ماهنامه مثلث شماره 22

‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 13/‬ﺩﻱ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ؛ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺷﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ‪ 7‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ 3 ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫‪88‬ﻣﺼـﺎﺩﻑ ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫـﻢ ﺩﻯ ﻣـﺎﻩ ‪88‬ﻣﺼـﺎﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﻜﻤﻴﻦ ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣـﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﺋﻴـﻞ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼـﻒ ﺁﺧﺮﻳـﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﺷـﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴـﻢ ﻭ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴـﺮ ﺷـﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴـﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ؛ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ »ﻫﺮﻣﻲ« ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣـﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻚﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 50‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻏﻤﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻄﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻋﻘﻼ‪14.................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‪16...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ‪18.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‪20..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‪22...................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪24...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ‪25.......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺐﻭﺟﻮﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻔﺮ‪30.....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ‪31...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪32........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪33..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪34...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪36...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪38....................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠــﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧــﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1330‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪-‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻫﻨﺮ‪54..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺷﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻤﻴﺰ‪56.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ‪58.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﻡ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺑﻢ‪59.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪60....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻑ‪62......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪64.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪65..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 370‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ‪ 9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﺴﺎﺯ‪40...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪42..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻓﻮ ﻻﺩ؛ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪44..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪45...............................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪46.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ؛ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪48................................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪50.................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ؛ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ؟‪52......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪68.......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪70.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪72..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‪74......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ!‪76............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪78.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪80. .......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺩﻳﻦﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ‪-‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺯﻫﻴﺮﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ -‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﺻﻼﺡﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩﻛﻪﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻭﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺭﺍﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮﻳﻰ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺮﻓﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪82.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ‪84..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪86........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ‪88.................................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪90.............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪91...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪92......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪94..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺩ‪95.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ‪96....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪97.......................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﻧﺼــﺮﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﺷﺐﻧﻬﻢﻣﺤﺮﻡﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸــﻬﺪﺍء« ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻳﺲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻳﻠﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻳﻠﻮﻧــﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻗﻄــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﺗﺮﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺑﻪﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢﺍﻣﺎﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﺗﻼﺵﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺗﺎﻓﻀﺎﻯﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪ 116‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺪ ﻭﺧﺸﻦ« ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺑﺎﻓﺮﺩﻯ»ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻭﺗﻨﺪﻯﺷﺪﻩﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﺑﻪﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺻﻔﺎﻳﻰﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺤــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺮﻳﺎﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖﺑﻪﺳﺮﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺪﺕﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺑﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺐ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺑﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻧــﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ »ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﻤﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ 89‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﻭﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻯﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ »ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﻩ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﺎﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻜﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺴﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺵ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺘﻨﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻭ ﻭﻳﻨﺴــﻨﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻴﻨﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﻨﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﻣﻠﻰﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﺬ ﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰﺩﺭﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊﻭﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕﻭﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪» :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﭙﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻂﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺎﺽ‪ 400‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ‪ 400‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟!«‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﺭﻙﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﺎﻡﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶﺑﻪﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﺭﻙﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯﻧﻴﻢﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﺍﺭﺿﻰﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﻭﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﻭﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰﻗﻠﻪﺍﻯﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﻮﺩﺑﻪﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻭﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻛﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﻣﺎﻣﺮﻳﺪﺭﻫﺒﺮﻳﻢﻭﺑﺎﻛﺴﻰﻫﻢﻋﻘﺪﺍﺧﻮﺕﻧﺒﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰﻫﻢﺑﺎﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺻﺤﺒﺖﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢﻭﻟﻰﺑﻪﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯﻣﺎﮔﻮﺵﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻯﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﺍﺭﺿﻰﺍﺯﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺗﺎﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺖﻛﻪﺣﺘﻰﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡﻭﺭﻭﺩﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺑﻪﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻙﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﺭﻭﻳﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺑﻪﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍ ﻻ ﺳــﻼ ﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍ ﻛﺒــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻲﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﺎﭘﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻪﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﺑﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺖ ﺷــﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﻦﻓﺮﻱﭘﺮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﺗﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﺎﭘﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﭘﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪13‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻚﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨــﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﭘــﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺴــﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫‪100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗــﻮﺩﻩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺻﻨﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺻﻨﻢ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﻳﺶ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﮔﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﻤﺤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺑﻼگ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺰﻳﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﻤﻠﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺖﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺵ ﻭ ﮔﺒﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺷــﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻛﻮﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳــﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣــﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧــﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼــﻪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ »ﻫﻤﺞﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻉ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﭽــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﻮﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﺎﺯﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳــﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺭﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ؟ ﻋﺮﺿﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﭼﺮﺧﻴــﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻻﻳﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻴﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻭﺳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﺎ؟ ﻋﺮﺿﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻰﺍﻟﻔﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻌﻰ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺻﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺒﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﻻﻧﻌﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴــﺰﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ »ﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻯ‪ /‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺣﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑــﺪﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻟﻴﺴــﺎﻧﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺮ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺗﻨﮕﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻳﻀﻢ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺞﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻫﻤﺞﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮگ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺑﻦﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﻠﻬﻠﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺣﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺴــﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻨﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻮﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻰﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ!‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﻛﺎﺭ! ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻚ ﺗﻬﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩ! ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ! ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ! ﺟﺰ ﻻﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻴــﺰﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﻠﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﭽﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺪ ﺗﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﺧﺸــﻢ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺩﻭﺯﺥ‪ «.‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻚ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﮔﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺮﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛــﻢ ﺑﺨﻨﺪﻳﺪ! ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻳﻴﺪ؟ ﻧﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺮ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ؟! ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻳﺪ! ﺳﺮ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﻴﻔﻜﻨﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ! ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻳﺪ! ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻜﺎﻓﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻴــﺪ؟ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟! ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟! ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ! ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﺷﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﭼﻜﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻨﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﭘــﺪﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﻓﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ! ﺳﺎﻟﺨﻮﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﺨﻮﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧــﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺫﻟﻴﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺑﻦﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻯ؟ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻟﻘــﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ)!( ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺵ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧــﻮﻥ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﺰ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳــﻰ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ! ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺘﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻯﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﺎﻧﻪ! ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﮔﺖ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷــﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻐﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺪﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﻲ ﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻋﺸﻘﺖ ﻣﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺷﻜﻨﺞ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺯ ﺩﻝﺭﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺰﺍﻝ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﺭﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﮔﺮ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺯﻟﺒﺖ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺯﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺯ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻫﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺳﻪﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻔﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﮕﺸﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺗﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺠﻨﺒﺪ ﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﺮﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﺯ ﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻟﻮﻟﻢ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﺩﮔﺮ ﻣﻠﻮﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻋﻪ ﻣﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺰﺩ ﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﺯﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺒﺮ ﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺭﺳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﺩﻣﻦ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻫﻮﻱ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﺰﻱ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻢ ﺭﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺟﻠﻪ ﺯ ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻗﻠﺰﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻄﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺣﺒﺎﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﻱ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺣﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﻤﻲ ﮔﺮگ ‪ -‬ﺳﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﮋﺑﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﻐﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺪﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺘﻚﻫﺎ ﺯﻏﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺍﺧﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺿﻤﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺗﻮ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺗﻮ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻲﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻱ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺷﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻜﻮﻓﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺛﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻋﺰﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻕ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮگﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﻪﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻦ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻞ ﻋﺰﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﻚ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻋﻄﺮ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺵ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻞ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻴﺨﺖ ﺩﻫﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺗﻮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺵ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻧﻔﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪﺧﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺠﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺣﻪﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻟﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻏﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺗﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺾ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﮔﻮﺋﻴﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﻮﺵ ﺍﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺁﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﻭﺍﻛﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻛﻦ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻦ! ﮔﻼﺏ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ! ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﭙﻴﺪﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺪﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻞ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺒﺮ ﺷﻮ! ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺧﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻓﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻙ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﭘﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﻘﺪﻩ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺰ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺷﻜﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻖﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﺯﻫﺮﺍ ‪ -‬ﺳﻼﻡﺍﷲﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻘﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻏﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﺴــﺘﺰﺍﺩ ﻳﻐﻤــﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺪﻗــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻧﻔﻴﺲ‬ ‫»ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻇﻬﺮ« ﺍﺛــﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺪﻗﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻤﺴﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻌﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻤــﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﭘﺮﺑﺴﺎﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻧﺦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻣﻔﻌﻮﻝ ﻣﻔﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻣﻔﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻮﻟﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺏﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻨﻄﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﻳﻐﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﺴــﺘﺰﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺶ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺛﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻋﺰﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻐﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺪﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﻮﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻮ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﺷﻤﻴﺴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ژﺭﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﻋﻘﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻚ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ )ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻨﻄﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﺸــﻲ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ( ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ »ﺩﻳﺪ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ« ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 40‬ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻝ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ »ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ« ﻛﻮﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺶ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﺰﻝ ﺷــﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺷــﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻤﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻣﻌﺸــﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺷﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻣﻔﻌــﻮﻝ ﻣﻔﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻣﻔﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻮﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﺴــﺘﺰﺍﺩ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺪﻗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﺰﺍﺩ ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻪ )ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲﺗــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ) ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻢ( ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻪ( ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻌﺪ( ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ )ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﻢ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﻮﺑﻲﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺪﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻩﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺏﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﮔﺮگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳــﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ )ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭘﺎﺭﻩ »ﺳــﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮگﻫﺎﻳﺶ« ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ(‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻲﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺬﻭﻑ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺏﻭﺑﻼ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻏﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎﻭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ« ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺰﻳــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻭﺷــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ )ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﻱ( ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳــﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺷﻜﺎﻙ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ ﻏــﺰﻝ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺷﻜﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺷﻜﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻤﻨﺎﻣﭽﻪ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻏﻼﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺷﻜﺎﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ) ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ( ﻭ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻴﭗ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺮﺍﺩﺍ ً‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ »ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ« ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﺗﻌﺰﻳــﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻨﻦ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺠﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻏﺰﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻝ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺳــﻮﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪83‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﮔﻞﺳــﺮﺥ ﺧﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫» ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ « ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 87‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻃﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺏﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﻓﺘﺤﻰﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ ،89‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻃﻰ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ )ﺳﺎﻝ ‪78‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ (88‬ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﻨﻔــﻰ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 229‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 44‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 84‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ »ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﻭ»ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺸﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 84/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 24/2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 3/8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ‪ 9/1‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ‪9/1‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ‪ 2/7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 21‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻼﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1388‬ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﺮﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻥﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ( ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ )ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ( ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻋﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ؛ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺤﺸــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻜﺮﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﺏ( ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ؛ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﺝ( ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ؛ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻩ( ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ؛ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻏﻤﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻄﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻋﻘﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺸـﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴـﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴـﺘﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻌﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪﺑﺴــﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﮔﻞﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼــﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻴــﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﺮﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻰﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ؟ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﻪﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻭﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺭﺍﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯﺟﺪﻯﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﻠــﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺣــﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼء ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺘﻚﺣﺮﻣﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﺘﻚﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺷــﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻦ« ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻏﻤﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺟﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳــﻴﻜﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺿﺪﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻞ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺘﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒــﺮ)ﺹ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ)ﻉ( ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳــﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻤــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺑﺼﻴﺮﺗﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻗﺎﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻂ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﺷــﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ)ﺱ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻓﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺵ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺴــﻠﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ؛ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺩﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺑﺎﺣﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﺎﻥِ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺠﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻯﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌــﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﻓﺸﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﻑ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ؛ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﺮﺑﮕﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺟﻬــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﺑــﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻴﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻒ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻓﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺣﺮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ؟ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺣﺮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺶ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ؟!‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ »ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ« ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 7‬ﺑﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺒﺒﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺭﺍﻣﺮﻭﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪﺁﻧﻬﺎﻛﺠﺎﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﻣﻠﺖﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛــﺲ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒــﺮﻯ ﺟﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ »ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨــﻰ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂﮔﺮ‪«.