 20 08‬‬ ‫‪-5281 M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫€{{€¯{‪¹‬‬ ‫‪¹‬‬ ‫‪€¯€¹Z»Y‬‬ ‫´‚‪¹ Z »« Y‬‬ ‫‪¹Z‬‬ ‫¯‪[:ÊZf‬‬ ‫»‪‡f»|y‬‬ ‫§‪Z‬‬ ‫{‬ ‫|‪¾Ë‬‬ ‫|‪¾¾Ë‬‬ ‫‪YÁ‬‬ ‫{‪d·Á‬‬ ‫‪µ»·µ‬‬ ‫‪Y‬‬ ‫‪YÔÔ‬‬ ‫‪·mY m‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺍﯾﺮ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫»‪cY€]Zz‬ﺕ‬ ‫»‪cY€]Zz‬ﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺑﺎﺎﺑﺮﺍ‬ ‫¯¶ﻣﺨ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫»|‪¶¯€Ë‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎ ﻡ‬ ‫‪Z]Z] ³‬‬ ‫ﺭی‬ ‫‪³‬‬ ‫ﺭی‬ ‫‪Ád¨³‬‬ ‫‪Ád¨³‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﯽ ﻭﻭﺍﮔﺍﮔﺬﺍﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺮﺭﺳ ﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪:Z]ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪:Z] ÊËZųÁ‬‬ ‫‪ÊËZųÁ d¨³‬‬ ‫‪d¨³‬‬ ‫‪+48‬‬ ‫‪: |Ì‬‬ ‫‪|Ì¿YÂy‬‬ ‫‪¿YÂy‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫»‪Ê‬‬ ‫‪à ÃZ‬‬ ‫‹¼‹ ¼‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫{‪¾Ë Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺩﻭﯾﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪8‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻌﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﯾﻨ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱﺍﺭﺟﺩﯾ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻭ ﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎیﻟﻮﺳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی ﺩﺁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏﺍﻣﺎﮋﺍﯽﻡ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﺳﯽﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳ‬ ‫ﺳﺑﺮ ﻧ ﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﯾ ﺍ ﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣ ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﺩﺭﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﻀﻣﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺣﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺬ‬ ‫ﻦﻪ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﻦﻪﺬ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺣ‬ ‫ﻫﻤ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴ‬ ‫ﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺏﺟﭘﻨﺠ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﺟ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﺗﺎ‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê¿Zz¼‹Ê‬‬ ‫«‪ʸŸ ,¥Z^Ì·Z‬‬ ‫]‪,¥Z^Ì·Z«€«Z]€«Z‬‬ ‫»‪|¼v‬‬ ‫{¯‪|¼v»€f‬‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ Ê]Ô¬¿Y‬‬ ‫‪|¿|¿Z» ZÆÀe‬‬ ‫‪ֈÌW‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫½‬ ‫ﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫{‪Z¬Å‬‬ ‫“‪Z‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﺮ‪Á‬‬ ‫¯€‪ÁʼË‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴ‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ﺼﻄﻔﯽ‬ ‫{‪É{€°Å‬‬ ‫|‪É‬ﻔﯽ‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫‪É|Æ‬‬ ‫ﺩی‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄ‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ʸÌ‬‬ ‫‪,ʸ̟Z¼‡Y‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪ‬ ‫»‪Æ‬ﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬ﺩﺮ»ﺩﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘ‬ ‫‡¼‪Z‬ﺍﻭ‪,‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩی‪،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘ‬ ‫»‪Z¼ ‬ﺩﺍﻭ‬ ‫‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫Ÿ¸‪Ê‬‬ ‫ﺩی‪,،‬‬ ‫‪Z¼ ‬ﺩ‬ ‫ﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪Y،‬‬ ‫Ÿ‪,ÊËÔ‬‬ ‫ﻮﺯﯾﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬‬ ‫‪Ê^m‬ﻭ»ﻻ‬ ‫»‪¾ˆv‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬ﺮﺍﺮŸ‬ ‫ﺴﮕ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗ‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬ﮐﺎﺗ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫‪¾Ìˆu‬‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻋ‬ ‫{¯‪€f‬‬ ‫‪|Ìn‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺍﺳﺪﺍﺪ»ﷲ‬ ‫ﺣ»‬ ‫ﻮﺳﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺮی‬ ‫ﺍﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻠ‬ ‫ﺍﺗ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬ‬ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴ‬ ‫ﻏﺮ ﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﯽﻓ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﯽﻤ ﺗﻏ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻘﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﻔﻘﻠ‬ ‫ﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﯽ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﯽﻣﻠﮑ‬ ‫ﺁﯾ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﯾﻨ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺪﯾ‬ ‫ﺮﺗﺎﺝﻟﮐ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‪،‬ﻡ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺮﺣﻮ ﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮی‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻴﺮﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺮﺣﻮ‬ ‫ﺯ‪،‬ﻋﻠ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻼ‬ ‫ﺴﻮ‬ ‫ﺮﻭیﻣ‬ ‫ﺯﯾﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻭی‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺗﻀﻧﺴ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﻬ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗ‬ ‫ﺟ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺧ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻤﻮﺩﺩﻣ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫‪:|ÌÌ¿YÂ‬‬ ‫‪¿YÂy‬‬ ‫»‪yÊ»Ê‬‬ ‫‪à ÃZ‬‬ ‫‪Z¼¾ËY‬‬ ‫‹¼‹‬ ‫{‬ ‫{ ‪¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺣ ﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﻝﺍﻭ ﻝ ﺷ‪/‬ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘ ﻢ‪5 /‬ﻣﻬ ﺮ ‪ 148 /13 88‬ﺻﻔﺤ‪ /‬ﻪ‪ 1000‬ﺗ ﻮﻣﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘ ﻪﻧﺎﻣ ﻪﺧ ﺒﺮﻱ ‪،‬ﺗ‬ ‫ﺮﻭ ﺖ‬ ‫ﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺳﺍﺳ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺩﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺭ‬ ‫ﭗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺘﺮ ﭼﻋ ﻋﻤ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻭﮔﮔ ﻮﺑﻮ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺎﺑﺮﺩﺭﺳﮐﺭﺳ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭ ﮔ ﻔﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝﺷ ﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻬ ‪/‬ﻢ‪ 12‬ﻣﻬ ﺮ ‪116 /138 8‬ﺻﻔﺤ ﻪ ‪ 1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪M OSALA S.IR‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺯﻭﺍﺯﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛ﺩﺭ‬ ‫€‪ÁM|‹Á‬‬ ‫‪ZÅ €°¨À‹Á‬‬ ‫¼Œ‪¨] ½Z‬‬ ‫¼‪: Ê°‬‬ ‫¿|§‪¸Ì‬‬ ‫{‪¿ à {Y‬‬ ‫{{‪YÃ‬‬ ‫»‪ºË{€¯Ö‬‬ ‫‪Ö»{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫‪{Z¼fŸY‬‬ ‫ﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﯾﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺗﺎﻮﺯﺯﻩﻩ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﻡﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﻡﻧ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺸﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻋ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻣﻪﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺖﺑﺍﺟ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﺍﯾ‬ ‫ﻘﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺯﺗﺎﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦﺗ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«ﺍ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﺳﺎﺯیﺩﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﺯی‬ ‫ﭼﺎی‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩﻭﺭ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎ»ﻩ»ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺧﺒ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﻘﺪﺎﯾ‬ ‫ﺴﻦ ﻣﺭﺿﻣ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺎ ﻉ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺤﺩﻣﺤﺴ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﺎ ﻝﻣ‬ ‫یﮔﮔﻮ‪8‬ﻮ ﺑ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎی‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻔﻪﻪ ﻫ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔ‬ ‫ﻧ ﺎﻧﺎﺩ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺮﯾﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣ ﺭﺋ‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﯽﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎ ﻧ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺖﻟﺍﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺑﻮ‬ ‫ﻮﺷﺨﻮ‪،‬ﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭی‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺩی‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺮﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻂﺭﻨﺘﺗﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﯽﻣﺩﺧﺧ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﺎﻥﺮﺑﺍ‬ ‫ﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﯾﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﯾﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌ‬ ‫ﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺎﻥﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻮﻟﺩﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﺸﯽﺰ‬ ‫ﯽ‬ ‫ﺷ‬ ‫ﭼﻴ ﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻴ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺩ‬ ‫ﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻪﻤﻤﻮﮐ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻧ‬ ‫ﻣﺤ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴ‬ ‫‪É Y€mZ‬‬ ‫»‪Y€mZ‬‬ ‫·‪¾Ì‬‬ ‫§‪¾Ì·Z‬‬ ‫§‪»YZ‬‬ ‫{§‪YZ‬‬ ‫»®§‪Z‬‬ ‫»®‬ ‫{‬ ‫ﺸﮑﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﺎﺗ‪ZË‬‬ ‫€‪ZË©Y‬‬ ‫§€‪©Y‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﯾ§ ﻣﺰ‬ ‫]‪Z‬ﻭﯾ‬ ‫» ‪¿Z‬ﭘﺮ‪Ä‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‪» ºº££‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯﻭﺍﺯﺍﻗﻌﻴ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛ﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ؛ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 20 08-5281‬‬ ‫¿^‪½Â̇ŻÄ]Ä]|ËZ‬‬ ‫¿^‪|ËZ‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫{ ‪:|Ì¿YÂyÊ» ÃZ¼‹ ¾ËY‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺣﺴﻦ ﯾﺎﺭی ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ‪ -‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﯾﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﯽ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﯽ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪی ‪ -‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﮑﺮﯾﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮی ﺁﯾﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭی ﮐﻨﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻄﺎی ﺟﺎﯾﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍی ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎی ﺗﺪﻭﯾﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺩﯾﻨﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻃﻮﺳﯽ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺮیﮔﺮی‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍی ﺧﻮﮐﯽ؛ ﺗﻬﺪﯾﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ وﺭوﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‪ 17/‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪:‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 68‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ‪ 8/‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻧﯿﺎ ‪ :‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﯾﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﯿﺮ ﻧﯿﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮوﻩ ﺁﺭﯾﺎﻥ ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﯿﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﯾﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫]€‡‪²Àm Y †a d·Á{ 3 { É{YM Á d·Y|Ÿ Z] Ä ‡Âe d^ˆ¿ Ê‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇ ﺮﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺳﻠﻴ ﻤﯽ ﻧ ﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﻠﻴ ﺮﺿﺎﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ 3 ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺕﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﻛﻪﻣﻮﺭﺩﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2009‬ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﺸـﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 9‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺳﻦ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪19........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ‪20.....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪21............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ‪22......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪23......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪24...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪26.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪27..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪28................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪32...................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪33...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪34......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ‪35...................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ‪37..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪38..................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪39..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ‪40.................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺻﻼﺣﻤﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﻴﺶ ﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻮﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪56..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺸﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺸﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺜﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻌﻲ‪58............................‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ‪60......................................................................................2009‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎ‪64.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪67............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺎ ﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪﺁﻥﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻪﺍﻳــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪42................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪44............................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪45..........................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪46.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪48..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪50...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪52...................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪53..........................................................88‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪54....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻏﺮﻳﺐﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ »ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﻢ !‪70..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪71..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ » ﺗﻔﻜﺮ«‪73.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪74..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪76.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪78........................................................................‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪79................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 192‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪ 190‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪82..................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‪84...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‪85...................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‪86......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﺑﻴﻤـﻪﺍﻱ‪.......................................................‬‬ ‫‪88.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪90...................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪92............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪94.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪95.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪96................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺒﺰﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ 6 ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﻤﺒﺮ ﮔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﺘﺨﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺯﻻﺯﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‪:‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﺌﻲ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ 8 ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪:‬ﭼﺎﻭﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸــﻌﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸــﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺩﻭﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ« ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1385‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺘــﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 61‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕــﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻴﻼ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺧﺎﻣــﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﭼﻜﺎپ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺳﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻏﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻔﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻼ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻰﺍﻥﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺑﻰﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺴــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻯ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌــﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻴــﺪﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌــﻒ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 17 ،16‬ﻭ ‪ 18‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ« ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻳــﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ‪ 198‬ﻋﻜﺲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ‪ 220‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 200‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨــﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﻛﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﺟــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺣﺠﺎﺑﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﺄﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﭼــﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻘﺎﻝﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻧﻪﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻥﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻢﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧــﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺷــﻮﭘﻨﻬﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫– ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺎ ‪ -‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻡﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﻬﻀﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺯﻧﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺒﻪﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺒﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺳﻴﭗ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺷﺒﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺿﺪ ﺳﺪ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﻃﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺴــﺎﻃﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻛﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ –ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ – ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺷﻰﺍﻡ ﻛﻼ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻡﺩﺳﺘﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﺴــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺱﺍﻡﺍﺱﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﮕــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻜــﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺘﻚ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻓﻮﻗﺶ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ – ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻓﻮﻗﺶ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺘﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ؟ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻜﺮﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺘﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪﻭﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﺶﺩﻳﮕﺮﻛﺎﺭﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪...‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺑﺎﻃﻴﻞ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫– ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻢ ﻻﻝ ‪ -‬ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﻪﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑــﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺳــﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺮﻯﺭﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ /‬ﭼﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺐ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺭﻗﺖﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻓﺮ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻧﺴﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ« ﻭ »ﺻﻴﻐﻪ« ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺴــﺘﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯﻣﺜﺒﺖﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻏﻴﺮﺕﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﺪﻭﺡ ﺑﺸــﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ«ﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺗﺤﻤﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻫﻤﺴﺮﺷﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦﺩﻭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻯﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺯﺩﻭﻧﻔﺮﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪﺑﺤﺚﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻨﮓ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﺮ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﮔﻴﺲ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺲﻛﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻋــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﭼﺎﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟــﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﻛﺸﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﻴﻎ ﺑﻨﻔﺶﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ!‬ ‫ﺁﻯ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻧﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳــﺮﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺸﻨﮕﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺠﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺸــﻢﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻠﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻧﺸﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﺣﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﭻ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻭﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﻋﺸــﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺵﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺷﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺶ ﺯﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺲﻛﻮﭼﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﭘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻛﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟! ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻰ »ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺸﺮﻉ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ! ﻭﺍﻧﮕﻬﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻪﻣﻨﺪ )ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻳﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱﺑﻪﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﻫﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺡ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ!‬ ‫‪» -3‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗــﺖ« ﻭ »ﺻﻴﻐﻪ« ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺯﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺸــﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻼﺹ!‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷــﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑــﻖ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻰ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴــﺮ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺟﺒﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﭼﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﮔﺸﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺳــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻈــﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﻭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﺲ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﺘﺒﺮﻙ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻔــﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ؛ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﻳــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ!‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻰ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ ﺟﻠــﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪.‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻔﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺟﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴﺪ ﻣﻮﻣﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺋﻮ ﺗﺴــﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﮓ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﻪﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻘﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ )ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺎﺋﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟــﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺒﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺿﻴﺎ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩﻏﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺗﻮ ﺍﺷــﺘﻮﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﻩﺭﻧﮓ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻫﻴﻼ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻻﺷﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻫﺘﻞ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺿﻴﺎ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺿﺪﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻛﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬــﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻴﻤــﺰ ﺭﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﻴــﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﻫــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺭﻭﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﻻﺻﻞ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ »ﺳﻰ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻘﻀﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ )ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ( ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1967‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺒﻖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ؟ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﺵ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺨﺘﺮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﭙﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻨﻪﺩﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ 24.‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﻓﺮﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳــﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳــﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 73‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ‪42‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳــﻴﻤﻮ ﺗﺎﺗﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻛﺸــﺎﻡ ﭼﺎپ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻠﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫»ﺗﻲ‪.‬ﺭﺍﻭﭘﺮﺍﻳﺲ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ‪20:30‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻍ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺧﻄﺒﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺑﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠــﻖ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻗﻢ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻭﺑﻪﺟﻤﻊﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺻﺤﻦﺣﻮﺯﻩﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪﻗﻢﮔﺮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﺟﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﺑﻪﻧﻘﺪﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﻭﻧﺸﺮﺁﺛﺎﺭﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺮﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺽ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﻮ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ‪ -‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺮﭼﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟــﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴــﺖ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻨــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﻫﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺗﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﻫﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﺸﺖﺑﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯﻫﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻛﺞ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺒﻴﺢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﻲ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺳﺘﻐﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺘﻚﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﺼــﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﺧﺘــﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ »ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‪ ...‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺱ‪ 13 ،‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺠﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺴﺖﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﭙﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺘــﻲ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜــﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺋﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‪›› :‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻲﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪‹‹.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﻲﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲﺍﻻﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﻲﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﻝ ﻧﺴــﭙﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﮔﻞﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺯﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻋﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺛﻤﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫)ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ( ﻫﺴﺖ‪» :‬ﻭ ﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺆﺧﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺿﻐﺚ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺿﻐﺚ ﻓﻴﻤﺰﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻟﻚ ﻳﺴﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﺋﻪ«؛ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻣﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺘﮕﻴــﺮﻯﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ؟ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪» -‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺶ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺒــﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻇﻠﻤﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴــﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻣﺠﺮﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜــﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥِ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ! ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ‪ -‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻒ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻀﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺣُ ﺴــﻦ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣُ ﺴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﺤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺣُ ﺴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﺤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺣُ ﺴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﺤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥ ﱠ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻊ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺄﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔــﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻈﻤــﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺳــﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻛﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻓﻜﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻲﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻲﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﻼﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫــﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺤــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺑﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؟ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻗﺼﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻤﺌﺰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻬﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰﺍﻻﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪29‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 31‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 59‬ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﮔﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺵ ﺑﻚ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺴــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﮓﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗــﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻝﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﺗﺮﺍﺷﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺮﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1356‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﺯﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1356‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥﺍﺯﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻳﺎﺩﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﺭﺍﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﺭﺍﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﺑﻪﻫﺘﻚﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪﺍﻣﺎﻡﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﺑﻲﻏﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻣــﻪ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1342‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ .1356‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪56‬؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 42‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 57‬ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﭽﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻨﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﻒ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻛﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﻄﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤــﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ) ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴــﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 8‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ 140 .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﻢﺯﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﺮﺯﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ) ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘــﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻔﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻓﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺘﻚﺣﺮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫» ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺴـﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫـﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳـﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌـﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳـﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑــﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﺿﻠﻊ ﻣﺜﻠــﺖ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ‪ 31‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔــﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺒــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ‪ 11‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧــﺪﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪58‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗــﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺴـﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻟــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺑــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﮔــﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺰﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻻﻭﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺾ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﺤــﺮﻡ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋــﺰﺕ ﻧﻔــﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺬﺷــﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﭙﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻢﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺮﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﺟﺮﻡﺧﻴﺰ« ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺸﻜﻪﺍﻱ ‪ 7‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ 140‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ »ﺭﻩ« ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭﺟﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﻮﻻﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ »ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴــﺖ« ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺁﻻﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠـﻲ ﻣﻮﺟـﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸـﻤﻮﻝ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻸﻟﻮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺘــﺎﻭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷـﺪ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺘﻚﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1400‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷــﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎ« ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷــﻜﻨﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻲﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤــﺮﻡ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ »ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﺑــﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺣﺎﻳﺰﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍﻱ ‪ 11‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻀـﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻛﻨﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨـﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮ ﻗــﺮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ) ﺭﻩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻧـﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺖﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺧﺸﻜﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥﻓﺘﻨﻪﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﺷﻮﻧﺪﭼﻮﻥﺁﻧﻬﺎﻋﺎﻣﻞﺍﻳﻦﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻮ ﺷـﻜﻨﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺳـﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳـﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳـﻘﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺸـﻨﺞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎﺏ ﺩﺷـﻤﻦ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷـﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻨـﺶ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧـﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﺍﺻـﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀـﺎﻯ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛـﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠـﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺴـﺐ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣـﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻀـﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗـﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺸﻨﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺷـﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺴـﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﺋﻠـﻪ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧـﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗـﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳـﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗـﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴـﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨـﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻀـﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺸـﻨﺠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧـﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﻮﺟـﺐ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣـﺪﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟـﻰ ﻗﺼـﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻـﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺣﻀـﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺸــﻨﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺴﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸــﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪100‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺳﺖﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰﻛﻪﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷـﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺼﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺮﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﻣﻠــﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﺍﻳﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺣﺮﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ /‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺝ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻢ‪ /‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ*‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻣــﻰ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 1873‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 29‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 1874‬ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ‪ 14‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 1931‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪.1939‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1931‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳــﺰﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻜﺸﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﻗــﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1902‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻔﻮﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻰﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥِ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 1909‬ﺻﻮﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺭ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺩﻳﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺿﺪﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻟﻔﻮﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻟﺠﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﺍﻙ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫– ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﻨﺰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣــﻊ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪،1923‬‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﭘﺮﻳﻤﻮﺩﻭ ﺭﻳﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻠﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭻﻭﺧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﻳﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳــﻪ ‪ ،1930‬ﭘﺮﻳﻤﻮﺩﻭ ﺭﻳﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﻮﺋﺰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻔﻮﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ« ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ ،1931‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 18‬ژﻭﺋﻴــﻪ ‪) 1936‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ( ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒــﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻠﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﺍﻳﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳــﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻟﻜﺎﻻ ﺯﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﻧﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ »ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺘﻠــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺿﺮﺑــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺎﻻﻧﮋﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 1933‬ﺯﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ ،1933‬ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ‪ 200‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪ 150‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﺮﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘــﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺁﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ )ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ( ﻣﺪﺕ ‪15‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻤﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺴﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻤﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺴــﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ ،1936‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺧﻠﻘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻼﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ!« ‪ -‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺁﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ -1934‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺎﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺳﺎﻧﺠﻮﺭﺟﻮﺳــﺎﻛﺎﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﻗﻄﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝِ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؛ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ 1936‬ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻏﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺖﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻰ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻤﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻠ ِﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 16‬ژﻭﺋﻦ‬ ‫‪ 1936‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ 160 ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ 269 ،‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪1287 ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪113 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ‪ 228‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 160‬ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪6815 ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ 6815 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﻗﺪﻳﺴﻰ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴــﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼءﻋﺎﻡ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻌﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 18‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ ،1936‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1936‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮ ﻣﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺧﻮ‪ ،‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺴــﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺧﻮ‪ ،‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴــﻜﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ )ژﻧﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻘﻰ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺳﭙﺎﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 18‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ« ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 1939‬ﺑــﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮگ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1975‬ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﺧﻮﺩﻯ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩﻯ« ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪» .‬ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ« ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺥﻫﺎ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭗ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺎﺳﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻟﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠــﻮ ﺟﻮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﭘﺎپ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺭژﻳﻤــﻰ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺧــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻣﻨﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﺳﻜﺰ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‪1376 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﻠﻰ ﺟﻰ ﭘﺎﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ ﺁﺫﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪1369 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺑﻪ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟــﻮﺭﺝ ﺍﻭﺭﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ 30 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺻﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏــﺎﻥ ﻃــﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ‪ 16‬ﻭ ‪ 17‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺒﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﺳــﺒﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺘﻤﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺟــﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋــﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﻔﺴﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﻬﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡﺩﺭﺣﺪﻳﻚﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺑﺎﻗﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦﺑﻪﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺩﺭﻋﺪﻡﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦﺑﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥﻭﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻋﺪﻡﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰﺩﺭﺣﺠﻢﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴـﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰﺍﺯﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻫﻨﻮﺯﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎﺩﻛﺘﺮﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻭﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞﺭﺍﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﺍﻏﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳـﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻍ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﻩﺑﺎﻍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﻨﺞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺍﻏﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻣﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱﺧﺰﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲﺭﺍﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺳـﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻃﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴـﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴـﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻏﺮﺏﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫پ‪.‬ﻙ‪.‬ﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ‪ 17‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﺒﺮﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ؟ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ پ‪.‬ﻙ‪.‬ﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10-12‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣــﺮﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭘﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ پ‪.‬ﻙ‪.‬ﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﺪﻱﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔـﻰ ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺟﺐﻃﻴـﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﺗﺤﺖﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﺩﺭﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰﻋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜـﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳـﺒﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ »ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺷـﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﺪﻯﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷـﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛـﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪75‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﺰﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺴـﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﻤﺒﻠﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﻔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴــﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺳﻮﺷــﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫــﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﺩﻫﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﻛﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ‪ 63‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 36‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ ‪ 15‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ 9 ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬‫ﺷــﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻻﭘﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ »ﺍﻭﺍ! ﺍﻭﺍ!«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻔﺮﺩ ﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 27‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻜــﻦ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﻟﺘﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﺎﺑﺎﻣﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺮﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺷﻮﻟﺘﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺎﻛﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ‪ 43‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺳﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺠﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺴــﻢﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻯ »ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎﻯ ‪ 36‬ﻋﻀﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻼﻯ ‪ 130‬ﻋﻀﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻔﻼﻯ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﺍﻣﻴﺮﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻳﻤﺎﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﺎﻻﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2005‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ‪ 54‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 36‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ‪ 12‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 330‬ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳﺘﻰ‪،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺟﺪﻳﺪﻭﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻠﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻟﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺎﻛﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺍﻭﺭﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭﺭﻻﻧﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﺧﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﭘﺴــﻮﻝ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻛﺎﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﻫــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﺧﺎﻙ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﮔﻮﺋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﻠﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﺸــﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷــﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻮﻛﺎﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 4‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2005‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 54‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ )ﺣﺰﺏ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ pir‬؛‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ؛ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ؛ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ( ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷــﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 21‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﻛﺎﻟﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺋﺘــﻼﻑ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺳــﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﭼﺎﻛﻮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﺎﻛﺮﻭﺯ – ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ -‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﺪﺭﻭﻛﺮﺑﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 137‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 255‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‪ 60، PODEMOS‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ‪48‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 14‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ‪-MAS‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ‪ -‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ ،PODEMOS‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻭ ‪ MAS‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ PODEMOS‬ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳــﻪ ‪ MAS ،2007‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ژﻭﻻﻯ ‪ 2006‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ‪57‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺎﻛﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺪﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻏﺬﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﺐﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ‪2007‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 2007‬ﻛﺸﺖﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﻛﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻩ ﭼﺎﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ﻭ ژﻭﻻﻯ ‪ 2008‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﺎ ‪80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﺍﺵ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻪ ‪ 2006‬ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ‪ 180‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺑﺮﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﭘﺴﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻠﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰ ﺛﺒﺎﺕﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 1952‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ‪ MAS‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﻣــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1996‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻴﺰﻭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺪﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﺗــﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﻳﻚﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 2009‬ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻏﺬﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 6‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻔــﺮﺩ ﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﻳﻼ ﺑﻪ ‪63‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺶ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤــﺎﻉ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿــﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺳــﺎﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧــﻪ ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 49‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺋﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺮﻩﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺵ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ‪ MAS‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻱ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳــﺖﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺧﭙﻮﺳــﺖﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﻴــﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﻟﻴــﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1930‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1952‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻮﻧﺰﺍﻟﺲ ﺳــﺎﻧﭽﺰ ﺩﻭﻻﺯﺍﻭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﭼﭗ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺌﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1998‬ﺗﺎﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴــﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻣﻴﺦ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﻱ ﭼﻪﮔﻮﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻭﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻧﻮﺑــﻞ ‪ 2009‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ (88/9/ 19) 2009‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﮕﻨﺘﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﻮﻥﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺯﻧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻫﺪﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻐﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺑــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﻌــﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌــﺎﺩﻝ« »ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ« ﻭ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ‪ -‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺑــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺛﻮﺭﺑﺠﻮﺭﻥ ﻳﺎﮔﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻜﺮﺳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻚﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻳﺎﮔﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ -‬ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺒﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻄﻖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺟﻨﮓﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻄﻖﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻘﺒﻮﻻﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭﻛﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻛﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﻴﻨــﮓ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟــﺎﻥ ﺍﻑﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺯﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﻪ ﺻﻠﺢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ -‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﻴــﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝﺳــﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺎ ﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﻣﺎﻟﻲﺩﺭﺑﺨﺶﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕﺩﻫﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻞ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪﺁﻥﻋﻤﻞﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻋﻤﻮﻡﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺐﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺩﻳﮕﺮﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺭﻳﺴﻚﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻛﻨﺪﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪﺩﻭﻟﺖﭼﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺷﺪﻩﻛﻪﺑﺎﮔﺬﺷﺖﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﺤﻘﻖﻧﺸﺪﻩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﺷﺎﻥﻣﺸﺨﺺﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪300‬ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺴﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﺑﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺿﻲﺩﺭﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭﻝﻛﺎﺭﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩﺍﺯﺑﺨﺶﻣﺴﻜﻦﺳﺮﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻭﺟﻬﺶﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺭﺍﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝﻧﻴﺰﺑﺮﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺎﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺰﻳﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺟﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫» ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻛﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 43‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳــﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻲﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻧﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺟﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪800‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱﻛﻴﺎ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ(‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺟﺎﺕ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻤﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺰﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1350‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ 110‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﺿﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻣﺴﻜﻦﺗﺎﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧـﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﺩﻭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮپ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺱﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻞ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ 3‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻛــﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻥﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻼﻥﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳـﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳـﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﻲ ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 65‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈـﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺍﺣﻴـﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﺍﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻮﻕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴــﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪130‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻓـﺖ ﻓﺮﺳـﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛـﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 3200‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ‪ 11‬ﻭ ‪ 12‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳـﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ‪15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺴﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺴـﺘﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺑﻲﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺗـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﻣﻬـﺮ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟـﻲ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴـﻜﻦ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﺭ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺗﻤﻠﻴﻚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 700‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 800‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﻤﮕﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗــﻒ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﻟﺰ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺟﺮﻳﺒﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺰﺭﻋــﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 894‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 699‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ‪ 11‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﺰ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 8‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 1250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺭﻧﺲ ﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﺯﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺩﻳﺰ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻰ ﭘﺴﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2005‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ‪،2012‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪ 170‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 700‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 1/9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ ‪ 2009‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﻏﻢﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻮﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2012‬ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪«.‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻰﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪9‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2011‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟــﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺟﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺩﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪159‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 170‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 146‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 309‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺶ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 303‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻻﺱﻭﮔﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 102‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ‪ 390‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ‪ 341‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‪ 2010‬ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺗــﺎ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ )ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ( ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚﺧﻮﺍﺑــﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 685‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 655‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ‪ 105‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 610‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻓﺎﻛــﺲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻒ ﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﺶ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪» :‬ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻠﺮ ﻛﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻥﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 3‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ ﺍﻣــﻼﻙ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺴﻰ ﮔﻠﻮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻴﻨﻴﺎﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﻼﻥﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﻚﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺮﺍﺟﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺩﻳﺰ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 5/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2010‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪2012‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 6/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 5/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 6/1‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ )ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ( ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 30.‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺟﺮﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻳﺎﻧﺎﭘﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 8‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻪﺧﻮﺍﺑﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ 147‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 650‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 5‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺩﻳﺰ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻳﺎﻧﺎﭘﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ‪ 2005‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 124‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 99‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 103‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2006‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺩﻳﺰ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﻼﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 2/7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ‪ 2/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺸــﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2012‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2/3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﻛﻢ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺩﻳﺰ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟــﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 600‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻳﻼﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 720‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ‪ 2006‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2/12‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2012‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 1/86‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻰﺑــﻰ ﻫﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ 2‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 158‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 329‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪ 2008‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 62‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﻜﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻰﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 31‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ‪ 3‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 722‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 734‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻒ ﻣﺰﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻰﺑﻰ ﻫﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﻫﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺩﻳﺰ ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳــﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻠﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﻧــﺮﺥ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺑــﻪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻳﻮﺍﺱﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺗﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪84‬؛ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ‪ 10/6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑــﺎﻥ ‪ 84‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ‪ 1500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،84‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 230‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 460‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ )‪ (83‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺋﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻨﺨﻮﺍﻩ ‪ 530‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫‪ 10/6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬؛ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗــﻢ ‪ 3/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺑــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑــﺮﻱ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺩﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 82‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 85‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ ‪ 14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻃﻲ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‪ 50 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 84‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 85‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻞ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 44‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 727‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 85‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤــﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪86‬؛ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ 3300 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ‪ 86‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ‪ 