ماهنامه مثلث شماره 21

‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﻋﻠﻲﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ‪/‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻱ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ‪ 1341‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ؛ ‪ 1370‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ؛ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻧﻬﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ :‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﺯﻱ‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ‪ :‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻋﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻫﻼﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ؛ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ 3 ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻪ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳـﺘﺮﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺟﺰﻳـﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜـﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺋﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳـﺦ ﺟﻬـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭼﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺸـﻒ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷـﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﺼﺎﻯ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪18..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪19.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺪِ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‪23.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ‪24..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪25...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‪28................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻧﻬﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪27...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ‪32.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪34......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺎ‪35............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪36......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪38...................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‪41....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪44..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ‪46...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪48.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪50..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻔﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲ‪52...........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‪54....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴــﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﭙﻮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻓﻘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪56.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪58..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‪60......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪62..........................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺪ‪63................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪65.....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺟﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ‪68.............................................................................‬‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‪69......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻴﻪ‪71...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‪73..................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ‪75.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺸﻢ‪76........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ‪77..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﮋ ﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ‪78.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳــﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ!‪80.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ!‪82.............................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪83.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ؟‪84........................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪85........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ‪88..................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ‪ -‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﻴﺮﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺒﺰﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﻴﺎﺛﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﻮﺷﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ‪ -‬ﭘﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﻋﺒﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻦ ﺛﻘﻔﻲ ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃــﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪90.....................................................‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‪92.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪93.................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪94...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‪96........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪98...............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻧﻪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ(ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱﺭﺍﺷﺪﻳﻦﺳﻜﻮﺕﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪﺻﻠﺢﻛﺮﺩﻭﺣﻀﺮﺕﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﺭﺍﻩﻗﻴﺎﻡﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻻﺟﻤﻴــﻼ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺯﻳﻨــﺐ)ﺱ( ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻱ؟« ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﻲﻗﻤﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻤﺸــﻴﺮ ﻏﻤﺶ ﺭﻗﺺﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻗﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺟﺰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ)ﻉ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻚ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭼﺸــﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻘﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻨﻲﺳﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷــﻴﻚ‬ ‫– ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻡ – ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ »ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ »ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺪ؟« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺰﺍﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺣﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺸــﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺫﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻠﻔﺎ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ؛ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺪﻋﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻱ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ »ﺭﺣﻤﻪﻟﻠﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﻦ« ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻲﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺸﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺗﺶ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺳــﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻏﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ »ﺍﻧﻲ ﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺎﺟــﻪ ﻻﻳﻄﻔﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﻻ ﺍﻟﺪﻡ؛ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺳــﺘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺸﺎﺭﻡ‪(1)«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺳــﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺯﻟﺖ ﻋﺪﻭﺍ ﻟﻼﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻠﻪ؛ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ‪ (2) «.‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﻜﺎﻓﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ....‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ! ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻄﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪) (3)«.‬ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ‪(5‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺳــﻮﮔﻨﺪ! ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﻠﻰﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﻭﺁﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺘﺎﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻴﺒــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ؛ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪(4) «.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺻﻠﻰﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﻭﺁﻟﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻗﺴﻢ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻡ‪(5)«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﺶﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻔﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪(6)«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻼﻑ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪(7)«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ )ﺱ( ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 113‬ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺫﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻱ»ﺍﺷــﻬﺪ ﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ« ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴــﻤﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﭘﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻠﻔــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻲ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻠﻔﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠــﻲ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻔﺎ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺼــﻪ )ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ( ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠــﻲ)ﻉ( ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪(8).‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺪﺑﻦ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ْ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒــﺮﺩ ﺟﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ«‪(9).‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪(10)«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪(11) .‬‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻠﻔﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﻠﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺷﻜﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺮ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺷﻴﺨﻮﺧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ »ﻫﺮﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ« ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺠﺎﻉﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ(؛ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺟﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥﺑﻦ ﻋﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻲﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺘﺸﺮﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﺯﻭﺭ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺷــﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻌــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪﺑﻦﺍﺑﻲﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻠــﺐ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻋــﺰﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﻊﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺷــﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻟﺶ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺘﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳــﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ ...» :‬ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ....‬ﺍﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪(12) «...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﺒﻴﺪﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻛﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﺑﻦ ﻭﻫﺐ ﺟﻬﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠــﺢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ«)‪ (13‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺳــﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ! ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﺴــﭙﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻢ‪ (14)«.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺗــﺮﻙ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ؛ »ﺍﺭﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻋﻲ؛ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪(15)«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻘﻴﺼﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪(16) «.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺣﺪﻳﺒﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺣﺪﻳﺒﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(؛ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳــﻜﻮﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻠﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﺍﺷﻬﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﺑﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑــﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻧﺒﻮﻱ ‪ /‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 61‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ »ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘــﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬــﺎ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗــﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﻭﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺳﺮﻛﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺒﺸﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻫﺎﺑﺰ« ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻃﻴﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻦﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺘﺒﻪ« ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ )ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻛــﺮﺩ( ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻣــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻡ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﺻﻴﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﻉ( ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻴﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻴﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺻﻲ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟــﺐ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﻴﻔﻪ‪ ...:‬ﺍﻧﻲ ﻟﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻄﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻻﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻻﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ﺧﺮﺟﺖ ﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻻﺻﻼﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻥ ﺁﻣــﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻬﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑــﻦ ﺍﺑﻲﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ‪ .... :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ )ﻗﻴﺎﻡ( ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮﻱ! ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ )ﻗﻴﺎﻡ( ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ )ﺹ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺟﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦﺍﺑﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺳــﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦﺟﻌﻔﺮ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺐ )ﺱ( ‪ -‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻌﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪ /‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ! ﻫﻼﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻒ ﺯﺍﻳﺪﺍﻟﻮﺻﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ! ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻴﺪ! ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺸــﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟! ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﮕﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻼﻙ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻱﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺰ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ! ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ! ﻭ ﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍ! ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ! ﻭ ﻛﺸﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺘﺮﺕ ﺍﻭﺻﻴﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ! ﻭ ﻣﻠﺤﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﺏ! ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ! ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ!«ﺍﺯ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺮﺑــﻼ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ )ﻉ( ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﻦ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺣﺴــﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﺼﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ‪ /‬ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ(‪/‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﺳــﻲ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻲﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺋﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،2‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪45‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺑﻦﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺒﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،2‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪690‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ‪5‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪62‬‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﺍﺑــﻦ ﺍﺑﻲﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ ،307‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻨﻔــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪،13‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪155‬‬ ‫‪ - 6‬ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ‪74‬‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺑﻲﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪191‬‬ ‫‪- 8‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺷﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺸﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،6‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪315‬‬ ‫‪ - 9‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪318 - 319‬‬ ‫‪ - 10‬ﺳﻴﻮﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ - 159‬ﺑﻼﺫﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،6‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪185‬‬ ‫‪ - 11‬ﻃﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،3‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪438‬‬ ‫‪ - 12‬ﺑﺤﺎﺭﺍﻻﻧﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،44‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪21‬‬ ‫‪ - 13‬ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،2‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪69‬‬ ‫‪ - 14‬ﺑﺤﺎﺭﺍﻻﻧﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،44‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪147‬‬ ‫‪ - 15‬ﺣﻴﺎﻩﺍﻻﻣﺎﻡﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻦﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺮﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪269‬‬ ‫‪ - 16‬ﺑﺤﺎﺭﺍﻻﻧﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ‪ ،44‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﺳﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻴﻎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﮔﻞﺁﻗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺻﺒﺎﺡ ﺍﻻﺣﻤﺪﺍﻟﺠﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠــﻰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳــﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻳــﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 71-72‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ‪ 14‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 90‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻮﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕﻣﻬﻢﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥﺩﺭﺁﻏﺎﺯﺍﻳﻦﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ؛ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻛﻤﻚﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻭﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺗﺮﻯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧــﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻰﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ﻟﻮچ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ »ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ« ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻦ ﻟﻮچ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻮﻧﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﻻﻭﺭﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ﻟﻮچ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺘﭽﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﭽﺴــﺘﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻬﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻦ ﻟﻮچ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ‬ ‫)ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻮﻧﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻮﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺸﺎپ )ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﺴﺖ( ﻭ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﭘﺴﺘﭽﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻠــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻔﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﺳــﻼﻡﺍﷲ ﺩﻝ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻠﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺸﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻕ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺷﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺯﻻﻝ ﺍﺷﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻠﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺑﻰﺟﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺁﺷﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺪﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷــﻤﻊ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰءﺟﺰء‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﺮﺍﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺤﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻻﺋﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﻡ«‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻄﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻍ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ؟!‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺘﻠﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﻧﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ؟!‬‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﺮﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺸﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺸﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ؟ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻡ ﮔﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺴﻮﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺷــﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺸﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻴﺮ؟! ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ؟! ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻋﻪ ﺟﺮﻋﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺳﺮﺕ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ! ﻋﺒﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺻﻴﺤﻪ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ؟‬‫ﻭ ﺑﺸﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﻬﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻋﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻏﺮ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ! ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ؟‬‫ﻭ ﺑﺸــﻴﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﭼــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ! ﻋﺜﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻬﺪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻼﺹ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺑﺸﻴﺮ! ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ؟ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺨﻀﺮﺍء ﻛﻠﻬﻢ‬‫ﻓﺪﺍء ﻻﺑﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻰﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻞ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻯ »ﺫﻯ ﺣﺴــﻢ« ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺛﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺷﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻢﻣﺎﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻥﭘﺎﻳﻪ‪.‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻗﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ؟!«‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﮕﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻗﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﻣﻮﻻﻯ ﻣــﺎ! ﻛﻼﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺳﻮ ﺁﺏ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﺎﺏ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﻴــﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﺎﺏ ﺗﻮ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺩﻋــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫــﻼﻝ ﺑﻦﻧﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺟﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻼﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﺒﺮﻙ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺧﻀﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ! ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﺎﺏ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻋﺖ ﺟﺪ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻞ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻘﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﺑــﻼ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑــﻼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ »ﻛﻞ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺽ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ« ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ ﺍﺯﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ –ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻯ‪ -‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓــﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﻻﺣﻮﺍﻝ‪ «.