‬ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ »ﺟﺎﻫﻼﻧﻪ« ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ »ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ »ﻓﻠــﻪﺍﻯ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺷــﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺯﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﺳــﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻒ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻔﺎﺵﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻔﺎﺵﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻓــﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴــﺎﺕ ﺟﻬــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺬﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳــﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻲﺳــﺒﻴﻞﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺿﺎﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺘﺎﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻘﻼ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺬﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮگ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺣﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻣــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎً ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻓــﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺭﻭﺯﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻗﻠﺐﻣﺮﺩﻡﺭﺍﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻟﻲﺑﺎﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﺍﻣﺎﻡﺭﺍﺣﻞﻭﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻫﻼﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﺷﺎﻥﺗﻤﺎﻡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺷــﻜﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺯﺷــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﮔﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﻴﻚﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ؛ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﺸــﻴﻄﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﺸــﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ـ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺟﺰﺍﻱﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺑﻮﺣﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐﺧــﻮﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻧﻮﺭﻯﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺗﻮﻓﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺜﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻭﺍﻋﻆﻃﺒﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ‪ 95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪88‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺴـﺖﻭﻳﻜﻤﻴﻦ ﺳـﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺣﻀـﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﺋﻴﻞ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷـﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺒﺮﺕﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺣﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ« ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺩﻱ ‪ 1367‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷـﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﺯﻩ« ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷـﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 1367‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﻮﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺣﺪﻳﺪﻩﭼﻲ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﻗﺪﺱ ﺳﺮﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﻻﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺻﻼﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺫﺑﺢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ :‬ﺭﺏﺍﺷﺮﺡ ﻟﻲ ﺻﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺴﺮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﻠﻞ ﻋﻘﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻔﻘﻬﻮﺍ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟــﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨــﺎﺏ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ‪ 65‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺺ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺴــﺎﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻭ )ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ( ﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻲﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﺪﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﺏﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺯﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺟﻼ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﺟﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺟﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺼﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻼ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ )ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ(؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﭘﺴﺎﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻧﺎﺩﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 24‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 48‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺯﺑﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺛﻘﺒﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺨﺎﺋﻴﻞ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺣﺪﻳﺪﻩﭼﻰ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺸــﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟــﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺷﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ )ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ ...‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺬﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮﻧﻪ؛‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺷﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺰﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﮔﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﭙﺎﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟــﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ« ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ)ﺹ(‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺫﻕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ؛ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻨﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﻢﺧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺨﺺ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺑﺎﻍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺳﺒﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻧﮕﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﻩﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻭﺍﻡﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺸــﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍءﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺸﺮ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷـﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ‪ -‬ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻲﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 1917‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﺢ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ! ﺻــﺪﺭ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ »ﺧﺪﺍﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﻦﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻍ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺥ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣــﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﻢ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫــﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﻮﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﮋﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﭙﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼــﻒ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﺪﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺟﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ »ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ« ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺧﺘﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺖ ـ ﺻﻠﻲﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻪﻭﺳــﻠﻢ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ )ﺹ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ »ﺣﺲ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﺮﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺴــﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ« ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺠﺮﺩ« ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻦ ﻧﻮﻣﻦﻟﻚ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺮﻱﺍﷲ ﺟﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻻﺗﺪﺭﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﺑﺼﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻮ ﻳﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﻻﺑﺼﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒﺍﻟﺨﺒﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣــﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻄﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﺶ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻝ ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻄﺮﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻄﺮﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻬﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ« ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻋﻠﻲﺳﻴﻨﺎ ‪-‬ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎء ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻬﺮﻭﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ـ ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺍﷲﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻤــﺖ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻤــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺷﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ـ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺸﺮﻩﺍﷲ ﻣﻊﺍﻟﻨﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻴﻦ ـ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻨﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﺮﻓــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻡ؛ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺰﻫﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻗﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻼء ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻣﻦﺍﺗﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67/10/11‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺳﻮﻱﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪« .‬ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﻭﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻨﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﻦ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺑﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻤــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒﺩﺭﭘﻴﺎﻡﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻣﻠﺖﻣﺎﻧﻴﺰﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻭﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1917‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭﻣﺎ‪،‬ﻫﻢﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭﻫﻢﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪.‬ﻫﻢﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕﻭﺧﻴﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻢﻧﻘﺾﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮﻛﻪﻣﺎﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﺻﻼﺡﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺭﺍﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪،‬ﻣﺎﺍﺯﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢﺩﻓﺎﻉﻛﻨﻴﻢﭼﻮﻥﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻣﺮﺩﻡﺭﺍﺳﺖﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢﻛﻪﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺩﺭﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺭﻭﺯﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲﻧﻴﺰﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﺧﻮﺩﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ؟ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻭﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪﻣﺎﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﻳﻚﻧﻈﺎﻡﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﺷــﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺷﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺽﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻙﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻦﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺯﻭﺭﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺿﺪﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ 10 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ )ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻏﺮﺏ( ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ )ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ( ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜــﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻟﺮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﻔﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﻼﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄــﺎﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻣــﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻀﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ‪ 70-80‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ‪ -‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴــﺮﻳﻊ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻏﺎﻓــﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ‪ -‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ‪ 1306‬ﻭ ‪ 1307‬ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺩﻛﻠﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﭼــﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‪ .