3300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ـ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ـ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪86‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ‪ 3300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪87‬؛ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 206‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ 22 ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 87‬ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 4500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﻀﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪87‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪88‬؛ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 88‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ‪ 8500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﻓﺘﺤﻲﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺴــﺮ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺷــﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪8500‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ـ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭﺧﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﭻ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‪ 8500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ( ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ‪ 8500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻌﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ‪ 8500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻥ ‪ 8500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ‬ ‫‪ 6/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﻤﺒﻴﻨــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﻼﻧﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣــﺪ« ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸــﻜﻪ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺴــﺎﻃﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺁﺷــﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪ ‪ -‬ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﺴــﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﻤﺒﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 45‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ« ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫)ﻫﻔﺖﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ( ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺳﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 206‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴــﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺷــﺪ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻛﻢﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪ 160‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ‪ 160‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻘﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ )ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ( ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ ،87‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪116‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 521‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳــﺎﻝ )‪ 33/12‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ(‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﻨــﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﭼﻬﻞﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 70‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 75‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ 94 ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑــﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺸﻜﻪﺍﻯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷــﻴﻤﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 65‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺘــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﻤﺒﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﺴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ‪40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 6/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ »ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ‪6/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪6/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪400‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ‪100‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ‪6/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﭘﻴــﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻤﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 88‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪100‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻼﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳــﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ ، 88‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻋﺮﺏﻣﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ! ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳـﻪ ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴـﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ‪ 1000‬ﺩﻻﺭ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ )ﺑﺪﻫﻲﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ( ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪ 1000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ‪ 995‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ‪ 5‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ 1000‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1000‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 920‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ‪ 920‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻻﺭ ‪ 700‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ‪ 2000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻪ؟ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 5 .‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 5000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 7‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 175‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ 5000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 5000‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮگ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮگ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﺍﺵ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺍﺛﺮﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲﺍﻳﻦﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‪3000‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳــﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ‪ 39/5‬ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 21‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 26‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻨــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﭼــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ )ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟«‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲﺍﺵ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﺭﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺏﻣﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻋﺮﺏﻣﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻂ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ـ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻳــﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟«ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺫﺧﺎﻳــﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗ ِﺒﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷــﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ )‪ (136‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ »ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﺮﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ )‪ (136‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺘـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺸـﻤﻜﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤـﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴـﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑـﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫـﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳـﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘـﺪﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑـﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﻔﻠﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻚﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺶﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﻃﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﻃﻔﻞ ﻛﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺣــﺪﺍﺙ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻱ ﺭﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻠــﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﻧــﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﮔﻮﻻﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﻛﻤﺒـﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﭼـﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺴـﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺻﻼﺣﻤﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﻴﺶ ﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻮﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺶ ﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﻭژ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﻣﺴـﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣـﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫـﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒـﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ( ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺻﻼﺣﻤﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﻴﺶ ﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳـﻮﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺳـﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﻼﺣﻤﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸـﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ »ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺐ« ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠـﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳـﻚ ﺑـﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭙﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭙﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﺣــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﺗﻴﭙﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒــﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧـﻪ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ(‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑـﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴـﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧـﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﺩﺍﻛﺸــﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﻟﻨﮕﻴــﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻡ ‪ -‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﻌﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﺳـﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿـﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺸـﻴﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫»ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺸﻴﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ »ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﺸﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 12-13‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﮔﻼﺑﻲ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺸـﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺳـﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧـﺶ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺑـﻪ »ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭙﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻱ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺩﺍﭘﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ« ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺿﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ‬ ‫»ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭙﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﻚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 4-5‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺖﻛﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﻓﻴﻊﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮔﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳـﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳــﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷـﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺼﻪ »ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﻧﻘﺎﺏ« ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﺑﺎ »ﻧﻘﺎﺏ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﻳﻼ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻄﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺮﻭﺱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﻠــﻮﻑ«‪» ،‬ﻧﻴﺶ« ﻳﺎ »ﻛﻼﻫﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭ«‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ »ﺧﺮﻭﺱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ« ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﻘﺎﺏ« ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ‪ «2‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ Cast‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻧﻘﺎﺏ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﺤﺮﺧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪» .‬ﻧﻘﺎﺏ« ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺳﻴﺮﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺘـﻪ ﻣﻬـﻢ ﻧـﻮﻉ ﻛﻤـﺪﻱ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺳـﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺴﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ »ﻧﻘﺎﺏ« ﻫـﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ »ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴـﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻫﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﭘﺴﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺪ« ﻭ »ﺭﺿﺎ« ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺩﺍﻛﺸﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﭼﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻌﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐـﺎﺕ »ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒـﻮﺭ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺍﺱﻭﻗﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸـﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﻮﺿـﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﻣﻴﺎﻳﻲ ‪ «3‬ﻭ »ﻣﺎﺭﻣﻮﻟﻚ« ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﻬــﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘــﻲ ‪ 20‬ﻭ ‪ 25‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﭼﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻢ ﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻏﻴـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺿـﺎ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻣﺮﻳﻼ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺧﺮﻭﺱﺟﻨﮕﻲ« ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﻴﺶﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ« ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﺪ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺸﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺸﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺜﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 70-80‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ )ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ(‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟــﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﺭﺍ »ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ »ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ »ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ »ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ« ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ« ﺩﺍﺩ؟! ﺁﻳــﺎ »ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ«ﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ »ﺳﮓﻛﺸﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺷﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺴــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺰﻩﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ«‪» ،‬ﺳﮓﻛﺸﻲ«‪» ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪﺳﻮﺭﻱ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻲ« ﻭ »ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ« ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﻜﺲ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ«‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﻮ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ«‪»،‬ﺭﻗﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻪ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﺨﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬؛ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺯﺧﻲﻫــﺎ« ﻭ »ﺩﺍﺩﺍ« ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺝ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺑﺮﺯﺧﻲﻫﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ )ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻠﻚﻣﻄﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻱ( ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻡﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﭼﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺻﺒﺎﻍﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪﺩﻫﻪﺷﺼﺖﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻣﺘﺮﺳﻚ«‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺻﺪﺭﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻋﺎﺷﻖﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻣﺘﺮﺳﻚ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭگ«‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ »ﻋﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﭼﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺎﻍ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﺵ »ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺴــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻢﭘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﭼﻴﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻖ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺯﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ »ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ« ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻢﭘﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ‬ ‫»ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﺭﺩﻩﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱ« ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺵﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪70‬؛ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ »ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻣﺒﻮﻱ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻓﻌﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻢﭘﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻛﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻛﺸﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭﻱﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪﻭﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺭﺍﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻜﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻋﺮﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻛﺸﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻢﭘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻂﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﻨﺮﻱﺑﺎﻣﺪﻳﺮﺕﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲﺯﻡﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺑﻪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻭﺍﻟﮕﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱﺍﺯﻧﻮﻋﻲﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻭﺳﺮﻭﺷﻜﻠﻲﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺍﺯﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ»ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ«ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﻮﺿﻲ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ« ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪76‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻛﺸــﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻋﺸﻖ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫)ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺰﺍﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪ /‬ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻋﺸﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺜﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻌﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻴﻦﺍﻳﺠﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪80‬؛ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﻝﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ؛ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﭼﻪ ﺷــﻠﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻴﻚ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻛﺸــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﭘﺎﻛﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ )ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺩﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺒﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻔﺎﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺁﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ )ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ »ﻛﻤﺎ« ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ( ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻔﺎﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺪﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﺨﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ )ﻛﭙﻲ( ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻨﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﻃﻨﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﺮﻭﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻛﻼﻍﭘﺮ«‪» ،‬ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﮕﻮﻟﻲ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ« ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻛﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺭﻳﺴﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧــﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺯﻝﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺸﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﻦﺍﻳﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ؛ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺶ ﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘـﻮﻟﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 9‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ )ﺳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻦ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ( ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻠــﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 402‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪trans Revenge ;formers Of the fallen‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷــﻜﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺴﻔﻮﺭﻣﺮﺯ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ »ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺷــﻴﻼ ﺑــﻮﻑ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻴﮕﻦ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ« ﻭ »ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﺗــﻮﺭﻭ« ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﻲ« )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻔﻮﺭﻣﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻝ ﻫﺎﺭﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﮔﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺏﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﭘﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻐﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ «2‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺶ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﺳــﻢ« ‪ -‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻼﻙ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺮ ﺻﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴــﺐ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ »ﻣﻴﮕﻦ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﺮﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ ،2‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﺶ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ )ﻳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴــﺎﻻﻧﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﻮﺷــﻲ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ( ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﻔﺴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﻭﻳﮋﻩ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻫﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ‪ 301 :‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪Harry potter and the half - blood Prince‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﭘﺮﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،2009‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﻴﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻲﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻱﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻫﺮﻱﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﻴﺘﺲ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ‪ -‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻫﺮﻱﭘﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ« ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺗﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﻱﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻱ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ )ﺗﺮ( ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ »ﻟﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﺪﻣﻮﺭﺕ« ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻱﭘﺎﺗﺮ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻮﻧﺴﻮ ﻛﻮﺍﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ( ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎپﻛﻮﺭﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺟــﺮ ﺍﻳﺒﺮﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ »ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺍﺵ« ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺱ« )ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ »‪(«Elonline‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻧﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﻳﺘﻚ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺑﺎﻃﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﻨﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ »ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠــﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ« ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻣﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ »ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺩﻛﻠﻴﻒ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﭘﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﻟﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻣﺒﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺟﻲ‪.