‬ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺽ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻯﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛــﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﻘﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻔﻴﻞ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻫﻤﺪﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺁﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺏﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴــﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌــﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ »ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼــﺪﺍﻕ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺢ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻔﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻥﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﺮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻕ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﺭﻫﺴــﭙﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ؛ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻦ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷــﻬﺮﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻚ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺨﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻓﺴــﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺠﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﭙﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺸﺮﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺫﻏﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﻋﻴﺶ ﻛﻢﻭﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺫﻏﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺩ ﺫﻏﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭژﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺷﻚ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺫﻏﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﺸﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﻭﺯﺥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻋﺶ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺴﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻩ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ – ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻨــﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺨﻴﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻨﺒﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻇﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔــﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ؟ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻉ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﺬﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻭﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺬﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﻧﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺶ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻭﺍﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻭﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺣﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺮﻭﺗﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ )ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ(‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺪﻭﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﺯﺥ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺋﻜﻪ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﻭﺯﺥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺳﺮﻛﺶ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻰ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺷﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﻘﻴﺎ ﺍﻭﻻﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺗﻜﺎﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻋﺒﺮﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﻈﻤﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﺍﻧﺸﻰ ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﺠﺐ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ »ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺯﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﻱﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻴﻮﺭﻩ‪-‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﺭﺑﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﺒﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻏﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﻨﺨﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻟﻐﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻲﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺒﻌﻮﺙ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺑﻦﺍﺑﻲﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫــﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﺠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻱﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ)ﻭﻃﻦ(‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﺍ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺾ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺾ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻧﻬﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻏﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻀﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺑــﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧــﻮﺩﺕ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣــﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﻲ؟«‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺮگ ﻧﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﺰﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻨﺘﻢ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺃﻣﺔ ﺃُﺧﺮﺟﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﺄﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭﺗﻨﻬﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻜﺮ ﻭﺗﺆﻣﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﷲ«‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫــﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – 6‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋــﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺑﺶ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪:‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﻜﺎﻓﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻭﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰﺩﻭﺭﻯﮔﺰﻳﻨﻴﺪﻭﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﻓﺨﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺍﺯﺳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪....‬ﺍﮔﺮﺳﺨﻦﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺑﺮﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺺﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﮔﺮﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ‪،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺍﺯﻣﺮگﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ! ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺴـﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﻄﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪)«.‬ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪،‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪ‪(5‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 61‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻡ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻴﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺧﺎﻙﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﺷﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞﺍﻟﺠﻨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‪ .‬ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺑﻦﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻘﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﻫﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑــﻼ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫــﻞ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﺏﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺰﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋــﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﻳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﺎﻍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻦﺍﺵ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺯﻧــﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺐ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﺮﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻘﺎﻭﺕﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺸــﻤﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﱠﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ َﻓﻠَ َﻌﻠ َ‬ ‫ِﻳﺚ ﺃَﺳَ ــﻔًﺎ ؛ ﮔﺮ‬ ‫ــﻚ َﻋﻠَﻰ ﺁﺛَﺎ ِﺭﻫِﻢْ ﺇ ِﻥ ﻟ ﱠﻢْ ﻳُ ْﺆ ِﻣﻨُﻮﺍ ﺑِﻬَﺬَ ﺍ ﺍﻟ ْﺤَ ﺪ ِ‬ ‫ﺑ َﺎﺧِ ﻊٌ ﻧﱠﻔْﺴَ َ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ]ﻛﺎﺭ[‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻰ‪ ).‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻛﻬﻒ‪ -‬ﺁﻳﻪ ‪( 6‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ )ﺯﻣﺎﻥ( ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻡ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ؛ ﭘﮋﻭﺍﻙ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻟﺮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻘﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﺧﺠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻏﻴﺮﺕ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﭘﺮ ﻫﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨــﻮﻯﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻣــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰ ﺁﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ‪72‬ﺗﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ‪72‬‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻧﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻔﻼﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺕ!‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻭ ﻧﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻜﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻰﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻢ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎ ﺟﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻥ ﺑﭽﻪﻡ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻥ ﻏﻼﻡ ﺭﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻦ ﻣﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺚ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻻﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻮﻡ ﻻﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﻻﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻏﻨﭽﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﺟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻰ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺗﻮﻯ ﮔﻮﺩﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﻥﺑﻦﺣﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭼﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﭘﺮ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﻡ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻎﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻳﻚ ُﺩ ّﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻏﻼﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻏﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻼﻣﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺳﻴﺎ ِﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻔﻴ ِﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﻭﺣﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ!‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻚﭼﻨﺪﻟﺤﻈﻪﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻜﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻛﺲ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪169 ....‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺗــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺪﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘــﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﺥ ﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﺣﻴﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﺲ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﮓﺑﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ )!( ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺲ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻘﺶﻭﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﺮﻛﺐ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﺷــﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻨﺎﻙ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﻜﻮ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺟﺴــﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺮﻙ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﺠﺜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺜﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻧﻔﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻲﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ؟ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻳﻲ ﻣﺤــﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷــﺌﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻼﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻴﺮﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ )ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ ...‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻏﺼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻣﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳــﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﺭﻓﺘــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﺋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺿــﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫» ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻯ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻰ ﻣﺘﺒﺤﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻐﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﺋﺎﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻔﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﻜﺮﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ 10 ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ 6‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 12‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻯ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻯ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺳﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺒــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪...» :‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ «...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻯ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ؟« ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻯ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 3/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﺤﺘﺸــﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴــﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻜﻮﺕ« ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻩ ﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ!« ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻮﻛﺲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ‪ 1364‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫‪ 30/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ‪ 30/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ 1364‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠــﻮﻙ‬ ‫‪ 30/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ‪ 30/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻓﺴﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ‪ 30/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺑﺰﺭگﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﺎﺷﺪﺗﺎﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﺮﺍﻯﻛﺎﻫﺶﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪77‬ﺑﺎﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺑﻪﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻛﺎﻫﺶﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﻞ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰﺩﺭﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﻱﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻠﺦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ 16 ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ‪ 27‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻰﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﻭﺁﻟﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫»ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ « ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ )ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ( ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺯﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﺤﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ‪ -‬ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1341‬ﻩ‪-‬ﺵ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ‪) .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ( ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻰﺳﺒﻴﻞﺍﷲ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪» ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ؛ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻳﻌﻨﻰﻫﻤﻴﻦﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻛﻪﻋﺮﺽﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪:‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰﻛﻪﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﭼﺮﺍﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﺳﺎﻝﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻭﻓﺎﺕﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﺻﻠﻰﺍﷲﻋﻠﻴﻪﻭﺁﻟﻪﻭﺳﻠﻢﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺷﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥﻭ‪...‬ﺩﺭﻛﻮﻓﻪﻭﻛﺮﺑﻼﺟﻤﻊﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪﻭﺟﮕﺮﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺁﻥﻭﺿﻊﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ؟ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪،‬ﻳﺰﻳﺪﺑﻦﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪-‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥﻫﺮﭼﻪﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﺎﻭﺭﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺳﺎﻛﺖﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ؟!ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﻯﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﻦﺭﺍﺩﭼﺎﺭﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍﺍﻣﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻛﻪﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺷــﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﮕﺮﻣﺎﺍﺯﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺯﻣﺎﻥﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻭﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮﻳﻢ؟ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﺳﺎﻝﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺰﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺧﻮﺍﺹ « ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ( ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ »ﻋﻮﺍﻡ «‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪) .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻘﻴــﻞ ﺑﻪﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺯﺩ(‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻌﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻦﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ]‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻰ[ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺎ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺋﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ )ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ( ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃــﻞ‪ .‬ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺣﻘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﺤــﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻓﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻧﮓ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻣﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻃﻠﺒﻰ؛ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻟﻐﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﺻﻠﻰﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺁﻟﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ )ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻃﻼﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺛﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻼﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﻓﻴﺘﺨﺬﻭﺍ ﻣﺎﻝﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻻ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﻻ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﺍﷲ ﺩﺧﻼ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ«‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍﻩﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﻴﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺭﺍﺗﺼﺮﻑﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩﻭﻳﻜﻰ‪،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﺑﻌﺪ‪،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﮔﻔﺖﺍﺻﻼﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻴﺠﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﻫﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬ﻟﺬﺍﺧﻮﺩﺵﺭﺍﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻣﺸﻜﻞﺭﺍﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﺿﻊﺁﻥﺯﻣﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؛ﺧﻮﺍﺹﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﺎﺭﻯﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺻﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﻞ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺑﻌﺪ ‪ 20‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺝ( ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ »ﻧﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺸــﻴﺮ« ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ‪ -‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻣﻴﻪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﻳﺎﺑﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ! ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‪ ...‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻣﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻦﻋﻘﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﺸﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻋﺸﺎ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ!«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺦﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻋﻆ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻋﻆ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻭﮔﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻃﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﻔـﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷـﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺳـﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻢ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑــﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺑﻲﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﺩ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﺳــﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴــﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻮﺑــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻮﺑﻪﺍﺵ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ )ﺱ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ )ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻻﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳـﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺷـﻤﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺩﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴـﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴـﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓـﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﻪﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﺑﻲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺤـﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻱﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤــﺎﻝ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﺵ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﺤﻂ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦﺯﻳـﺎﺩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻔـﺎﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻈـﺎﻟﻢ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟـﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣـــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧـــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻳـﺰﻳﺪ ﺯﻣـﺎﻧـﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﭘﻴـﻮﻧـﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗـﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻗﻴـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣـﻀــﺮﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍ ﻧﺒـــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺒﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺸـﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨـﺪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﺡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺻﺤﻴــﺢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 1500‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺳــﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸــﺖﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣـﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳـﻢﻫﺎ ﺳـﻴﻨﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ...‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺯﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺘﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋـﺞ( ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛــﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑــﻼ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭﺻﻒﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤــﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺘﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﻙ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻣﺂﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ژﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻘﻬــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺮﺍﻫﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻫﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻫﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺍﻫﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ)ﻉ(ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ )ﻉ( ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺰﻭﻧﻨﺪ« ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺫﻭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺣﻢ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻧﺎ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺣﺰﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ)ﻉ( ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ)ﺹ( ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ)ﻉ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻓﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ)ﻉ( ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺍﻫﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺫﻭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘﻲ ﺑﺲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﺑـﻪ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪﻛﻨﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸـﻬﺪﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴـﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺮﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓــﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻯ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺑﺤﺮﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡﻋﺮﺽﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩﻓﻜﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢﻛﻪﭼﻄﻮﺭﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﻮﺍﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﺷﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺻﻐﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﻩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻜﻦ! ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺸﮕﺮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻋُﻨﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ )ﺑﺰ ﺷﻴﺮﺩﻩ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷــﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺒﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ؟ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺪ ﮔﻮﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺻﺪ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ)ﻉ( ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮ ﻭ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍ )ﻉ( ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؛ ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺗﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺸـﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺷــﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺿــﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﺍﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺟﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺯﺧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﻭﺯﺥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺟﻬﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺟــﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺩﻭﺯﺥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﮔﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻭﺭﻗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 5‬ﺟﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺳــﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺶ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1330-33‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﺩﻫﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺸــﻞ ﻋﻔﻠﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻫﻞ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﺗﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻱ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺵ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺎﻙﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻼﺝ ﺟﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻦ ﻫﺎﻱﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻼﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻴﺒﻴﻦ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﻞﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺪِ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺮﺍﷲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ )ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺐﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺑﻰﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ »ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺰﻳــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ« ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺣﻰ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﻳﺰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﮔﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺿــﺎ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪» ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺰ« ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﻳــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ »ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻥ ﻧﺴــﺦ ﺗﻌﺰﻳــﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍء« ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍء ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ »ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪) .‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ( ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍء ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺷﺎﺥ ﻭ ﺑﺮگ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﺒﺤﺜﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄــﻼﺡ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫»ﻗﺼﻪ« ﻳﺎ »ﻗﺼﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻳﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻗﺼــﻪ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﺍﺳﻔﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍء« ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﺍﺳــﻔﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻌﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺼﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻭ ﺑﺮگ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺘﻞﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﻓﻰ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ« ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺸــﺎﺑﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻔﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﺍﺳﻔﺮﺍﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺤﺘﻰﺳــﺮﺩﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﭘﮋﻭﻫﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ »ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﺳــﺘﻴﺰ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﺳــﺎﺯ« ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ -1» :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ -2 .‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺷﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ -3 .‬ﺯﻳﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺖ«‪) .‬ﺧﺎﺩﻡﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ‪ ،1384 ،‬ﺹ ‪ (65‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺮ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝﺍﻟﻤﻮﻟﻒ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﻘﺘﻞﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺨﻨﻒ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻘﺘﻞﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﺷﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﺙ ﻗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﺙ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﻭﺩﻯ »ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﺳﺎﺯ«‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﭘﮋﻭﻫﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻟﻬﻮﻑ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺑﻦ ﻃﺎﻭﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﺳــﺘﻴﺰ« ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻬﻮﻑ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺛﻘﻔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻬﻮﻑ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻟﻬﻮﻑ ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺑﻦ ﻃﺎﻭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻠﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» «.‬ﺍﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻭﻭﺱ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻦ ﻃﺎﻭﻭﺱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻟﻬﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻬﻮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻟﻬﻮﻑ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻄﻒﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ )ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ( ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ)ﻉ( ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ )ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ(‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺴﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺮﻛﺘــﻰ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻤﺢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴــﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻟﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 61‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ )ﻉ( ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺯﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍ َﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺰﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ)ﺹ( ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺫﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺷﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﭘﻨﻬــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 61‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻴﺮﻩ ﭘﻨﺞﺗﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻁ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ »ﺣﺴـﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷـﻌﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻦﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ«‪» ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺑﻦﻣﻮﺳﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ« ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﻨـﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼــﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﻠﺤــﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﻉ( ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺿﺪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠــﻰ)ﻉ( ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦﺁﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﮔﻮﻳﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺳــﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪) .‬ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ‪ (92‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 25‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ )ﺹ( ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻙ ﻳﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺣﻜﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﺴــﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻮﺱﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺶﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠــﻰ)ﻉ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺗﻨﻰ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺶ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻣﺖ ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺶﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪) .‬ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ‪(92‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ »ﺣﺴـﻦﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﻮﺟﻪﺩﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻏﺎﺯﺧﻼﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ(ﻗﺼﺪﺻﻠﺢﺑﺎﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺳﺴﺘﻰﻣﺮﺩﻡﻛﻮﻓﻪﺍﺯﻫﻤﺎﻥﺁﻏﺎﺯﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ(ﺑﺎﺳﺨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺋﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻔﺮﻳﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻛﺎﺫﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﺲﺑﻦﺳﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ(ﺧﻄﺎﺏﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﻛﻪﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﺳﺴﺖﺷﺪﻩﻭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺻﻠﺢﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻕﺑﻮﺩﻡﻭﺍﻛﺜﺮﻏﺮﺽﻣﻦﻭﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﻭﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻣﻦﺁﻥﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‪،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐﺟﻨﮓﺑﺎﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪﺭﺍﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪﻭﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺐ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺯﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻦ)ﻉ( ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﻠـﺢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﺛﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﺛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺋﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪) .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،8‬ﺹ ‪ ( 26‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺸــﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻴــﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺒــﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﺵ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪) .‬ﺩﻳﻨﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(269‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻥﺑﻦﺣﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺬﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ‪) .‬ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻌﺪ ﺝ ‪ ،5‬ﺹ‪(81‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﺑــﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝﺍﷲ)ﺹ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻛﻨﻰ‪ « .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻤﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪(38‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﺍﺵ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﺋــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﻣﺮگﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪﻭﺧﻼﻓﺖﻳﺰﻳﺪﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻳﺎﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺑﻬﺘﺮﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺗﺮﺭﺍﺟﻨﮓﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺸــﺖ ﻛﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺟﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻘﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻓﻰﻣﻨﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﻬﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﮋﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻛﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺠﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ )ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻪ )ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﻞ( ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ )ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺭﺯﻳﻦ( ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻦﻋﻘﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺾ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﺷﺘﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺟﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﻧﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺘﺶ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺣﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﻛﻪﻭﻗﺘﻰﻣﺮﺩﻡﻛﻮﻓﻪﺑﻪﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻛﺎﺭﺑﻪﺟﻨﮓﺑﻜﺸﺪﻭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺗﻼﺵﻭﻛﻮﺷﺶﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻏﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺧﻄﺒﻪﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺧﻮﺩﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﺗﺎﺩﺭﺩﻝﻭﺟﺎﻥﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻔﻮﺫﻛﻨﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥﺍﺯﻛﺸﺘﻦﺍﻭﻭﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏﺍﻣﺎﻡﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯﻋﻤﺮﺑﻦﺳﻌﺪﺭﺍﺑﻪﻳﺎﺭﻯﺍﻣﺎﻡﺟﻠﺐﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺷﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺁﻥﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺁﮔﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻭﺗﺎﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻣﺨﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪(6‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﻛﻮﺷﺶﺑﺮﺍﻯﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥﺑﺪﻋﺖﻭﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦﻣﻨﻜﺮﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﻭﻛﻪﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﺳﺖﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﺯﻫﺮﻛﺲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﺩﺭﻧﻬﻰﺍﺯﻣﻨﻜﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻛﺴﻰﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻛﻪﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻛﻪﻛﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺯﺍﻣﺮﺑﻪﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﻭﻧﻬﻰﺍﺯﻣﻨﻜﺮﻧﺎﻡﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺑﻪﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰﺭﺍﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﺯﻧﺪﻩﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﻣﻜﺘﺒﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺣﺘﻰﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖﻣﺮﺩﻡﻛﻮﻓﻪﺍﻭﺭﺍﺩﻋﻮﺕﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻳﺎﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗــﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭﺿــﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦﺑﻮﺩﭘﺲﺑﻪﻳﻘﻴﻦﺭﺍﻩﻫﻤﺎﻥﺭﺍﻫﻰﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺰﻣﻲﺟﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﻢﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﭘﺲﺍﺯﻣﺮگﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺍﻳﻦﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳـﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻌـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻛﺠﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝﺳﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺟﻮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳـﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺘــﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺑﻪﻗﺼﺪﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯﺍﺳﻼﻡﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯﻛﻮﻓﻪﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﻴﺎﻡﻛﺮﺩﺗﺎﺍﺻﻞﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺟﻮﺭﻭﺳﺘﻢﺭﺍﻋﻮﺽﻛﻨﺪﻭﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺩﺭﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﻋﺎﻟﻢﻭﺟﺰﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥﺍﻟﻬﻰﺩﺭﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﺑﻪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻣﻨﻈﺮﺁﻧﺎﻥﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﻭﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﺯﺳﻨﺎﻳﻰﻏﺰﻧﻮﻯ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺑﻦﻃﺎﻭﻭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬ﺻﻔﻰﻋﻠﻴﺸﺎﻩﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻧﺎﻡﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ‪ -‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺤﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻰﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﻰﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺣﻖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ )ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻴــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻴــﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﺦ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺫﻛﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺎﺛﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﺑﻮﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﺩﺭﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻩﮔﺮ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺁﻥﺳﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰﻛﺜﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰﻫﻤﺎﻥﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻧﻜﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝﻭﺍﺩﺑﺎﺭﻓﻘﻂﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺷﺎﺧﺼﻰﻛﻪﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖﺳﺨﺖﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘــﺲ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺴــﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ( ﭘﺎﻯ ﻓﺸﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﺍﺛﻨﻰﻋﺸﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪ -‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ )ﻉ( ﻧــﻲ ﺯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻰﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺒﺤﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺿﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺁﺷﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻰﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺋﻤﻪﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪﺍﺯﻣﻮﺳﻰﺑﻦﺟﻌﻔﺮﺗﺎﺣﺴﻦﺑﻦﻋﻠﻰﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﺯﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻣﻨﻔﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﻫﻤﺎﻥﻋﺪﻡﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺎﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﻓﻜﺮﻯﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰﺁﻥﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﺍﻳﻦﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺍﺯﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻣﺘﻜﻰﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕﺑﻨﻰﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﺑﻦﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻳﺤﻴﻰﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﺩﻭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪﻧﻬﺎﺩﻭﺩﺭﻣﺴﻴﺮﺗﺤﻮﻟﺶﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺩﺭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻜﺎﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺷـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﻘﻠﻰ )ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻰ( ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺳــﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺺ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ )ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ( ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟـﻪ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺳـﻴﻨﺎﻳﻰ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺑﻦﺳـﻴﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴـﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻦﺳـﻴﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳـﻴﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻨﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪) .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺸﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ( ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﻮﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺯ»ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ« ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻦﺧﺘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﺒﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ« ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺛﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‬ ‫)ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺑــﻦ »ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻋﻠﻰﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻰﻃﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ« ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻰ )ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ( ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ ﭘﺮ ﺟﺬﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺤﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺏﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺣﻜﻤﻪ ﺍﻻﺷــﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ»ﺗﺄﻟﻪ« ﻭ»ﺑﺤﺚ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻐﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻪﺍﻻﺷــﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﻪ » ﻟﻮﻻ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﻪ ﻟﺴﺎﺧﻂ ﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﺑﺄﻫﻠﻬﺎ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔــﺮﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺄﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ )ﺍﻭﺗﺎﺩ( ﺁﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺾ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ )ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻓﻴﺾ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻥﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻐــﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺧّ ﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻨﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻨﻴﻒ )ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥﻛﺮﻳﻢ( ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻒ )ﻇﻬﻮﺭ( ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺳﺘﺮ«‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ‬ ‫)ﮔــﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷــﻤﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺣﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺟﺪﻯ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻣﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﻤﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺼﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻧﻬﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﻴـﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀـﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻔﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷـﺎﺧﺼﻰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤـﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴـﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻗﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻌـﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳـﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻳـﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻌــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ -2 .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻦﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻓﺎﺳــﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻓﺴﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺠﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻳﺰﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺟﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺑﻦﺍﺑﻰﻃﺎﻟﺐ)ﻉ( ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻟﺬﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ)ﻉ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑــﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺣﺬﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻼﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﺯﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺯﻛﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻻﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻳــﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺷﻚ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘــﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺣﺬﺭ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻌــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻰ؟! ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ؟! ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧــﺪﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻃﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦﻋﻤﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦﺯﺑﻴﺮ ﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻳــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒــﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﺯﻛﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦﻋﻤــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦﻋﻤــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦﻋﻤﺮ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤّ ﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺧــﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦﻋﻤﺮﺳﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻨﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺘﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺻﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺴــﻤﻊ ﺑﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻨﻒ ﺑﻦ ﻗﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬﺭ ﺑﻦ ﺟﺎﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻦﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ)ﻉ( ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪﺑﻦﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻰ ﺣﻨﻈﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻰﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻰﺳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺯﻫﻴﺮﺑﻦ ﻗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﻴﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦﺣﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻦﺣﺎﺭﺙ ﻛﺎﻫﻠــﻰ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﻨــﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﺼﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠـﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﺬﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﺬﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺒﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻳﺸــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻔﺘﺮﺽﺍﻟﻄﺎﻋﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻢﺑﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦ ﻳﻘﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺧــﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺸــﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺍﻃﺎﻋــﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺑﻠﻴﻎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧــﻼﻑ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦ ﺯﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺑﻠﻴﻎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ)ﻉ( ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﺻﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻠﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺜﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺑﺸﺘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍ)ﻉ( ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠــﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺠﻮﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺘﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻰ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻻﺗﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺻﺮﺩ ﺧﺰﺍﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﺚ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﺤﺮ‪،‬ﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻋــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻪﻳﺎﺑﺼﺮﻩﭼﻨﻴﻦﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺁﻥﺣﻀﺮﺕﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺪﻳﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻨﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺩﻳﮕﺮﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺩﻳﻨﻰﺍﻣﺎﻡﻳﻌﻨﻰﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺻﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻣﺮﺩﻡﻛﻮﻓﻪﺑﻪﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺁﻥﺣﻀﺮﺕﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬ﺍﻥﺣﺴﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﺗﻘﺒﺾ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﻌﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻢ ﺷﻴﻌﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻴﻪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺻﻤﺼﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﺻﻤﺼﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﻗﻮﺍﻣﻰﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻓﻘﻬﻰﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭﺻﺎﺣﺐﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺕﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩﭘﺎﺳﺦﺍﻳﻦﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻧﺤﻮﻩﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺍﺋﻤﻪﺑﺎﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰﻋﻤﻴﻖﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﺩﺭﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻣﻮﺿﻊﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﻪﺳﺒﺐﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺑﺎﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮﻫﺎﻯﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﺑﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺣﺎﻛﻢﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻭﻧﻪﻣﻤﻜﻦﺑﻮﺩﻭﻧﻪﺑﻪﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻣﻮﺿﻊﻣﻨﻔﻰﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯﺍﺯﺭﺍﻩﺑﻴﺎﻥﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ(‪،‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﺹﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻼﻛﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺿﻼﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﻘﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﺧﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻌﺐ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺸﻘﺖ )ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺣﻖ( ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻦ)ﻉ( ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺠــﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﻦ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﭘــﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺻﻠﺢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﻤــﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻰﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﻟﻌﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻠﺢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻔــﺎﺩ ﺻﻠﺢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﻣــﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺠــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺎﻏﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ‪ 77‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﭼـﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬـﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ(‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻰ ﺫﻏﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻰ‪ ...‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺷــﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀـﺮﺕ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴـﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﻬﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺮ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛُﺸﺘﻰ؟ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻛﺶ ﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ )ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺸــﻰ؛ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺗﻮ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ )ﺑﻴﻀﻪ( ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﻛﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻭﺑﻦﺣﻤﻖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ؟ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻻﻏﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺴﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘــﺲ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ( ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﻏﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺳــﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺘﻤﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﺎﻋــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳــﺮﻛﺶ )ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ( ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻘﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .1 :‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺋﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺤﺸــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺴــﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﺏ ﺧﻤﺮﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﭽﺮﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧــﺶ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﺴــﺪﻩ ﺑﭽﺮﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﺒﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻔﺴــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳــﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺣــﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﺩﺧﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻔﺴــﺪﺕ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﻮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺧﻠﻔﺎﻯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺣﻴﻠﻪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ)ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓـﻖ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸــﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻓــﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻠﺖ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 43‬ﺭﺿﺞ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺳﺠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 45‬ﻗﻴﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 50‬ﻗﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﺘﺢﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻏﺼﺐ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩﺁﻣﻴﺰﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻦﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ)ﻉ( ﻗﻴﺎﻣــﻰ ﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻤــﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﻣﻠﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻠﺰﻣﻪ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺪ ِﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺳــﺎﻗﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ )ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺰﻣﻪ( ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺳــﻊ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺟﺒﻲﺩﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺸـﻴﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴـﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﻨﺘﻘﻢﺧﻮﻥﺣﺴـﻴﻦﻟﻘﺐﮔﺮﻓﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﺸﻊ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺒﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻻﻭﺭﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻋﻪﺍﺑﻦ ﺷــﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﺤﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﺲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻢ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺬﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘــﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ )ﻉ( ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﻗﺼــﺎﺹ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲﺳﻨﺪﻱﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕﺍﺋﻤﻪﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢﺣﺘﻲﺍﮔﺮﻫﻢﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ)ﻉ( ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﺍﺵ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺬﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻊﻭﻗﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺧﺸﻢﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻭﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﺑﻪﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﺣﻤﻠﻪﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ‪،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻦﺣﺮﻛﺖﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺣﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺬﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻫــﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﻌﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳــﺪ ﺑﻦﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩ )ﻉ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﻋﺒﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻲﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺧﻀﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ)ﻉ( ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻀﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩ)ﻉ( ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺯﺑﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ)ﻉ( ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻩﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻴﺪﺍﷲﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ -‬ﻟﻌﻨﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻭﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺯﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺒﻪﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﺼﻌﺐ ﺑﻦ ﺯﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻌﺐ ﺑﻦ ﺯﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﻌﺐ ﺑﻦ ﺯﺑﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻏﺴﻞ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻼ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺯﻳــﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 121‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺻــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳــﺪ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥﻛﺸــﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺯﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺮﺍﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺴــﺮﺵ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ »ﻣﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻲ »ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ( ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺻﻞ »ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳــﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ )ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ( ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﮔﻴﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ«ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﺎﻭﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺧــﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻻﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺰﺟﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﺪﺍﻟﻠﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻠﻬﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻢ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴــﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺳﭙﺮﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺱ ﻫﺎﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗــﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺮﻡﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 61‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﻟﻰﺍﻻﻣﺮ« ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﻖ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ)ﺹ( ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺠﺮﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭ ﺍﻧــﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﺼﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻋﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﷲ ﻫﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ؛ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮﻡ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻱ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ)ﻉ( ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ(ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻧﻰ ﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺗ ِﻜﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﺘﺒﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺳــﻠﻜﻢ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻡ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻇﻠﻢﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫)ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ( ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ )ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ( ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺣﻨﻔﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻨﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﻉ( ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨــﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺘﺒﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺨﺬ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﻜــﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺯﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻴﻔﺎ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺭﺧﺼﻪ ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﻬــﻢ ﻓﺎﺿﺮﺏ ﻋﻨﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺚ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﻪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻰﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺑﻦﺯﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻦ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ( ﻣﻦ ﻳﺸﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺳﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺷﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻣﻪ؛ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺭﺏ ﺧﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﺳــﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺭﺏ ﻣُﺴْ ﻜِﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻓﺎﺳﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﺍ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻻﻣﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻉ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﺫﻳﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺷــﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻤﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺎ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺋﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﺟﻞ ﻓﺎﺳﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﺮ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﺮﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻦ ﻟﻠﻔﺴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻠﻰ ﻻ ﻳﺒﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠــﻪ؛ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻣﻼﺋﻜﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻓﺎﺳﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﺑﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺟﺎﻥ )ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ( ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻓﺴﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺴــﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﺑﺨﻮﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻓﺴــﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺠﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟــﺐ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺣﻨﻈﻠﻪ ﻏﺴﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺋﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ )ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ( ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺮﺟﻨﺎ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻔﻨﺎ ﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺠﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴــﻤﺎء ﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺟﻞ ﻳﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻭﻻﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺧﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺸﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺪﻉ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﻩ؛ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﺒﺎﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺏ ﺧﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻙﺍﻟﺼﻼﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺞ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ( ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻻ ﻭ ﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻻء ﻗﺪ ﻟﺰﻣﻮﺍ ﻃﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﻟﺸــﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻮﺍ ﻃﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺮﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻄﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺄﺛﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻰء ﻭ ﺍﺣﻠﻮﺍ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻇﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﻮﺍ ﺣﻼﻟﻪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻼﺯﻡ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﻭ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺤﺼﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣــﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻧــﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻈﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺨﻔﻰ ﻓﻴﺤﺼﻞ ﺣﻼﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻰ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺳــﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﻜﺎﻑ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻗﺒﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﻤﻌﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪»:‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺗﻪ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻰ ﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ(ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻻ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ(ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺮ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺧــﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ )ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﺺ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺑﻦﺯﺑﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺯﻳﺪ ﺑﻦﻋﻠــﻰ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻬﻴــﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ( ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺰﻳــﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‪:‬ﺍﻭﻻ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺸــﺮ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺤﺼﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻞ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺸــﺮ ﺑﺨﺮﻭﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺳــﺒﺒﺎ ﺷــ ٍﺮ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻻﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻤﺎ ﺍﻭﺟــﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻦ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺠﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺷﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺮ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤــﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺁﻝﺍﺑﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺁﻝ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻔﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﻟــﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻓﻰ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻪ ﻻ ﻓﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﻻ ﻓﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻰ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻬــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﺤﺼﻞ ﻟﻮ ﻗﻌﺪ ﻓﻰ ﺑﻠﺪﻩ؛ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ )ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ(‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ)ﺹ( ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻼ ﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﻛﺜﺎ ﻟﻌﻬﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎ ﺳــﻨﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺣﺞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻻﺛﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻐﻴــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻻ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻥ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﻣﺪﺧﻠﻪ؛ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ )ﺹ( ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺘﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻼﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻬﺪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻨﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻻ ﺗﺤﺴــﺒﻦ)ﻻ ﺍﺑﺎ ﻟﻚ( ﻧﺴــﻴﺖ ﻗﺘﻠﻚ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻖ ﻋﻘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺷﻴﺎء ﻓﻠﺴﺖ ٍ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻟﺘﻐﺘﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺎﺷــﺨﺼﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻡﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻓﻪ ﺛﻢ ﺍﻧﻚ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻧﻪ )ﻋﺒﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ( ﺍﻥ ﻳﺴــﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻄﺎﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻟﺤﺎﺡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻘﺘﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﺐ؛ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﻦ )ﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﭘﺪﺭ( ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﷲ ﻟﺌﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﺒﺮ ﺍﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﷲ ﻟﻮ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻓﻰ ﺣﺠﺮ ﻫﺎﻗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﺍﻡ ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺮﺟﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻀﻮﺍ ﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﷲ ﻟﻴﻌﺘﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ )ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ( ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝﺍﻣﺎﻡﺭﺍﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻭﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪»:‬ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﺍﻥ ﻻ ﻳﺨﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺻﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺘﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻮﻥ ﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ﻳﺎﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻼﺡ ﻻ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺴــﺎﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺟﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ(ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻧﻰ ﻟﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﺷﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﺑﻄﺮﺍ ﻭﻻ ﻣﻔﺴــﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ﺧﺮﺟﺖ ﻟﻄﻠــﺐ ﺍﻻﺻﻼﺡ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻳــﺪ ﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻬﻰ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻰ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻰﻃﺎﻟﺐ؛ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻤﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻢ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﻡ )ﺭﺳــﻮﻝﺍﷲ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺟــﺪﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻦﺍﺑﻰﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﻉ( ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﻮﻛﻢ ﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﻪ ﻧﺒﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴــﻨﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺘﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻋﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺣﻴﻴﺖ؛ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ(ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﻱ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬؟؟؟؟؟؟ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻴﺎﻡ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻳـﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳـﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷـﻜﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳــﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺋﻤــﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫»ﻭﺳﺎﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺋﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻐﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﻪ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻣﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻳــﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺸــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﺯﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳـﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻭﺷــﺎﻭﺭﻫﻢ ﻓــﻲ ﺍﻻﻣﺮ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺭﻛﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸـﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴـﻢ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻣﺴــﺒﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 61‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻛــﺮﻡ )ﺹ( ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻛــﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺴــﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﺏﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻥﺑﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻋﺸــﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺬﺍﺫﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻣﻊ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻘﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﻔﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻬﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻬــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﻠﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 72‬ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺑﻦﺳﻌﺪ ‪30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ‪ 30‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ)ﺹ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃــﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ!‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ)ﺹ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻧـﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴـﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ؛ ﺑﻠﻪ!‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‪ 61‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒــﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ!‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻒ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻜﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳـﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺎﻃﻦﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟـﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷـﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳـﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺗﺸـﻴﻊ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻌﺘﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴـﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷـﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﺳــﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕﺍﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺷـﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﻠﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺫﺑﻴﺢﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺤﻄـﺎﻁ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻛﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻼﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻓﻴﺾﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴـﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸـﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷـﻴﺦ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﺾ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻴﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﺾ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺠﻪﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎء ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﺾ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻢﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷــﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ! ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻔﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ! ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺎﻗﺘﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﭘــﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﺷــﻔﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺴــﻚ ﻣﻲﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻣﺦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﻓﻴﺾ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﺏ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺫﻭﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﻓﻴﺾ ﻛﺎﺷـﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻓﻴﺾﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﺾ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷـﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺤﻲﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ! ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻔﻠﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟــﺐ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻭﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻥﺷﺎء ﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ! ﺳـﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺳـﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ(‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ‪107‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﷲ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻻﻳﺼﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﻀﺎﺭﻉ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺎﻣﻊ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻌﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣـﺼـﺎﻧـﻌـﻪ ﻫـﻨـﻮﺯ ﻧـﺘـﻮﺍﻧـﺴـــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳـﺎﺯﺷـﻜـﺎﺭﻯ ﻳـﺎ ﻣـﻼﺣﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻌﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣـﺼـﺎﻧـﻌـﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻨـﻬـﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧـﮕـﺎﻩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻋـﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﭘـﻴـﺸـﻨـﻬـﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛـﻮﺗـﺎﻩ ﺁﻣـﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺣـﺘـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻨـﻜـﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻟﻐﺖ »ﺍﺩﻫﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ »ﻣﺪﺍﻫﻨﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﻳﺎ »ﻣﺎﺳﺖﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟـﺎﻯ ﺍﻳـﻨـﻜـﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪﻃـﻮﺭ ﺟـﺪﻯ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗـﺮﺁﻥ ﻣـﻰﻓـﺮﻣـﺎﻳـﺪ ﻛـﻔـﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺳـــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺗـﻮ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﻫﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻫﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺭﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻰﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻔﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺪﻩ ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻛﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺻﻔﻴﻦ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﻔﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤــﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺴﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤــﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺧﻠﻂ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ . .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭼﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠــﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﻪﺍﻟﻮﺩﺍﻉ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻋﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺮﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻮﺝ ﻓﻮﺝ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻗﻴـﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺿﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﻖ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺴــﻖ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺻﻒ ﺣﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺫﻭﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ! ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻟــﺬﺍﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻠﺤﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺣﺴﺐ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻲ ﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﺷﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻻ ﺑﻄﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻻﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻻﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﻤﺎ ﺧﺮﺟﺖ ﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻻﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻣﺔ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻬﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﺳــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻲ«‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗــﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪» .‬ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﻪ ﻻﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮﻯ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻻﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷـﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻـﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻭﺳـﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﺧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻮﺝ ﻓﻮﺝ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻟﻮﻻ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺔ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﺧــﺬ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻈﺔ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﻻ ﺳﻐﺐ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺖ ﺣﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺎﺭﺑﻬﺎ«؛‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻌﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻢﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻮﻻ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ‪ ....‬ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﺾﺍﻟﺪﻣﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺬﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻌﺪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻡ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺘﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻨﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻂﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺑﻴﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺍﺵ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺒﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺏ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖﺣﻘﻰﻗﻴﺎﻡﻛﻨﺪﺗﺎﭼﻬﺮﻩﺑﺎﻃﻞﺭﻭﺷﻦﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺗﻀﺎﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺑﺮﺧﻰﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕﺑﺎﻳﺪﻛﺎﺭﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻳﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺯﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪﻭﻳﺰﻳﺪﻭﺍﺳﻼﻡﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺁﻧﻬﺎﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥﻳﻚﻓﺮﺩﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﺯﻥﻭﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥﺑﻪﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻡ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺋﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﻓﻘﻂﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﺟﻪﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻗﻠﻴﻠﻰﺑﻪﻣﺼﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺭﺯﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺭﺽ«‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻭﺩﺭﺗﻤﺎﻡﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥﻭﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺍﻳﻦﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﻳﻚﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺯﺍﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻗﻴﺎﻡﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻭﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺋﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﺯﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳـﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺋﻤـﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻫﻤﭽـﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸـﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗـﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻳﻪ ﻣﺸـﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻭﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻲﺍﻻﻣﺮ ﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻨﺪﺧﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺕ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺷﺖﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻼﻃﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻄﻮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻛﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺴــﻂ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺣﺞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻴﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫)ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ( ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺒــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺧــﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳــﻦ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻢﻭﻏﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓــﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﻤـﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸـﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠــﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺎﺭﻉ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻩﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺣﺴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺷــﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤــﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺥ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ »ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﻬﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺟﺮ ﻫﻼﻙ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ » :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪ ﺣﺴﻨﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﮔﺎﻩﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻥ ﻳﺒﺪﺍ ﺑﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻣّﺎﻣﻦ« ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 1400‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ«‪» ،‬ﭼﻴﺮﻩﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺶ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﮔﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲﺑﺎﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻫﻤﻪﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﻣﺎﻛﺴﻲﻛﻪﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ 1400‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽﻓﺮﺽﻛﻨﻴﻢﻳﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺍﻳﻦﻛﺴﻲﻛﻪﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺵ ﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺑﻪﺭﻭﺡﺣﺎﻛﻢﺑﺮﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﺯﻗﺮﺁﻥﻭﺳﻴﺮﻩﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﭽـﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ)ﻉ( ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺁﻥﭘﮋﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻤﻜـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺤﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﷲﺍﷲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪﻛﻪﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳـﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺷـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ‪،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ ﻇﻠﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻼﻕ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻻﺳــﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻻﺳــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺷﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻻﺳﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺑﻴﻌــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋــﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻔﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﻜﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﻼ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺶ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ‪،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﻧﺮﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻱ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺷــﺎﺭﻉ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺠــﻮﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ ﻋﺜﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣــﺪﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻔﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺎﺏ »ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ« ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻋﺮﻑ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨـﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ ﻣـﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺳـﻴﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )ﻉ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ )ﻉ( ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ)ﻉ( ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﺵ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺞ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻠﺰﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺰﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎء ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺯﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﻠﻘﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻡ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺼﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺐ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻌﺜﺖ ﻻﺗﻤﻢ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻻﺧﻼﻕ« ﻣﺒﻌﻮﺙ ﺷﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﻡ‪ ،‬ﻻﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻌﻮﺙ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ ﻳﻚ »ﺑﻌﺜﺖ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﺜﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻨﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻬﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺴــﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﺒﻌﻮﺙ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻨﻴﻔﻴﻪ ﺳــﻬﻠﻪ ﺳــﻤﺤﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺵﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺕ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺕ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻚﺍﺷــﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩﺕ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﺴﺐ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻜﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚﺍﺷﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﻗﻠﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻘﻴﻔﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻏﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﺸــﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﻠﻮﻍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴـﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ‪.‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ ‪.‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻨـﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻜﺶ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻜﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺗﺸـﺨﻴﺺ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺷﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﻉ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻟﻨﮕﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﻘﻔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻴـﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺰﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ – ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 352‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺫﺑﺢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻨﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻼﺱ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﺪﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻮﺣﻪﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪).‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﻓﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻣﻢ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ )ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺣﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﻮگ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻋﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ )ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﻳﺐ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻰﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻐﻮﻻﻥ ﺿﺪﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﺸﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ )ﻉ( ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻫﻢﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻼﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﻔﻰ ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻖ )ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴــﻨﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴــﻨﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪) «.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺷﻴﺴــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ(‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺎﺷــﻔﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ«ﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ‪» ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﻭ ﺑﻼ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﻼ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳــﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺞ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺿﻪ« ﺧــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺐﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺛﺎﻱ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺸــﻢ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻤﺒﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞﻛﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻞﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﺯﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻎﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻎﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻤﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞﻛﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ‪ mysters, miracles ,passions‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺴــﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻫﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧــﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ )ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻜﺎﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ )ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻳﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻕ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ )ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ( ﻳﺎ ﺳﻜﻮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺗﻜﺎﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻃﺎﻕﻧﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻕﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻒ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﻳﺎ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺞﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻮﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪30-40‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ )ﻋﻠــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻞ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴــﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻼﺏ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻳﺎ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺬﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺸــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻌﺎﻡ ﻧﺬﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺎﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖﻭﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰﺗﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋــﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻋﻆ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣــﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﻰﺗﻜﻠﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺎژ ﻣﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻭﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻭﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﭼﺨﻤﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﻠﺮﺑﻴﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛــﺮﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻔــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺣﺼﻴﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖﻭﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰﺗﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻧــﻮﺍﻉ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎپ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺳــﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎء ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻭﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺰﺍﻕﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻋــﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩﺩﻳﮕﺮﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴــﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ‪ 3‬ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻭ ‪25‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﺴﻠﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺍﺭگ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋــﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻰ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺣﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻧﻮﺣﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺣﻪ »ﺍﻱﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻏﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ« ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻱ ﻟﺸــﮕﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻡ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫــﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻐﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺁﻫﻨﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﺣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻧﻮﺣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﮔــﻮﺵ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺯﻡ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﻲﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 77‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻜﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﭽﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺪ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻫﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺳﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1361‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﺍﻻﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻱ ‪ 5‬ﺷــﻠﻤﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 65‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 74‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻡﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺣــﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ«‪.‬ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﻏﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﻼﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲﺍﺵ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻠﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﻼﻟﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥﻭﺭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﺿﻞﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ »ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻒ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻞ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻙ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﻯ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺷﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﺪ«‪.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﭽﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﻻﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻻ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﻈﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻬﻮ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻟﻬﻮ ﻭ ﻟﻌﺐ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻛﻴﻬــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣــﺪﺡ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮ »ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﺮ« ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻏﺎﺿﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻞ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺘﺶ ﻣﺎﻭﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 500‬ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 500‬ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ( ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥﻣﻰﺟﻮﺷﺪﻭﺑﺎﻻﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪﻭﮔﻮﺩﺍﻝﻭﺻﺤﺮﺍﻭﺯﻣﻴﻦﻭﺯﻣﺎﻥﺭﺍﭘﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺧﻮﻥﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺯﭼﻨﻴﻦﺭﻭﺯﻯﺷﺮﻭﻉﺑﻪﺟﺎﺭﻯﺷﺪﻥﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻔﺲﻫﻤﻪﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥﺭﺍﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺧﻮﻧﻰﻛﻪﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﺣﻖﻭﺣﻖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰﺭﺍﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻯﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻓﻘﻂﺍﻣﺎﻡﺳﺠﺎﺩ)ﻉ( ﻭﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ(ﺑﺎﻳﺪﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺭﺍﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺗﺎﺭﻭﺯﻇﻬﻮﺭﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖﺧﻮﻥﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﺧﻮﻥﺣﻖﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻪ ‪ :‬ﺳﻘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺶ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻰ ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺪّ ﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﻛﺮّﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﭗ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ )ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻨﻪ (ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺮ)ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﻌﻨﻪ (‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪ)ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﻌﻨﻪ (‪.‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺠﺮ)ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻨﻪ (ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪1000‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪500‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻗﻴﻦ ‪.‬ﻗﻠﺐ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﻉ( ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺴﺮﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻝ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻠﮕﺎﻩ‪:‬ﺭﺍﻭﻯﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻏﺒﺎﺭﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯﻛﻪﺳﻴﺎﻩﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚﺑﻮﺩﺑﻪﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖﻭﺩﺭﺁﻥﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺩﺳﺮﺧﻰﻭﺯﻳﺪﻥﮔﺮﻓﺖﻛﻪﭼﺸﻢﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺟﺎﻳﻰﺭﺍﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮﺩﺷﻤﻦﮔﻤﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﻋﺬﺍﺏﺧﺪﺍﺑﺮﺁﻧﺎﻥﻧﺎﺯﻝ‬ ‫)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪«..‬ﻧﻮﻩﺭﺳﻮﻝﺧﺪﺍ‪،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﻭﺍﻡﺍﺑﻴﻬﺎ)ﺱ(ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺩﺍﻝﻗﺘﻠﮕﺎﻩﺑﻪﺧﻮﻥﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﺳﺮﺩﺭﺑﺪﻥﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻤﻪﮔﺎﻩ‪:‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ﻛﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ‪،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ) ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯﺷﻬﺎﺩﺗﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ(‪ :‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ‪ 72‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 146‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 113‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 113‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 72‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ 72‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ )ﺱ( ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻫﻼﻟﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿـﺎ ﻫﻼﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻫﻼﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻱﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻃﺮﻓﻲﺩﻳﮕﺮﺟﺪﺍﻱﺍﺯﺑﺮﺧﻲﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﻫﻢﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ؛ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱﺑﺎﻧﻴﺖﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﻭﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺑﻪﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﻭﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﻃﻴﻒﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺍﺯﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﺵﺟﺬﺏﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﻟﻲﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱﺳﻠﺒﻲﻭﻏﻴﺮﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻥﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺣـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟــﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻋﻆ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺒﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻥ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭﻋﻆ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴــﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﺒﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺷﺄﻧﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻻ ﺍﻟﺤﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻐﺾ« ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ )ﺑﻌﻀﺎ( ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺒﻚﻫﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﺳﺎﺯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﺒﻚﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚﺳــﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻌﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍﺳﺎﻳﺖﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯﻛﻪﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮﻋﻠﻲﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺑﻪﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺭﻫﭙﻮﻳﺎﻥﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺍﺳﺖﻣﺪﻋﻲﺷﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺳﺎﺑﻖﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥﻃﻰﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯﺑﻪﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺯﺑﺮﺧﻰﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﻭﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰﻭﺑﺮﺧﻰﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓــﻮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧــﻲ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻴﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟــﻮگ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺟﺪﺍﻳــﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻮءﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﺸﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 68/1/6‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺣﺠﺘﻲ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﺧﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﮕــﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ؛ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ؛ﻛﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻲ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ؛ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻏﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 87‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1301‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻣﺴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 19‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1340‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﻋﺸــﻰ ﻧﺠﻔــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻋﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1345‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺮﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ)ﺱ( ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1354‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻘﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺴــﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺟﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺧﺮﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺧﻤﺲ« ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ »ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ« ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻃﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻻﻫﻮﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺟﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1357‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 1349‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻗﻢ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻡﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻘﺪﺭ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ«‪»،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞﻋﻤﺮﻣﻦ«‪»،‬ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«ﻭ»ﺑﺮﺝﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﺲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒــﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1357‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰﺩﺭﻧﻮﻓﻞﻟﻮﺷﺎﺗﻮﺩﺭﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻃﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﺒﺲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺷــﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1353‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ‪ 1357‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧــﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺴﻂﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻓــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ )ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﻘﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻘﺰ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 28‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‪-‬ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫)ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ( ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺿﺮﺑــﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺳﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻼﺟﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻔﺎﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﻭ »ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﻤﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ( ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺾﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻓﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻈﻤﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎﺻﺮﻗﻮﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ‪45‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻜﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪7 ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻯ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺑﻰﺑﺪﻳﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺽ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻤﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻭﺭ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯﻣﺘﻬﻢﺑﻪﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﻭﻯﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻧﻴﺰﺩﻓﺘﺮﺍﻳﻦﻣﺮﺟﻊﻋﺎﻟﻴﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺃﻓﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺮﺟــﻊ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪﻭ ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺼــﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧــﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻔﻴﺾ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ »ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ«‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ »ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﭼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1367‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻰ ﭘﺮ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻋﺎً ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ؛ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳﭙﺎﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﻑ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻋﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻠﻘﻮﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺪﺍ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻌﺮ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﻧﺴــﻮﺯﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻤﻜﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﷲ ﻗﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜــﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﷲ ﻗﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﷲ ﻗﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻰ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻬــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣــﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ؛ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻌﻒ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﭽﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪68 / 1 / 6‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﺪﻇﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻣﻪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 68/1/6‬ﻭﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺭﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻣﺂﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻛﺎﺫﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺗﻪ‬ ‫‪ - 68 / 1 / 7‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺎﺿﺎﺗﻪ ‪ -‬ﺑــﺎ ﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻼﺏ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎءﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ‬ ‫‪68 / 1 / 8‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﻯﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻋــﺰﻝ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 68/1/6‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻭﺍﷲ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ «...‬ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 1379/9/6‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﺯﻳﻨﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫)‪ ،(1364/4/25‬ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﺘﺒﺎ )ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻰ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭼﻪ‪ !...‬ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻓﺮﻣــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ!«‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻡ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟!«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ! ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ :‬ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻜﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ؟«‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‬ ‫]ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ[‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻤﺲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻗﻨﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺕ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺻﺒﺢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺸــﺎء‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ! ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﻦ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺳﻴﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ‪ «...‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟«‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 68/1/6‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﷲ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﷲ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﷲ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻨﻰ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ‪ 68/1/8‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪...‬؛‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﻣُﺼِ ﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ« ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«!...‬‬ ‫ﺷــﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ!«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻟﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼء‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ »ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻰ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺞ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ » ﻧﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﭙﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻳــﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 72‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﭘﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺻﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳــﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻐﻪ ﻗﻴﭽﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﻗــﻮﻯ ﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺿﻴــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺿــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ‪ 9‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻘﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﺣﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺠﻴﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﺮﺗﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻧﺸــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺳــﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ....‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ....‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗــﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺷــﺐ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻨﻰ ﻛﭙﻚﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ -‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﻓﻮﺋﻨﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺐ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚﺗﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺤﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻧﺴــﺘﻮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻝﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻌﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ« ﺩﻫﻦﻛﺠﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ؛ ﺑﻰﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ« ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺋﻴﺐ ﺑﻪﺷﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﺕِ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺋﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻢﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 600‬ﺳــﻮءﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1492‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻒ ﻛﻠﻤﺐ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 1511‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰِ ﻛﻞ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻮﺭﻳﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ )‪ 22‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ (1898‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻛﺸﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺸــﻜﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 1817‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ )ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﻛﺸــﺖ ﻧﻴﺸــﻜﺮ( ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 21‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 1901‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1943‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻐﻰ ﺷــﺪ( ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ »ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ« ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 1902‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،1934‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥِ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1906‬ﻭ ‪ ،1909‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﺋﻞ ﮔﻮﻣﺰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1906‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1917‬ﻭ ‪ 1919‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻮﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻨﻮﻛﻞ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ژﺭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﭼﺎﺩﻭ ﺍﻯﻣﻮﺭﺍﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪1925‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 1933‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻴﺴﺘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﻴﺴﺘﺎ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1959‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫)ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ (1952‬ﺑﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫»ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪98‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1990‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1927‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰِ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻴﺎﮔﻮ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻴﺎﮔﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1941‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1945‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻳﺴﻮﻋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪،1952‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﻮﻟﺨﻨﺴﻴﻮ ﺑﺎﺗﻴﺴﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 26‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1953‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻧــﻜﺎﺩﺍ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1956‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 82‬ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺭﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺗﻴﺴﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﺋﻮﻝ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﻴﺮﺍﻣﺎﺋﺴــﺘﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻴﺎﮔﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴــﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺗﻴﺴﺘﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1958‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻴﺴــﺘﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻴﺴﺘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ‪ 26‬ﺟﻮﻻﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ »ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺎﻛﻼﺭﺍ« ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺗﻴﺴــﺘﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﻴﺴﺘﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺑــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺍﻭﺯﻭﺗﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪17‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ ،1959‬ﺍﺳﻮﺍﻟﺪﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﻴﻜﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺯﺍﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺿــﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ؛ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40/5‬ﻫﻜﺘــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪،1963‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1963‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻳﺴــﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺭﻧﺴﺘﻮ ﭼﻪﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺧﻠﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ‪ 26‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1961‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ )‪ .