‬ﻋﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﺼﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺶ ﭼﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻣﺴﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫)ﭼﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻗﭽﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺪﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ »ﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿــﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪1307‬ﺵ ﺟﺰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺫﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻼﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1312‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺗﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ »ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﺖ« ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ »ﺭﻓﻊ ﺣﺠﺐ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻮﻏﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1313‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1313‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1314‬ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ )ﺣﻜﻤﺖ( ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1314‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪1304‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻪ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1307‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1314‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻼﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ )ﺷــﺎﭘﻮﺭ( ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺪﻡ ﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1314‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧــﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﻟﺒــﺎﺱ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ« ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺻﻒ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ »ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ« ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ »ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﻘﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﭘﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷــﻤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻗﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺸــﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ »ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸــﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺷــﺘﻰ ﺑﻰﺣﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺴــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﺴﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ »ﻟﺒﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﺴﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷــﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻐﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ »ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻊ »ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺒﺲﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ »ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ»ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻜﺶ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻝﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺶ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻏﻠــﺐ »ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩﺩﻭﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩﺩﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩﺩﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻣــﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1322‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ »ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ«‪.‬‬ 27 28 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺐﻭﺟﻮﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻭﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺩﺭﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟــﺲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 1386‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 29‬ﻭ ‪ 30‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ‪ 29‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﻰﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ژﺋﻮﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻠﻔﻰ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﻨﺶﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭗ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﻮﺭﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ )ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ (1357‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫‪ 1358‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‪ 29‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‪4‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪژﺍﭘﻦﺭﺍﺁﻏﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻌﻴﺪﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺒــﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ژﺍﭘــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻴﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻴﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺗﺮﺍژﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 30‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴــﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳــﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺫﺍﻛﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤـﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﻛﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﻇﺎﻳــﻒ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻼﺋﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻠﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻨﺜﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻬﻠﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻮﻝﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﺴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻋﺪﻡﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ؛ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﮔﻔـﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳـﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ -‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ 90 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺻﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴــﻚ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺳــﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻠﻨــﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼــﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘــﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬــﺮ ﻣﺘﻜــﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺸــﻞ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻻﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠــﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﺵ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺧﺸــﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺷـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫـﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳـﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘـﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛـﻢ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ژﺍﭘـﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧـﻰ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﺼﺮﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗـﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼـﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴـﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳــﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴـﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺳـﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳـﺎﺩﺍﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫـﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫـﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﺑﻪﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭽﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧـﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺐ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺋﻤــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣـﺪﺕ ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤـﺎﻥ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫـﺎ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑـﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫـﺶ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺧﺖﺑﺮﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻨﺪ؛ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺳـﻔﺮﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗــﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴـﺖ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺧﺸــﻨﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻓﻲﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺤﺜﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺴﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1947‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴــﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒــﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﻭﻛﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1992‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺑﻪﺁﻥﻣﻘﻄﻊﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪﻛﻨﻴﻢﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺩﻫﻪﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯﺩﺭﺳﻄﺢﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺁﻥﻫﻨﺪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺟﻬﺎﻥﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢﺟﻬﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻭﻡﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺟﺪﺍﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﺑﻠﻮﻙﻏﺮﺏﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖﻭﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱﺣﺘﻰﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖﺩﺭﺑﻠﻮﻙﺷﺮﻕﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﻫﻨﺪﻱﺁﺛﺎﺭﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺍﺯﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻭﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1947‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 43‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪1990‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲﻭﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﺭﺍﻛﻤﺘﺮﺩﺭﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﺎﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢﻛﻪﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2000‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺗﻪ ﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺐﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻚ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭼـﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺬﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳــﺒﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪:2009‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟــﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﺎﻩﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ‪ -‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺳــﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﭘﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻲﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻳﻚ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦﭘﻮﺳﺖﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻡﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻲﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1980‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 800‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ‪ -‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ ،2009‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺤﺼــﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،2009‬ﻃﻲ ‪ 8‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎﻣــﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،2009‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ‪39‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،2009‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،2009‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻧﻈــﺮﻱ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ« ﻭ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2009‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،2009‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2010‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪370‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ‪ 9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 370‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ‪9‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ»ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﺘﻮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 9/964‬ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2005‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﺪﺩ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ )ﺍﺯ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ( ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻡ؟« ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪﻛﻪﭼﺮﺍﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺗﻨﻰﻓﻮﻻﺩﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪....» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‪ 17‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 700‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺎ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 42‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 8‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻗﺒــﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 8‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1388‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ‪ 17‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ‪ 35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 8‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ‪ 16‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1388‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2007‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ 10/1‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗــﺾ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳــﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺗﻘﻰ ﻧﻌﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪) 2008‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ‪(...‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ‪121‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﺳﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﻣﻮﻳــﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺸﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻤــﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪13‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪8/23‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻨﮓﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪24‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪19‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﮕﻨﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺫﻭﺏ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷــﻨﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﺮژﻯ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻌﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣــﺪﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ]ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ[‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪﺍﻯﺍﺯﺻﻨﻌﺖﻓﻮﻻﺩﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪﻭﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤـﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 580‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 800‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻓﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪WTO‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪11‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪15‬ﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ‪ 15‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ »:‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻓﺴــﺦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪63‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺧﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺳــﻨﮓﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪35‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺳــﻨﮓ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﻣﭙﻴﻨﮓ )ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫‪200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ‪10‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻋﻀﻮ ‪ WTO‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ‪ 23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎ ‪ 1/3‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﭙﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 1/3‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪58‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﻣﭙﻴﻨﮓ )ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪10‬ﺳــﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ‪ -‬ﺁﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻭﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ 38 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﺭﺩﻫﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ‪ 1/3‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 1/5‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ‪500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫‪80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ‪ ، VISA‬ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺮﻣﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 43‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺿﺪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ؛ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪ 100‬ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‪70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻴﻢﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻰ‪ 1400‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻰ ‪ 600‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 500‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﺷــﻴﺒﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺿﺮﺭﺩﻫﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ! ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ‪10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺳــﻨﮓﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫('
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‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪43‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻓﻬﻤﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻳﺰﺩﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‪،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﺎ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﺩﻫﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﮔﺸﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓــﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓــﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻠــﻮﻯ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪670‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ 530‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺳــﻮﺩﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺑﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺯﻳﺮﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﮕﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪21‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 11‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﺩﻫﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮓﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺰﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻥﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈـﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ؛ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻼﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﮓﺁﻫﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟــﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴـﺖ ﻣﺤﺼـﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑـﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫـﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪﻡ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ‪ 40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﺮﺷﻜﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻳﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺿﺮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺩﺩﻫﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻟﻄﻔـﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻــﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ‪80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫‪40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ! ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺰﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻐﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ‪5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻰ ‪ 200‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮگ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ‪ WTO‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ 30 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠــﺰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭﺿــﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ‪ WTO‬ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺁﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳـﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﻴﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳـﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﻣـﻦ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺴـﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ‪8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪1400‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 500‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 600‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪LC ،‬ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺕﺩﺍﺭ)ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﺁﻫﻦ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﮕﺮﺩ ‪11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪LC‬ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺕﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺍﻳﻦﻛﻠﻤﻪﺭﺍﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‪35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫‪80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﻣﺎﻧﻊﺍﺯﺧﺮﻭﺝﺍﺭﺯﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﻋﺪﻡﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻰﻭﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺎﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢﻛﺮﺩﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕﻣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍﻩﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺯﻯﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺷﻮﺩﺩﺭﻧﺎﻛﺠﺎﺁﺑﺎﺩﻣﺼﺮﻑﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﻗﺪﻋﻠﻢﻛﺮﺩﻩﺗﺎﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯﺩﺭ‪35‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻻﺯﻡﺑﺮﺍﻯﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰﺑﻪﻧﻴﺎﺯﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺑﺎﻋﺚﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﺷﺪﻥﻓﻮﻻﺩﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳــﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻃﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ BS‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﻤﺎﻥﺭﺍﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻭﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕﻓﻮﻻﺩﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﺎﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲﻫﻤﺎﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ؛‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪) 2009‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ( ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 13/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 12/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻫﻢ ‪ 12/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ‪ 42/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ‪ 24/2‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 42/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪ 51/7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗــﻦ ﺍﺯ ‪ 103/9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺵ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪5/9‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻳﻚﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ .2009‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2006‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 86‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺳــﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺳــﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪« .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻦﻫﺎﮔﺮﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1/3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1/3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ 2009‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫« ﻫﺎﮔﺮﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺸﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﻘﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ‪ 2009‬ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2010‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﻛﻼﻑ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 2009‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻔﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﺴﻤﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ )ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ( ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫــﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﮔﺎﻟﻮﺍﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻟﺪ ﺭﻭﻟﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺯﻧﮓﻧﺰﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﻴﺎژ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﮕﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺿﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﻳﻨﺎﻭﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺳــﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓــﻰ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 1000‬ﺭﻭﭘﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ‪ 2010‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﭘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 32‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ‪ 35‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﭘﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻰﺍﺱﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﭙﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻠــﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻜﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳــﻪ ‪ 2010‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺱﻛﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﮕﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺁﭼﺎﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻰﺍﺱﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺫﻏﺎﻝﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ‪ 2010‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﻴــﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 2008‬ﻭ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2008‬ﻭ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺫﻏﺎﻝﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ،2009‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻏﺎﻝﺳــﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 128‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻴﻞ ﺳﻮﺭﺧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﭙﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﺍﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 2010‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺿــﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ )ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ( ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ )ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ( ﺍﺯ ‪ 290‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 340‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻼﻑ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻦ ‪ 50‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻼﻑ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻕ ﮔﺎﻟﻮﺍﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻦ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺳﻠﻮﺭﻣﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺴﻦﻛﺮﻭپ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺗﺎﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﻭ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻏﺎﻝﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ 399‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2010‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦ ﺳﺸــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺿﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺫﻏﺎﻝﺳﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‪ 2010 ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺷﻴﻼﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺖ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤـﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺷـﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳـﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔـﺬﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻰ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺷﺼﺖﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭙـﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣـﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼـﻞ ﺯﻣﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻰﺷـﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕـﻮﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺷـﻦﺗﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳـﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴـﻴﻦ ﺣﺴـﻦ ﺗﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠـﻲ ﺍﻧـﺮژﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺴـﻦ ﺗﺎﺵ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺸـﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴـﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴـﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﻫﻢﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻥ ‪21‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 19‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﺫﻏﺎﻝ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺯﻥ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺁﻳﺎﺍﻳﻦﺳﻬﻢﻣﺼﺮﻑﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺁﻳﺎﻧﻮﻋﻰﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺫﻏﺎﻝ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺫﻏﺎﻝﺳــﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯﺳــﻮﺯﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻬﻢ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1970‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻢﻣﺮﻍﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳـﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌـﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗـﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫـﻢ ﺗﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣــﻊ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ – ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼـﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗــﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺟﻤــﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫــﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ‪ BTU‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪ BTU‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺠﻨﺒﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺗــﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﻔــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ ،21‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻼﺕ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ‪ GTL‬ﻭ ‪ OCM‬ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ »ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ 20 ،‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 25‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻧﻴﺎﺯﺑﻪﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖﻭﻧﻴﺰﺳﺒﺪﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻭﻋﻄﺶ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ‪ GTL‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺳــﻬﻞﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧــﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ؟ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﻖ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻠﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ‪ 25‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ‪ 30‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻـﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ؛ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ »ﻫﺮﻣﻲ« ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ«‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺰ »ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ« ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺴــﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺘﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣــﻲ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻛﻞ ﻣــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻝﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪﻧﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﺮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻫﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻜﺴــﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺏ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣــﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻴﺮﻓــﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺠــﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺏ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻣﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟«ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺪﻋﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﺴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ« ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺻﻔــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻴﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ‪ Net work Marking‬ﻭ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ ‪Schmes‬‬ ‫‪ pyrainid‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﻫﺮﻣﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ‪ Pyramid‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻠَﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﺰء ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪«.