‬ﻛﻲ‪.‬ﺭﻭﻟﻴﻨﮓ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼــﻚ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﺧﺴﺘﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪» ،‬ﻫﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﮔﻪ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻲ« ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻫﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺑﺎﻻ‪ 293 :‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪up‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺮﺣﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﻔﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﺗﻠﻒ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻻ« ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸــﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳــﺦ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻛﺎﺭﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺩﻛﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﻔﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺴﺮﺑﭽﻪ ﺗﭙﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‪...‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻻ« ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ -‬ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ‪ -‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ -‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ »ﭘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻛﺘﻮ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﺘﺮﺳﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ »ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﺍﻳﺒﺮﺕ« ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﺗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﮔﻠﻮﺏ« ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺳــﻔﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ »ﭘﻴﻜﺴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪» .‬ﻟﻴﺰﺍ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﺗﺰ ﺑﺎﻡ« ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ »ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮ ﺗﻴﻨﻤﺖ ﻭﻳﻜﻠﻲ«‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻻ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪﺍﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ »ﭘﻴﻜﺴــﺎﺭ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺧﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ 227 :‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪The Hangover‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻢﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ‪ -‬ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻲﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻙﺑﺎﺳﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻃﻤﻄﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ )ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ( ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﻧﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﻤﺎﺭﻱ«‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻜﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻤﺎﺭﻱ« ﺭﺍ »ﺗﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﺲ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺳــﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺎچ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻫــﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻡ« ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩﻟﻲ ﻛﻮﭘــﺮ«‪» ،‬ﺯﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻔﻴﺎﻧﺎﻛﻴــﺲ«‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﺗﺎ« ﻭ »ﺍﺩ ﻫﻠﻤــﺰ« ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ »ﺧﻤــﺎﺭﻱ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺱ ﻭﮔﺎﺱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺤﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ( ﮔﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡﺑــﻪﮔﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻤﺎﺭﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻱ‪.‬ﺍﻭ‪.‬ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﺍﻳﺒﺮﺕ« ﺩﺭ »ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﻛﻠﻮﺩﻳﺎﭘﻴﮓ ﺩﺭ »ﻳﻮﺍﺱﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻱ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ( ﻭ »ﺗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮ« ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ »ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﮔﻠﻮﺏ« ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ« ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻤــﺎﺭﻱ« ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﺮﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺪﻥﮔﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺧﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﮔﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺶ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ‪ 267 :‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪The twilight Saga :New moon‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯ »ﮔﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺶ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ )ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖﻭﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺳﻮﺳــﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺶ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ« ﺭﺍ »ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﻭﺍﻳﺰ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻄﺐﻧﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﮔﺮگﻭ ﻣﻴﺶ« ﺍﻭﺭژﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ« ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥﺁﺷﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻢﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ »ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺶ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ )ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﻝﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﮔﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺶ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﺍﺱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗــﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ« ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ »ﮔﺮگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺶ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻣﻴﻚﻻﺳﺎﻝ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻴﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﺐ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻛﻨــﻢ!«‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻮﺩﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻳﻮﺍﺱﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻱ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ »ﮔﺮﻳــﺲ ﻭﺍﻳﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺸﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﻣﺎﻩﻧﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺶ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺑﻼ« ﻭ »ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ« )ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺎﻡ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻼ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺕ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﺗﻴﻨﺴــﻮﻥ« ﻭ »ﺗﻴﻠﻮﺭ ﻻﺗﺰ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺳــﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎﻩﻧﻮ« ﻳﻚ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻙ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎپﻛﻮﺭﻧﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪ 257 :‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪Star Trek‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ« )ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺟﻲﺟﻲ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣــﺰ« ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ‪ «3‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻻﺳــﺖ ‪ /‬ﮔﻤﺸــﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ« ﺍﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣﺰ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ«ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻄﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ »ﻛﺮﻳﺲ ﭘﺎﻳﻦ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻧﻴﻮﻧــﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺪﺭ« ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﺍﻧﺘﻮﻥ ﻳﻠﭽﻴﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ« ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ »ﺟﻲﺟﻲ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻣﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﮔﻠﻮﺏ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪» .‬ﺟﻒ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﺎﻳﺮ«‬‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻌﻠﻴــﻖ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ« ‪» .‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺭﺩﻧﻴﻠﻲ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ »ﻛﻠﻮﺩﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﮓ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺮژﻱ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ« ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﮔﻠﺪﻥ ﮔﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺣﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ 198 :‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪Monsters vs. Aliens‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ »ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﻮﻧﺖ ‪ /‬ﺩﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭﺭﻛﺰ« ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻳﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﺠﺜﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ »ﺍﻛﺸــﻦ ‪ -‬ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ )ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ( ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺏﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ« ﻫﺮﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺪﻭﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺼﺪﻭﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩﻭﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﻭﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺶ ﺩﻻﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ »ﺭﺍﺏ ﻟﺘﺮﻣﻦ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻛﻨﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺭﻧﻮﻥ« ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﮔﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﺳﺎﺗﺮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﻲ ﺯﻭﻟﻮﮔﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» «.‬ﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‪.‬ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻟﻮﻻﻣﻨﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭ »ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﭘﺴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ‪ -‬ﮔﺎﻩ ‪ -‬ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪» ،‬ﺷﺮﻙ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ »ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ« ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺦ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ 196 :‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪Ice Age: Dawn of the Dinosaurs‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ »ﻛﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﺳﺎﻟﺪﺍﻧﺎ« )ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺗﺮﻣﻪﻳﺮ( ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﮔﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺦ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭﻫﺎ« ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺳﻴﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺨﻢ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺳﻴﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻚ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭژﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻝ »ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺦ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺍﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ »ﻛﻮﺋﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻪ«‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫»ﻳﺎﻧﻴﻜﺎﭘﻴﭻ« ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﮔﻠﻮﺏ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺳﻪﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺗﻴﺰﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ »ﻋﺼﺮﻳﺦ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳــﻮﺭﻫﺎ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺪﻭﻧﻮﺩﻭﺷﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﻭﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ »ﺳﺎﻟﺪﺍﻧﺎ«ﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫»ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺦ« ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ »ﺭﺑﻮﺕﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 9‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﻮﺭﻳﻦ‪ 179 :‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪X Men Origins: Worlverine‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﮔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ »ﮔﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺩ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻫــﻮﺩ« ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻜــﺲ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﻮﺭﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ »ﺗﻮﺗﺴــﻲ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻛﺸــﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺳــﺮﻱ ‪ /‬ﺭﻧﺪﻳﺸﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ »ﻭﻟﻮﺭﻳﻦ« ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴــﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻜﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻮﺭﻳــﻦ« ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﻭﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨــﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭼــﻮﻥ »ﻫﻴﻮﺟﻠﻤــﻦ« ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫»ﻟﻴﻮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﺒﺮ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﻨﻮﻟﺪﺯ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ )ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻜﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﮔﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ(‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺩ« ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ )ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻼﻙﺑﺎﺳﺘﺮﻫﺎ( ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻟﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ »ﮔﺎﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫــﻮﺩ« ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﻫﻴــﻮ ﺟﻜﻤﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺘﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﺯﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ -10‬ﺷﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ‪ 177 : 2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫‪night at the museum‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺻﺪﻭﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻻﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻦﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻲ ﺁﺩﺍﻣﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻭﻥ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺷــﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺯﻩ ‪ «2‬ﺭﺍ »ﺷــﺎﻭﻥ ﻟﻴــﻮﺍﻱ« ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﺵ »ﺷــﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺯﻩ«‪» ،‬ﭘﻠﻨــﮓ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ« ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ‪ «2‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺷــﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ‪«2‬‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﻴﻼﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ‪ -1‬ﺧﻠﻖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ‪ -2‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺄﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫]ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ[ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪» -1‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ« ﻭ ‪» -2‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ« ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 23‬ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 2‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ« ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ »ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺿﻮﺍﺑــﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻒ‪ -‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 74‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺏ‪ -‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻒ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻨﻔــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 23‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ؛ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪2‬‬‫ﺑﻨﺪ‪ - 17‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ‪ - 21‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ‪ -22‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ‪ -23‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ؛‬‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ - 23‬ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺗﺎﺩﻳﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺳﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬‫‪ -‬ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ )‪ (1368/5/14‬ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ) ‪(1377/3/20‬‬‫ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ )‪(1377/3/20‬‬‫‪ -‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )‪(1361‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ )‪(1383/11/24‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪------------‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ -1 .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺳــﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ -2 ،‬ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ«‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ«‪» ،‬ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ« ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ »ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ« ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ؛ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 7‬ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳــﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 1‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ« ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ؛ »ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ« ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ » :‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ« ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 66 ،36 ،34‬ﻭ ‪ 158‬ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ؛ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ‪ «1361‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ« ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 9‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ« ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 66 ،36 ،34‬ﻭ ‪ 158‬ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ؛ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 2‬ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 4‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 16‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻟﻐﻮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺒﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ«؛ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣــﻪ »ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴــﻦ »ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ« ﺑﺎ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ«‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪» -1‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻭ ‪» -2‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ« ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ]ﭘﻲﺍﺱﻫﺎ[ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ »ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ »ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ« ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ »ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ »ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ« ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﻠﺒﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ‪14‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 3‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 3‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 3‬ـ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺍﻧــﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻥ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬ـ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬ـ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻲ ﻋﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬ـ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬ـ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪9‬ـ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10‬ـ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻀﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬ـ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬ـ ﺗﺮﻭﻳــﺞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﺮﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤــﺎﺭﺏ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13‬ـ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬ـ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ؛ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪2‬‬‫ﺑﻨﺪ‪ - 17‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ‪ - 12‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ‪ -21‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ‪ - 23‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ‪ ...‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺳـﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳـﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ -23‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺗﺎﺩﻳﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪------------‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ )‪(1379/7/7‬‬‫ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺻﺪﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ )‪(1379/7/7‬‬‫‪ -‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ )‪(1379/7/7‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ )‪(1375/8/16‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ »ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ «8‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫» ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 66 ،36 ،34‬ﻭ ‪ 158‬ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﻴﭻﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﭙﻲﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ )‪(1379/7/7‬‬ ‫ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛــﺰ ﺻﺪﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬‫ﺻﺪﺍﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ )‪(1379/7/7‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ‬‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ )‪(1379/7/7‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ« ﺗﺎ »ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ »ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ« ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻩ‪ :‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ )‪(1375/8/16‬‬‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ‪1379‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1375‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫‪ 1-1‬ﺧﻼءﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﻗــﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1-2‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ]ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ[ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ]ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋــﻮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ[ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ« ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ؛ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 7‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 1‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ؛ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ‪66 ،36 ،34‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 158‬ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2-2‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2-1‬ﺧﻼءﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2-2‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺑــﻪ »ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧــﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳــﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 8‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫‪ 3-1‬ﺧﻼءﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 3-2‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺼــﻮﺏ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﭼﺎﻟــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 1379‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1375‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ« ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ؛ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪2‬‬‫ﺑﻨﺪ‪ - 17‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ‪ -21‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ‪ -22‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪:‬‬‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ - 23‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺗﺎﺩﻳﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ )‪(1378/21/22‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ - 3‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ :1‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﻲ)ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ )‪(1379/2/6‬‬‫‪ -‬ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪------------‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫‪------------‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪------------‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫»ﻛﻞ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺽ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪»:‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ»ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ »ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﻧﺼﺮﻣﻦﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ«ﺍﺵ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ« ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 86‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ‪» .