(S.R.U.P‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ )ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ (1965‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ )‪ (C.C.P‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮ »ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻯ« ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ )ﺩﺭ ‪ ،1965‬ﺍﺯ ‪8033‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫‪300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻮﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺮگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺑﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻪﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺒﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ »ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ« ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﺧﻮﻙﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 1961‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﺧﻮﻙﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ،1962‬ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ )ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺒــﺮ ‪ .(1962‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌــﺪ ‪ 28-‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‪ -‬ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ،1962‬ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،90‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ »ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﺭﻳﺴﻢ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﺶ ﺑــﻪ »ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ«‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺌﻴﺰﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ‪ 240‬ﻧﻔﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ »ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺳﻮﺗﻮ ﺩﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ -‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺑﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﭘﺲﺍﺯ‪70‬ﺳﺎﻝﺍﺯﻏﺮﺏﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲﺑﻮﺩﺗﺎﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻧﺎﺷﻲﺍﺯﺣﻀﻮﺭﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺩﻭﻡﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍﺍﺟﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲﺍﺳﺖﺟﻬﺖﻃﺮﺡﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﻃﺮﺡﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕﺑﺮﺍﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1318‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔــﻮﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪1320‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 3‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻭ ‪-‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣــﺪﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ )ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ( ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﭽﺎﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 1907‬ﻭ ‪ 1915‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1320‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳــﻪﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺁﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻛﻴﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬــﺪ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻤﺐﺍﻓﻜﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻗﺤﻄﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1320‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﭼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴــﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 1323‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴــﻠﻄﻨﻪ ‪ -‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 1325‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 7‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬‫ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺤــﺎﺏ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ )ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ( ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﺮﭼﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ‪10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ؛ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻣــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷــﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1320‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻨﺎﺑﻬــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ )ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ( ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻜﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ ﭘﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺟﺰ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺤﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡﻛﺸــﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻮء‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤـﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳـﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺭﻓﺘـﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴـﻲ ﺧﺒـﺮﻱ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒـﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪100‬ﻧﻔـﺮ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳـﺎﻗﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫـﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﺮﭼﻴـﻞ‪ .‬ﻻﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴـﺖ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ( ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴـﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳـﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ؟!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺳـﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴـﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ!« ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺷـﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳـﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﭘـﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬـﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴـﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺻـﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸـﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠـﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺸـﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺳـﺎﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1943‬ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺧﻄــﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟــﻼﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﺭﺳﻤﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻛﻰﻛﻪﻣﺎﺑﺎﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺷﺎﻳﺪﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦﻟﻄﻤﻪﺭﺍﺑﻪﻣﺎﺯﺩﻭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻤﺐﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥﻛﺮﺩﻭﺣﺘﻰﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﻫﻢﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺑﻪﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺗﺼﻮﺭﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺁﻗﺎﻯﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﺮﺡﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻳﻚﻣﻮﺝﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﻠـﻰ ﺷـﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠـﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩﻫﻠﻨﺪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﺷﺪﺑﻪﻟﻨﺪﻥﻓﺮﺍﺭﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻃﺮﺡﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﺍﻣﺎﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10-20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 200‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺘﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ‪ 70‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫‪ 14/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﺼﺎﻯ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟـﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋـﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳـﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳـﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔـﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴـﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1320‬ﻧﻘﺾ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺭﻳﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﻻﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ‪» ،‬ﺷﺘﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ – ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻛــﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺡ ﻛﻔﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﻤـﻼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫـﺎ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺗﻤﻠﻴﻚ ‪1945 -‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺑﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﺴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻴﻨــﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ‪ 598‬ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣـﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻮﺿـﻊ ﺣﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳـﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻠﻘﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺳــﺎﻯ ‪1919‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ‪ 17‬ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻗﻔﻘــﺎﺯ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ ﺣﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ – ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻮﺳﻮﻳﭻ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻭﺟﺎﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺎﻻﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﺒﺪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺴﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻯ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﻯﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﺷــﻴﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﻮﻯﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺴﻜﻰ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗــﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺳﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻴﻪ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴـﻢ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺧﺴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﭼـﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻃﺮﻑﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺹ – ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ – ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻬﻤــﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻮﺍﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﺄﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺋﺰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﭗ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ – ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﺷــﺪﻥﻧﺸــﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺳـﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠـﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻳـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴـﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺩﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦﺑﻪﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕﺍﺯﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﭘﺲﺍﺯﺟﻨﮓﭼﻪﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺳــﻬﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺩﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓــﻰ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ – ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺪﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﻳﻚﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻘﻮﻕ ‪ 598‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺟﺤــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑــﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺸــﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﻓﺎﻳﻖ ﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳـﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺿــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻜﻨﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ‪700‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻧﻔﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺷــﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺯﻧﮓ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫـﺎ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠـﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳـﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 120‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺸـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 44‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺐﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻳﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﺗﻮﺳﻂﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕﻣﺴﺠﺪﻋﻤﻴﺮﻭﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻜﻪﺩﺭﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻟﻄﻠﺢﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪﺭﺍﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯﺿﺤﻴﺎﻥﻭﺳﺎﻗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 13‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺑـﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴـﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺑﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻣﻴـﺢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺣﻴـﻂ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﺡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤـﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻔـﺖ ﻭ ﮔـﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠـﺚ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺏﺍﻟﻤﻨﺪﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻼء ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤــﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،2001‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳـﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺣﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜــﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺒﻪﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻣﺬﻫﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻣﺬﻫﺐﻫﺎ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖﻫﺮﭼﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦﺗﻜﻴﻪﺯﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﺁﻏﺎﺯﺍﻳﻦﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﻛﻪﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺻﺎﻟﺢﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻜﻮﺕﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻣﻄﻤﺢﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪NGO‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺿﻠﻊ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؟ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 1962‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﺍﺋﻴﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘــﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺖ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪:‬ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﺑﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻳﻪﺣﻤﻼﺕﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺍﺯﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻯﺟﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮﺩﺭﺧﻠﻴﺞﻋﺪﻥﻭﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﻨﺪﺑﻪﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﻭﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖﺻﻌﺪﻩﻭﻣﻼﺣﻴﻆﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥﺧﻠﻴﺠﻰﺩﺭﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺣﻮﺯﻩﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭﻛﻮﻳﺖﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﺯﺗﺤﻮﻝﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓﻋﻠﻴﻪﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎﺑﻪﺟﻨﮓﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺟﺪﻳﺪﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺛﻘﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﺑﻪﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﻘﺮﻫﺎﻯﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ 120‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ 44‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻓﺠﻴﻌﻰﺭﺍﺩﺭﺣﻤﻠﻪﺑﻪﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﻘﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐﺷﺪﻧﺪﻭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﺯﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﺯﺩﻭﻟﺖﻳﻤﻦﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪﺑﻪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺁﻧﭽﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥﺭﺥﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪﻭﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡﻳﻤﻨﻰﻫﺎﺗﻮﺳﻂﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻋﻤﻞﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﺩﺭﺣﻤﻼﺕﺧﻮﺩﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﺩﻭﻣﺴﺠﺪﻋﻤﻴﺮﻭﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻜﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻃﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺿﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻗﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻠﻴﺠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓﻋﻠﻴﻪﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥﺑﻪﻭﺭﻭﺩﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵﺑﻪﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺸــﻮﺩﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﺠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﺣﻤﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻦﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺑﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 38‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ‪ 117‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻄﺮ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﺠﻴﻌﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2010‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤــﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻋــﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻋﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻃﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑــﺎ ‪ 2004‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻃﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 1388/5/20‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،83‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪) 1962‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ( ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺏﺍﻟﻤﻨﺪﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺏﺍﻟﻤﻨﺪﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺏﺍﻟﻤﻨﺪﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 120‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮگﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻭ ﻳﻮﺍﺱﻛﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ‪ 17‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼــﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ؛ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬــﺎگ ﺩﺭﺧﺼــﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫــﻮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 7‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 18‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2009‬‬ ‫)‪ 16‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 26‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ (88‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 192‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 113‬ﺗﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺁﻡﺍﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﻲﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 18‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻬــﺪﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﻛﻴﻮﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞﮔــﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟــﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2009‬‬ ‫)‪ (88/9/19‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ‪ -‬ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ (88/9/4) 2009‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴــﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟــﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟــﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﺧــﺮ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 192‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ -‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺭﺍﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬ﭼﻴﻦﺭﺍﺿﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺭﻧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ )‪ (Earth of Frienols‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳــﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻦﭘﺎﺋﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﭙﻨﻬــﺎگ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﺎﺳــﻨﺞ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺒﻮﺽ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻫــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓــﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓــﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﺽ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺾﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ‪ -‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻀﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 82‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﭘﺎﻳــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 3‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 89‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻘﻔﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﭙﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳــﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻀﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 90‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ‪،44‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻀﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 42/57‬ﺑﻪ‪ 44/7‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻮﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻓﻴﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻼ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻟــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗــﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳــﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺳــﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓــﺎ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺳــﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 34‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 24‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺭژ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ‪ 87‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﺭژ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 27‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺳﻲﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪22‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 660‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ‪CALLWAITING‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ‪FORWARD DIVART/ CALL‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ‪CALL BARRING‬‬ ‫‪ 6000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪CLIP‬‬ ‫‪ 5000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮ )ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ( ‪CLIR‬‬ ‫‪ 18000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻛﺲ‪FAX‬‬ ‫‪ 50000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺘﺎ ‪DATA‬‬ ‫‪ 50000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ‪CALL CONFRANCE‬‬ ‫‪ 18000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪ 70000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻞ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪ 70000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ )ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻗﺘﻲ(‬ ‫‪ 20000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫‪ 100000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫‪ 50000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ) ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ(‬ ‫‪ 20000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺳﻴﻢﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪ 100000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ )ﺷﺨﺼﻲ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﺽ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨــﻚ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻓﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞﮔــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﺨﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻭﺭﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﻮﺍﻉ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ )ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻳــﺎ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﻔﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﻖ ﻓﺮﻛﺎﻧﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺭژ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔــﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻯ‪.‬ﺳــﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﺑــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻰﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﺁﻯ‪.‬ﺳﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻯ‪.‬ﺳــﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻘﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺳــﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓــﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻞﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﺻﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻮﺽ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺋﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺘﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ‪.‬ﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺁﻧﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻌﺸــﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﻳﻚﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴــﻼﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺯﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺘﻦﺩﻫﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮء ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻯ‪.‬ﺳﻰ‪.‬ﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺍﺧﻴﺮﺣﺮﻑﻭﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 83‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫـﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴـﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻀﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴـﺮﺍ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻗﺒﺾ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺑـﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔـﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑــﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭژﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴــﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺁﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣــﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺘﻰ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻓﺴــﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺼﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺵ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺗــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻔﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺳﻨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﺼﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺸــﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﭙﺎﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﻔﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺮﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺜﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻳﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻛﺴﺎﻳﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 86‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻳﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕــﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺮﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺁﻻﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻰﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻣﺼﺮﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﻣﺼﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺮﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﺷﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺼﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻨﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺕ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻭﻩ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 3‬ﻭ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺕ ‪ 5‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺕ ‪ 6‬ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺕ ‪ 7‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺕ ‪ 4‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺕ ‪ 9‬ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻝﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ‪ 10‬ﻭ ‪ 11‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺑﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫‪ 1386‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴــﻼﺩﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺼﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﮔﺎﺯﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺪﻑﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﮔﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻳﻊﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺴﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗــﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺑﻦﺳــﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﮔﺎﺯﭘﺮﻭﻡ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ »ﻟﻮﻙ ﺍﻭﻳﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻔـﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠـﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺻـﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﮔﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺴﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺴــﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﭼﻨـﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻒ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻳﺦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘـﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ ﻧﻔـﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧـﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺷـﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺴـﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺫﺧﻴــﺮﻩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺯﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻝ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻝ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺟﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻝ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻳﺦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻝ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻝ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳـﻴﻠﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻝ ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ‪.‬ﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻳﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ‪16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ‪16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷــﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺼﻰﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺁپ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻬﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ‪ 10/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﭘﺮﺷﻴﻦ ﺍﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻲ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻞ ﻭ ﺭﭘﺴــﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 16/2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ 50 .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﻰﻣﺘﺤــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴــﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺍﻣﻀــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫‪ Operation agreement‬ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ‪ Allocation agreement‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴــﻮﻱ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﻛﻮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ‪ 36‬ﺍﻳﻨﭻ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻂ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﻜﻌﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺟﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ« ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﻋﺒﻴــﺪﻩ ﺑﻦ ﺛﻘﻔﻲ ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺳــﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﺨﺘــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧــﺪﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﻉ(«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(« ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﻉ(« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ )ﻉ(« ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ«‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ؛ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 81‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﻛﻮﻓــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻣﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺛﻘﻔﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 122‬ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺣﺖ ‪ 30‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1384‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻟﻒ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 500‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘــﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﻋﺒﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﻘﻔﻲ ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻟﺜﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷــﻘﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(« ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ )ﻉ(« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ‪110‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻮﺷــﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫــﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬــﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻧﻠﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻮ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﺨﻴــﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻓﺨﻴــﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻓﺨﻴــﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(«ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯﺭﻭﻯﺁﻧﺘﻦﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫»ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻋﺸــﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﺨﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ(« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺎ ‪10‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺳﺒﺰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻮﻗﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 400‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷــﻐﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 15‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 40‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ‪ 700‬ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪100‬ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ» ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ«‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ ﭘـﺮﻭژﻩ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺠـﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘـﻪ ﻧﺎﻇـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳـﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﻼﺡ ‪8‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1381‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1381‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗــﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ‪ 26‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 82‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗـﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 26‬ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺴـﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‪45‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﺍﻳﻦﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﭼﻄﻮﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺁﻳﺎﺗﻼﺷﻰﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺛﻤﺮﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦﺁﻥﺻﺮﻑﺷﺪﻩﺗﺎﺍﻻﻥﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 20‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪30‬ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻛﺎژ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﺸﺎﻝﺍﻓﻜﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺶ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﺘﻦ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﺩ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴــﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﺩ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻦﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺰﺍﻟﻮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ‪ 1387‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 25‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 61‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻱ ‪ 61‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻛﻪ » ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺐﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻋَﺸَ ﻘﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺧﺪﻳﺠﻪ)ﺱ( ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ(؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺷــﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﭘﻞ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺐﻫﺎ«ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 58‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦﺑﺨﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻦ ﭘﻮﺭﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﺁﻥﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯﺭﻭﻯﺁﻥﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺩﺍﺩﻡﻭﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯﻛﻪﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻜﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﻢﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻞﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴــﻦ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳـﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺟﺰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 72‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ‪ 46‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﺰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻘﻴﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭼﻤﺎﻕﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 36‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻭﺩﺭﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ»ﺭﻭﺯﺣﺴﻴﻦ«ﺳﻌﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺩﻫﻢﻭﺑﻪﺑﺨﺸﻲﺍﺯﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﻛﺮﺑﻼﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢﻛﻪﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﻭﺁﻥﻫﻢﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺧﺎﻧﻢﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﻦﺍﺳﺖﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺩﻛﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ« ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺸﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺩﻛﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱﺍﺯﻣﺎﺳﺎﻟﻦﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﻣﺎﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻛﺎﺭﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺩﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺳﺎﻟﻦﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﺭﻭﺩﻛﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺩﺭﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻓﺠﺮﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺁﻏﺎﺯﻛﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺑﺴﺘﻴﻢﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺭﺍﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺳﻌﻪﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻪﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﺵ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓـﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳـﺶ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻰﺍﻡ ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ »ﺳﻔﻴﺮ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫــﻢ« ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺭﺍﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻏﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﻪ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺳــﻢ ﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻱ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻴﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧﺖ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻴﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬــﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ« ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﻮﺍﻯ »ﻫﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍ ﻳﻨﺼﺮﻧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺪﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ« ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬــﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻗﻴﺲﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﺴﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺒﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻧﻤﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﭘﻴﺸــﻮﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻣﻠﻚﻣﻄﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺭﺟﻪ »ﺷــﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1368‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺳﺤﺮﺧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﺨﺶ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﺤﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﺠﻮﻣﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﺤﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻛﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻗﻠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻨﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺳــﺘﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚﺳﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ‪ /‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ /‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳــﺘﻤﻰ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻳﻜﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻮﺯﺁپﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ«‬ ‫»ﺷــﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻏﻤﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1380‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﻳــﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳــﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﻼﺣﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ – ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺵﻣﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﻃﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻩ ﺷﺐ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ »ﺗﻼﺷــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻩﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲﻫﺎ « ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪﻭﺍﺭ »ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﻗﺠﺮﻱ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻛﻼﻩﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻱ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﺮﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﻼﺣﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘــﺶ »ﻳــﺎﻭﺭ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻩﻣﺨﻤﻠــﻲ ﻗﻠﭽﻤﺎﻕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺷــﻤﺮﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻋﻘﻞﻭﺟﻨﻮﻥ« ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘــﻪ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ(« ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ« ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻪﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﻌﺬﺏ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺼﻌﺐ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻨﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺯﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻜﺎﻑ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻠﺶ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻗﺼﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﺥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧــﺖ« ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧﺖ« ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1314‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1320‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧﺖ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1334‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳـﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ»ﺷﺐﺩﻫﻢ«ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴـﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺁﺗﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧـﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓـﺮﺍ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋـﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻻﺭ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺷﺐﺩﻫﻢ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻔﺮﺩﺭﺟﻪ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﻘﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ« ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺭﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ »ﺁﻧﻴﺘﻰ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺁﻥ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸــﻌﺎﻉ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻒﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻼﻣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﻧﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺷــﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻤـﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻳـﻦ ﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ ﻣﺜﻠﺜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻗﺪﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ« ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴـﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ‪ 10‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪20‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺳــﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻭﻧﻜﻮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﻧﻜﻮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻠــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻳــﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻠﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺟﺐﭘﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﭘﺮﺗﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻭﻧﻜﻮﻭﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ »ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ« ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﻣﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻛﺴـﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﺿﻴـﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ« ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺴــﺎﻣﺒﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺭﺗﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺴــﺎﻣﺒﻞ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻤﺼﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸـﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﻧﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﻛﺴـﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﻭﺳﻠﺪﻭﺭﻑ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻛﺎﻣﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻜﻮﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺜﻤﺮﺛﻤﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣـﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻳﻚﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻴﺸــﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸـﻤﻮﻝ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻛﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪﻳﺎﺍﺛﺮﻯﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻴﺰﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﺎﺁﻥﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ﻣﺜﻼﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥﺑﻪﻛﺪﺍﻡﻳﻚﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻧﮕﺎﻩﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻑ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻭﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﻰ ﺳــﻮﺋﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻭژﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ژﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻫﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﻔﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ‪ 1850‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻤﻔﻮﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳــﻠﺪﻭﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺢﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ـ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ـ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺳﻰ ﻗﺪﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮگ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺯﺭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 61‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ـ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺳــﺒﻌﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻦﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﺎﻙ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺍﺑﻦﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻯﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ـ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻮگ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻞﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘﻞﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻘﺒﺖﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﻗﺪﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻥ ﺑﻰﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﻣﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺸــﻖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ »ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ« ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﻋﻘــﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ژﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺒﺎﺗﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻰﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺒﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻓﻮﺭﻣﻨﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋــﻮ ﺁﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺁﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺻــﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺬﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺬﻭﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﺎ ژﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺒﺎﺗﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