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺪﻭﺳﺘﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﻨﺰ« ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﭘﻞ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﺐ ﻫﺎ« ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺪﻭﺳــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 25‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 61‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟‬ ‫»ﺭﻗــﺺ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥﻫــﺎ« ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃــﺐ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻮﻫﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ« ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴــﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﺶ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 17» .‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﻻﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺺ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‪ ...‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻢ‪ ...‬ﻳﻪﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻠﺒﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﻧﻢ؟‪ ...‬ﺍﻻﻥ؟‪ ...‬ﺩﻡ ﺻﺒﺤﻪ؟‪ ...‬ﺁﻫﺎﻥ!‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺷﻪ‪« ...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻧﻮﻟﻮﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻜﺮﺩﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺺ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ »ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ« ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭼــﻮﻥ »ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ« ﻭ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻜﺮﺩﻯ« ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘــﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﮕﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮓ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺎﻩﻭﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ »ﺳــﻤﻔﻮﻧﻰﺩﺭﺩ« ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻗﺺﺯﻣﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻏﺮﻳﺐﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ »ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺴﻮﺍﺭﻯ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻬﻴﻼ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ »ﺁﺗﻴــﻼ ﭘﺴــﻴﺎﻧﻰ« ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺻﻔﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻚ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻓﺠــﺮ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺴــﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻫﻢﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻚﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﻗﺎﺑﻴﻞ« ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺗﻴﻼ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺎﺷﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻍﻣﺮگ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﺣﺼﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻰ»ﻫﻤﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬــﺪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻴﮋﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻣﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ »ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ« ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺟﻴﻨﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 12‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻮﺵ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻁﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻗﺠﺎﺑﮕﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻡ ﻛﺒﻮﺩﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻧﺎﺯ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ‪،‬ﻫﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻃﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﮔﻞ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ 68 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻏﺮﻳﺐﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ »ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﻢ !‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﻓﻜﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ‪ -‬ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ـ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺷــﻄﺮ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻲﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻲﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻗﻴــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱـ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﻫﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺰﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﻫﺶ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻉ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺘﻨﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺗﻲﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻫﻢﺭﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻔﺴﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﺟﺴﺖﻭ ﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﺗﺌﻮ ﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻧﺴــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺟﺰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻴــﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮕﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺤﻲﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺸــﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺒﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﻫﺶ ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﻣﻼﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺸــﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺋﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ »ﺍﻭ« ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺎ«‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻏﺮﻳﺐﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ« ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ »ژﺭﻑﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ«‪ .‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﻋﺎﺭﻑ« ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ »ﻣﻬﻤﻞﺑﺎﻑ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ»ﺑﺮﺧﻲ«ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺎﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﺗﺎﻫﻨﻮﺯﺍﻭﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ»ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲﺁﺷﻨﺎ«ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻏﺮﻳﺐﺍﺯﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩﺩﺭ»ﻏﺮﺏ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ »ﻫﺴﺘﻲ« ﻭ »ﻭﺟﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑــﻪ »ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛ »ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪ .‬ﺻﺨﺮﻩ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺐ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫]ﺍﻣﺎ[ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻧﺎﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ »ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؟« ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﻜﺮﻱﺍﻱ ﺑﺲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ»ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ« )‪ (Dasein‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻬــﺪ‪ «Da» .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﺁﻧﺠﺎ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼــﺪﺭ »‪ «dasein‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ »ﻫﺴﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻬﻠﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ »ﻣﺎ« ﻭ »ﺍﻭ« ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻤﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻀﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ »ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻧﺲ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺷــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ »ﻓﻄﺮﺕ« ﻭ »ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻳﻚ »ﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ »ﻣﺎ« ﻭ »ﺍﻭ« ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ »ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﻭﺟﻮﺩ«‪» ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻲ« ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻕ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻨﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ »ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ »ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺤﺪ« ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻜﺸــﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ! ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻱ »ﭘﺮﻳﺮﻭﺯ« ﻭ »ﭘﺲﻓﺮﺩﺍﻳﻲ« ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱ؛ » ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ...‬ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ »ﻣﻠﺤﺪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﻲ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪) «.‬ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺺ ‪(117-118‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺸﺎﻑ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﻣﻲﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺸــﺎﻑ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲﺍﻱ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺳﻮژﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺧﺪﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺧﺪﻋﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣــﺪﻭﺙ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻀﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ »ﺿﺪﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﻳﺎ »ﻧﺎﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺫﺍﺕ »ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﺑﺎ »ﻧﺎﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﺎﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﻨﺠﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺮگ« ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭﻙﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ« ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺮگ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﭘﺲ ﻃﺮﺡﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻧﻜﺸﺎﻑ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺯﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ« ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ »ﻣﺮگ« ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ »ﻣﻴﺮﺍﻳــﻲ« ﻭ »ﻋﺪﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻــﻒ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﻋﺪﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴــﺮ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧــﺰﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻗﺪﺳــﻲﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻠﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻬﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﺍﻓﻜﻨــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻻﺟــﺮﻡ ﺗﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ »ﻣﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻭ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺎ »ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﻗﺪﺳــﻴﺖ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺳــﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ »ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻲ« ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﺣﻖ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩ »ﻣﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﺑﺎ »ﺣﻖ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ »ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻜﺸﺎﻑ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ »ﻣﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻭ« ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺲ »ﻣﺎ« ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﺧﻮﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺳﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ« ﭘﻴﺶﻓــﺮﺽ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻋﻠﺖ« ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷــﺰﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ »ﻣﺎ« ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬــﻢ »ﻣﺎ« ﺍﺯ »ﺧﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ »ﻣﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ »ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ«‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻫﻮﻟﺪﺭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺎﺭﺡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑــﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﭘﺴــﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ« ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ؛ »ﻣﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺎﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﺗﻔﻠﺴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻤﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺧﺪﺍﻳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﭙﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﺵ »ﺧﺪﺍﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ« ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ؛ »ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ«‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛» ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﻠﺤﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻲﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﻴﻠﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺧــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺵ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤــﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘــﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺳــﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺷــﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪» ،‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ« ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ« ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻔﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﺲ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﺴﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺋﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ »ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﻳﺴــﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺷــﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻏﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻝ« ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﻳﺲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ »ﻧﻴﺎﺯ« ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ« ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﻼﻳﺮﻣﺎﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﭘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻨﻮﺯﺍ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﻫﮕﻞ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ« ﻳﺎ »ﭘﻮﭘﺮ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺳـﻴﺎﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﻘﻨﻮﺱ‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴـﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔـﺮ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﺸـﻴﺎ ﺁ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻧﺴـﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤـﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻴﻮﺷﺎ‬ ‫‪4 -T.sheehan ,Hidegger's" introduction to‬‬ ‫‪The Phenomenologi of Religion. 1970‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ » ﺗﻔﻜﺮ«‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ )ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 40‬ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫»ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﻛﻴﺴــﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﺴﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻠﻤﻲﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻤﻲﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ« ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺷﻌﺒﺪﻩﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﻬﻴﻠﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﭘﮋﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ »ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺑﻰﺳــﺮﻭﺗﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰﺍﺵ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ؟ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﻧﺎﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻼﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﻯ« ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ »ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ«ﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ«ﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻃﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺴــﺨﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺩﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺧــﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﺲ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ« ﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﮔﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻧﺎﺋﻮﺑﺮگ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻰﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻰﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫»ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﻔﻜﺮ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻧﻮ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻲﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳـﺨﻨﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻏﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻡ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻏﻨﭽﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻩﮔﺸﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻮ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮ ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ! ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻨﻜﺸﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺷــﺄﻧﻲ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﻗﺖﺍﺵ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﻜﺸﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﻜﺸــﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﻗﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻫﻢﺳــﺨﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﭘﺮﻳﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﻣﻐﺮﺏﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﺱﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ)ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ( ‪ .Was hessitdenken‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‪» :‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺵ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ؟ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫــﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ! ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺞﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﮔﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﺑﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻟﺒﺮگ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ )ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻧﻮ! ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄـﻼﺡ »ﺗـﺮﺱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫـﻲ« ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔـﺮ ﺍﺻﻄـﻼﺡ ﻫﻴﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ‪ -‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﻢ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﺒﺘﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ! ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼـﻮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ »ﺗﺮﺱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫـﻲ« ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔـﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﭼﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﻟﻐﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ« ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﺱﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﻜﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﺟﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔـﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻠﺠـﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔـﺮﻩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺤـﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﮔﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻻﻏﻴﺮ‪.‬ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺟﻬﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﺴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﻬﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﺳﺘﻴﺴﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧـﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﺮﮔﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻕ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﻼﻃــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻞ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ! ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﭙﻮﺵ ﮔﻮ ﺑﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﻞ ﻋﻤﺮﺕ ﺍﻱ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻓﻨﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﺮﻡ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﺏﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﻲ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﺏﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻛﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻡ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ)!( ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳـﻨﺨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺯﻋﻤــﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﮔﺌــﻮﺭگ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ – ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ – ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻻﺟــﺮﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻞ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ‪) Kehre‬ﮔﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺥ = ‪ (turn‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺵ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ«ﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1930‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ )ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺸﻒ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺸﺎﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫»ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜــﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ »ﺩﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺴــﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻴﺎﺑــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺫﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻛﻮﺭﻩﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ «‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫)‪ (path Ways = Wegs‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ« ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 7‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻴــﺚ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌــﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺟﺴﺘﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻫﻮﺳــﺮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ (118‬ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫»ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ »ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ« ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺟــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﺗﺎﻣــﻼﺕ ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺗﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 1‬ﻭ ‪(2‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺛﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺧﻼﺹ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ )ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ( ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ‪ :‬ﻧﻔﺲ ‪ -‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ‪ -‬ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ -‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ »ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ« ﻭ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳــﻲ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ‪ 12‬ﻭ ‪ (14‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ‪) Dasein‬ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ( ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻮﺳــﺮﻟﻲ )ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﻓﻨﻮﻣﻨﻮﻟــﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﺟــﺰء ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻨﻮﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ Phainesthai‬ﻣﺸــﺘﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ« ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(119‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﻨﻮﻣــﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ »ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﮕﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ« ﻻﺯﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ »ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﮕﻲ« ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﻮﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻮﻣــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻮﻣﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ ‪ Logy‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻓﻨﻮﻣﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ Logos‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ‪ Logy‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻓﻨﻮﻣﻨﻮﻟــﻮژﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻤــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺘﺮﻭﭘﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﻜﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻــﺺ ‪ (134 - 163‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ )ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﮋﻩﻫﺎﻱ( ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺣﺴــﺐ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ‪ Logos‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻟﻮﮔﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺧﺼﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﮔﻮﺱ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ‪) apophantic‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺭﺧﺼﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻴﻮﻥ )ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷــﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ« ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ (140‬ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺷــﻼﻳﺮﻣﺎﺧﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻢﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻠﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺸــﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻳﻠﺘﺎﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺵﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪﻓﻬﻢﻭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻲﺳﺘﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬــﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻟﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻠﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ -‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ )‪ .(Projection‬ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ )‪ (Stehen‬ﻭ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ Verstehen‬ﻭ ‪ Verstand‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺘﺮﻭﻳﻨﭻ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﻼﺋﻢ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻳﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻟﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪) .‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ (16‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻘــﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳــﺘﻲ=‬ ‫‪) present at hand = Vorhandenheit‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﻪ ﻛــﻮﺍﺭﻱ(‬ ‫‪) Persence‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺒﻮ( ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﭼﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﺳﺘﻲ= ‪) Zuhandenheit = Ready to hand‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻚ ﻛﻮﺍﺭﻱ(‬ ‫= ‪) Rediness‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺒﻮ( ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻂ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﺮﻛﻪﮔﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻋﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ »ﻣﻦ« ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ( ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳــﻦ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲﻭﺯﻣﺎﻥﺭﺍﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪-‬ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺵﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱﺭﻭﺵﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪﻧــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ = ‪ Befendichkeit‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺯﺍﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ )‪(openness‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗــﻮﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺸــﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭﺍ )‪ ،(Concern = sorge‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ )‪(Care = Besorgen‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳــﻲ )‪ (Fursorgen = Solicitude‬ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﺍ ً ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺳــﺮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻼﻓﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮ ﺑــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺩﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬــﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 34‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺁﻛﻮﻧﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺺ ﭘﺮﻣﻐﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﮔﺌﻮﺭگ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺍﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺳــﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﻭﻳﻨــﭻ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﮕﺮﻑ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬‫ﻗﻘﻨﻮﺱ‬ ‫ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳــﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬‫ﻗﻘﻨﻮﺱ‬ ‫ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻚ ﻛــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻫﺮﻣﺲ‬ ‫ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ‪ -‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣــﻚ ﻛﻮﺍﺭﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻫﺮﻣﺲ‬ ‫ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ‪ -‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻧــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺕﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻌﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻲ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻚ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﺮﻩ ﻛﻼﻡﺍﺵ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻲ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻟﺒﺮگ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺭﺑﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ...،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕﺍﺵ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻮﺕﮔﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﺍﺕ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻻﺳــﻤﺎء ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺗﺮﺱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ« ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻫﻴﺒﺖ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻــﻮﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻮﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺸــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴــﻪ« ﻣﺤﻲﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ ﺑﻦﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﺒــﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﻓــﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ »ﺣﺎﻝ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫»ﺗــﺮﺱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫــﻲ« ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ »ﻫﻴﺒﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻟﻔﻆ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 88‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ .(94‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳــﻠﺒﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﺳﺘﻴﺴــﻴﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﺳﺘﻴﺴﻴﺰﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﺳﺘﻴﺴــﻴﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﺏ ﻧﻮ ﺳﻮژﻩﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻮﺳﺘﻴﺴﻴﺰﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺩﺍ‪-‬ﺯﺍﻳﻦ« ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺮﻫﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺸﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺸــﺎﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ »ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻐﻠﻖﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻟﺒﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻫﺴــﺘﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ » :‬ﻟﻔﻆ ﻫﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﷲ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﺴﺒﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ Sebas‬ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺘﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺒﺢ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﺒﻴﺢ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ » ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ »ﺗﺮﺱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺮﺱﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻫﻴﺒﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻃــﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﭼﻨﮓ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻟﻐﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗــﺮﺱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺁﺷﻮﺑﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺸــﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺮﺱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻠﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻓﻬــﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺮﺱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ« ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺁﺷﻮﺑﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻏﺮﺽ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ« ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻫﻴﺒﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧــﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻄﻒ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺠﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳــﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ُﻣﺜُﻞ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﻜﺸــﺎﻑ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺍ‪-‬ﺯﺍﻳﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ )ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ!( ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﻏﺮﺏ( ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻫﺴــﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ« ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﻫﺴــﺖ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﻫﺴﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴــﺐﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻗــﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻮﺳــﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ)!(‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪) «.‬ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ‪ -‬ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺷﻬﻴﺮ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﻘﻨﻮﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪. 1385‬ﺹ ‪(42‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ‪!...‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ« ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ »ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻳــﺎ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻱ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱﺗــﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻣﺾﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫــﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻻﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ »ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ـ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﺷﺒﻪﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪،...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻣﻌﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻛﻠﻲﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ؟ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺴﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣِ ﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺭﺡ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪﻳــﻪ« ﻳﺎ »ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﭼﻪﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ -10‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﮔــﺮ ﺁﺭﻱ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫‪ -11‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ -12‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫‪-13‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺩﺭﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱﺗﻔﻜﺮﻣﺎﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺍﺯﭼﻪﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻭﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫‪ -14‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻃﺮﺡﺍﻳﻦﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﺍﺯﻳﻚﺳﻮﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻲﺍﺯﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺍﻳﻦﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻧﻘﺪﻭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﺍﻳﻦﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﺎﺕﻭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻲﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮءﻓﻬﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺷــﺖ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺑﺎﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺰﺭگﺑﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻲﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱﺗﺮﻱ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻡﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ »ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺳــﺘﺮگ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺷﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻝﺁﺯﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ـ ﺩﻝﺁﺯﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖـ ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﻪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻘــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻛُﺮﺑﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺒﺴــﻮﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺷﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﻔﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪» ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨــﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ 192‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺟﻬﺎﻥﺩﺭﻳﻚﻣﺤﻞﺟﻤﻊﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻳﻚﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻣﻬﻤﻰﺭﺥﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰﺍﺯﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺁﻧﻜﻪﺍﻳﻦﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺍﺯﺁﻥﺩﺭﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺍﻳﻦﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺭﺍﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰﺍﺯﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯ‪ 190‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻪﺷﻬﺮﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﮔﺮﻡﺷﺪﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦﻭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ‪ 600‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑــﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫‪ 650‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ‪) ppm‬ﺩﻭﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ(‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺻﺪﻡ ‪ ppm‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1960‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ ppm‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﻯﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ‬ ‫‪ ppm‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺸــﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﻄﺮ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﻠﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻘﻒ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺋﻲ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻣﻐﻨﺎﻃﻴﺲ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﻳﻨﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻻﺳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺳﻴﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺳــﻴﺮ ﺁﻻﺳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻳﺨﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﻨﻠﻨﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻋﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ Gulf Stream‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻳﺨﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻋﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻕ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻮﺍ )ﺁﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ( ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤــﻪ ﻳﺨﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﻨﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﺏ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺬﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻨﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼــﺮ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﻮﻧﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﺍﻭﺭﻟﺌﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺎﺭﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺭﻳﻜﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺣﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺸــﻚ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﺎﺭﻳﻜﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﺭﻳﻜﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺭﻳﻜﻦﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﻳﺾﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﺭﻳﻜﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺭﻳﻜﻦﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ؛ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺭﻳﻜﻦﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻛﻼﻫﻚ ﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﮕﻮﺋﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺧﺮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﺦ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺨﻲ ﺷــﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻳﺦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺨﻲ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻳﺦ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺨﻲ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺯﻻﻧﺪﻧﻮ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﻫﻚ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻫﻚ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ‪50‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺳــﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺳــﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺏ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﮕﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺏ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻳﺦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺁﺏ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻳﺦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﺦ ﺑﺘﺎﺑﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻌﺸــﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺷﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﻜﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺘﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪﻓﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻮﺍﺻﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﺁﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻳﺮﺁﺏ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﭙﺎﻝ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺨﭽﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺨﭽﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺏ ﺷــﺮﺏ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫»ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻦﻛﺎﻥﺳﻦﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻻﻫﻮﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﺮﺯﺵ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪) «...‬ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪(140‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄــﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫)ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ‪ -‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1997‬ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ –‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ« ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻛﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 77‬ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃــﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 50‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ – ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺣــﺪﺍﺙ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﺩﺭ ‪ 120‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ 192‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪ 190‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻣﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻣﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ‪ 0/74‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﻴﮕﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻯ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻣﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺦﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺦﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺦﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1880‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﻴﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻏﻮﺍﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺁﺏ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﭙﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺨﭽﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺨﭽﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺷــﺎﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻗﻞ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧــﻜﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ )‪ (UNFPA‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1998‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ »ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ »ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫)ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ )ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﺗﺎ ‪ (2012‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ )‪ (2009‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ )‪ (2010‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 2005‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ )‪(IEA‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1000‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﭙﻨﻬــﺎگ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺭﻭﺯﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪ 7،‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮﺩﺭﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ‪ 192‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺷــﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺸــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺫﻏﺎﻝ ﺳﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ )‪ (CO2‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،2010‬ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 1‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻧﺘﻴﮕﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻣﺎﻳﻲ ‪10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺁﺏ‬ ‫)‪ ،(H2O‬ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ )‪ ،(CO2‬ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻧﻴﺘﺮﻭ )‪ ،(N2O‬ﻣﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫)‪ ،(CH4‬ﺍﺯﻥ ﺟﻮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ )‪ ،(O3‬ﻛﻠﺮﻭﻓﻠﻮﺋﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺑﻦﻫﺎ )‪،(CFCs‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺪﺭﻭﻓﻠﻮﺋﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺑﻦﻫــﺎ)‪ (HFCs‬ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﻠﻮﺋﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺑﻦﻫﺎ)‪(PFCs‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺑــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫــﻮﺍ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﺩﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺽﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫــﻮﺍ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺮﻩﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻼﻳﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺑﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓــﻖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺣﻤــﻞ ﻭﻧﻘــﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 25/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ‪ 22‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻨﻲﺑﻮﺱ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫــﺪﻑ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ – ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫـ ‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯ‪ -‬ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺡ‪ -‬ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﺮﺱ ‪ 53‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ )‪ (BRT‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ‪ 13‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪86/9/18‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪ 86/9/28‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1391‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﺴــﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫‪ %20 ،%25‬ﻭ ‪ %30‬ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 9‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ »ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻐﻲﺍﻻﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫‪ 73‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺳــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‬ ‫)‪ (Bus Rapid Transit‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘــﺮ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ‪ 15‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 4‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ 4‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞﺳﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻀــﻞ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪0/7‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ‪ 5‬ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 365‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ 25‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 210‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪26‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ‪ 5‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻂ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ( ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ( ﻋـﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﭼﺸـﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ )ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ )ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪/‬ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ /‬ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫)ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺖ( ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‪ C40‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻭﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻯﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺧﺼﻮﺹﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ C40،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺪﻩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ‪ C40‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒــﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 18‬ﺷــﻬﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺎﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺑﻴــﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻦ ﻟﻴﻮﻳﻨﮕﺴﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ C40‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻥ‪» ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ‪ C40‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ C40‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 20‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 40‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﭼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺭﻳﺘﻴﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﭙﻨﻬــﺎگ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻛﻮﻫﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﮔﻮﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺷﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺗﺮﺩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ژﻭﻫﺎﻧﺴﺒﻮﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻳﺲﺁﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‪ C40‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻭﻧﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻗﺒﻠــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2005‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻋﻀﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻣﺎ ‪ 2007‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 80‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪ C40‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 2009‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺯ ﻟﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺴــﻴﺨﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺗﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﺴــﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﻭ ﺫﻛــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻃﻰ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳــﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗــﻜﻞ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﺗــﻜﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1830‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻯﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺪﻛﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1997‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 160‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺐ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟــﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺋﻨﺲﺁﻳﺮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 1998‬ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫــﻮﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ‪ IEA‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2007‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯﻛﺮﺑﻨﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1990‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 2007‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 21‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 29‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﭼﻴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯﻛﺮﺑﻨﻴﻚ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1990‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ‪ 159/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1990‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 2007‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﻱ ﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1990‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 2007‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ‪ 165/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪10‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ )‪ 103/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1990‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 175‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 466‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 1990‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 2007‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻛﺮﺑﻨﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ‪ 16‬ﻭ ‪ 5/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 32/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ‪ CO2‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 38‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﺎﺯﻛﺮﺑﻨﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪16‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1990‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫)‪ (Global Warming‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮ ﻭ ﻧﭙﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺟﻼﺳﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺟﻼﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ) ﺩﻯﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻯﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺘﺮﻭژﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﺏ( ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 100‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻯﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 100‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻴﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺨﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫‪ 515‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 515‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻃﻮﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1384‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1384‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺍﺯﻫﻤﺎﻥﺑﺪﻭﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺷﺮﻭﻉﺑﻪﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻭﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢﻛﻪﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥﺑﻪﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖﻭﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖﻳﻚﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪﺍﻯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺑﻪﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺭﺍﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻣﻌﻴﺸـﺖ« ﻭ »ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ« ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗـﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 10/4‬ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ 117‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣـﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 290‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝﻳﻚﻧﻜﺘﻪﺭﺍﻣﺸﺨﺺﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﻭﺳﻂﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻧﺮﺥﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ .....‬ﺷﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1384‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ‪ 117‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪200‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 70‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪50‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺗﺎ ‪ 214‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩﻡﻭﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻫﻤﻴﻦﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻋﻘﺐﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻥﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﺣﻘﻮﻕﺍﺯﻧﺮﺥﺗﻮﺭﻡﺍﻳﻦﺭﻗﻢﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 333‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻯﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥﺍﺯﺗﻮﺭﻡﻋﻘﺐﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺷﺎﻫﺪﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﺍﻳﻦﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 15/2‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ‪ 16/1‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫‪ 10/4‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ‪ 41/1‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 11/9‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ .21/5 ،86‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪18/4‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ‪ 49/1‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻫﺴـﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ،84‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ ....‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 515‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 530‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 50‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 515‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦﺣﺪﻭﺩﻫﺮﻧﻔﺮ‪ 515‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﻟـﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴـﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧـﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﻭﺿﻊﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺩﺭﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ .....‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻰﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺧﻮﺑﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟـﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺣـﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬـﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ‪ .....‬ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳـﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﺧﺪﻣﺖﻓﺮﺩﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﺯﺳﻮﺩﺁﻧﻬﺎﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥﻫﻤﻪﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﺩﺭﺗﻮﺍﻥﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻝﺍﮔﺮﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ‪ 22‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺑﻴﻤﻪ‪،‬ﺣﻖﺑﻴﻤﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﺪﻳﺎﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﺧﺪﻣﺖﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰﺭﺍﻳﻚﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻟﺴـﻴﻮﺱ )ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﮕﺮ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫـﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ(‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧـﻰ ﮔﻔﺘـﻪ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧـﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﺩ ﺳـﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻼﻃﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣـﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜـﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜـﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺳـﻮﺩ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﺣﺘﻰ – ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗــﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 5‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 700‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳـﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﺴﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ – ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1384‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗــﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 800‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ – ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺑﺤﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻟــﻎ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺗﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻴﻄﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 1/35‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺧﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫)ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷــﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 1/94‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 1/35‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 29‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ؛ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻚ ﺗﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ« ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ‪»،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ«‪» ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﻧﺴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ« ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑــﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻳﻌﻨﻰﻫﺮﻛﺲﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺵﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻰﻣﺸﻜﻞﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪﻛﻪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺑﺎﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺍﺻﻠﻰﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﺑﻪﻫﺮﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﻥﺳﻬﻢﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰﺧﻮﺩﻃﻔﺮﻩﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺰﻩﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺮﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺴــﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 104‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 104‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﺭﻗــﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﻤﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻟﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺱ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ‪ 200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠــﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝ ﻳﺤﻴﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻜﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴــﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻠــﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 80 ،79‬ﻭ ‪ 81‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻏﻤﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪ AFC‬ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﻤﻴﺰ ﻛﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﺸﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻟﮋﻳﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰﭘــﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﻤﻴﺮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺻــﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻋﺮﺏﻣﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻛﻢﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳــﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟــﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﺎﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻟﺒﺴـﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳـﻰ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴـﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﻢ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ »ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷـﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘـﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻧـﻪ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻘﻞﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺸﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ‪،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫـﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳــﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸــﻮﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔــﺮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺣــﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳــﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ )ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ( ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺫﻯﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠــﻎ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺻﺮﻓﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﺷﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﻣﺒﻠﻎﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺑﺎﻣﺒﻠﻎﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺭﺍﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰﺭﺍﺣﻞﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﭼﻮﻥﻓﻘﻂﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻋﻘﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭ؛ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻟﻴﮓ ‪ 9‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻟﻴﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ 57‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ‪ 180‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻭ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺻــﻼ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 180‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 180‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺠﺪﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻐﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﻭ‪ 50‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺧﻜﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠــﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺟــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﭼﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻞ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫــﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷــﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﭽﻮ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﭽﻮﭘﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻟﭽﻮﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ »ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺕ ﻫﻮﻳﺰﺭ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ‪70‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫‪ 23‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻟﻴﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺷــﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 2/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻳﺰﺭﺳﻼﺗﺮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2005‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ 5‬ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﻧﻮﻓﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 2/2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻟﺴــﺮﻭﻫﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺯﻳﮕﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2005‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻟﺴﺮﻭﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺑــﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ‪ 40‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﻓﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺧﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻠﻮﻭﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺯﮔﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﻭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ »ﻻ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻣﭙﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸــﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﻟﻴﻤﺎﭼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻳﻮﻓﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ‪ 2009‬ﺍﻑﻛﻲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ‪ 12-2‬ﺍﺳﻼﻭﻥ ﻛﺎﭘﺮﻭﻳﻴﻨﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻭﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﺗﻮﺗﻮ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ )ﺟﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﻓﺎ( ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻳﻮﻓــﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 45‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸــﻞ ﭘﻼﺗﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﻼﺗﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟــﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﭽﺴــﺘﺮﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﺳــﻴﺘﻲ ‪ 1/1‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺭپ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﭽﺴــﺘﺮﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺷــﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ‪ 3‬ﺑﺮ ‪ 3‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ )‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ( ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ‪ 66‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻴــﻞ« ﻳﺎ »ﻟﺪﺑﺮﻭﻛﺲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫)ﺷﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ( ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻘﺼــﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻟﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﻓﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻟﭽﻮﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻴــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺍﺷــﭙﻴﮕﻞ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2006‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻳﻚﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻏﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻭﻩ ﻻﻧﮋ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1978 ،1974‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 90‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻭﻩﻻﻧﮋ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1966‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺼﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺷــﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﻁﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ 98