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﺴــﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،84‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ« ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺯﺍﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺺ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻨﺪ »ﺯ« ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ« ﻭ »ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻱ« ﻭ »ﻣﺨﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺏ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ »ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ« ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﻋﺒﻴــﺪﻩ ﺑﻦ ﺛﻘﻔﻲ ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺳــﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﺨﺘــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺷــﺖ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ – ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ – ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻠﻴــﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠــﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻣﻌﻠــﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ؛ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻜﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺎﺙﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 27‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺣﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺷﻌﺮﺑﺎﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺣﺼﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬــﺮ ﻃﻴﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷــﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻛﻴﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻲﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ؛ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋــﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ!« ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ )ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺣﻜﻤــﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻰ ﻣﻌﻠــﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭼﻤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻳﺰ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1330‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻐــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﻝﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺩﺑــﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ« ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ »ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﻝﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1380‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ؛ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻓﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﻭ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ« ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ« ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺰﻝﺷــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺷﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻤﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫‪ 439‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 1377/12/25‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻨــﺪ ‪ 24‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ )ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ /3603‬ﺩﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ ،(76/9/2‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1378‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 1‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳــﻒ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ )ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ )ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ( ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ )ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ( ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ )ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 2‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ )ﺧﻮﺵﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺵ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‪-‬ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ )ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻋﻠﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 23‬ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ‪ 29‬ﭘﻴﺶﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺠﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺷــﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ‪ 21‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )‪ ،(1384‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲ )‪ ،(1386‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﻠﻢ‪»،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ« )‪ ،(1387‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 45‬ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻲ‪ 129 ،‬ﺩﺭﺱﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ 9 ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 117‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ 145 ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ‪ 146‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‪24 ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ 31 ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ؟ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺭﺑﻂ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺻﺒﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧــﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪ 126‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ 68 ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷــﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻲ ﻣﻤﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺟﻬﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ »ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﮔــﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻟﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 146‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ 100 ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺻﺒــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻓــﻆ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻭﺻــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻩﺍﻟﺘﺎﺝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ )ﻛﺎﺥ ﭼﻬﻠﺴــﺘﻮﻥ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳــﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺻﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ژﺍﻧﺮ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺰﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺳــﻔﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑــﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳــﻒ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ )ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ(‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺮ )ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤــﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـــﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳـﺮﺳـﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ )ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﻛـﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟــﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ(‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻫﻨﻮﺯﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻗﻄﻌﻰﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﺴﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﻭﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺳــﻤﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﺪﻳﺪﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﻨﺮﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1330‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻑ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪-‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺗﺼــﻮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻤﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻢﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺷﺐ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺐﻗﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻻﻣﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﺏﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻯ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻥ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 1357‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺩﺑــﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﺭﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻔﻖ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳــﺮﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷﻌﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺭﺟﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1360‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺲ ﺷــﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪1380‬ﺩﺭﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻭﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻌﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮ»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖ ‪ /‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «....‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻌﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺛﺒﻮﺗﺶ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﺶ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻴﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻗﺸﻼﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺒﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ »:‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺳــﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳــﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻬﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﺵ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺍﺑﺎﻟﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺬﺍﺕﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﻡ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﻣﻌﻠــﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻧــﮓ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫»ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ« ﻳﺎ » ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱﺳﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻋﻤﺮ ‪ 58‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ »ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠــﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1330‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻌﺮ« ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺠﺒــﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻳﻲ« ﻭ »ﺍﻫﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺎپ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱﺳﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻴﺪﻝﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ »ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻲ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺷــﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﻡ ﺍﺻﺤــﺎﺏ« ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺱﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷــﻌﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1360‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻱﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳــﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺷﻔﻖ ﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﺸﻚ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻔﻖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ؟ ﺁﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺳﻬﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﺨﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺐ ﺯﻧﺦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺮ ﻛﻦ ﺳﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻦ ﺳﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﱠ ﻡ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺩﻩ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻧﻢ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻜﻴﻦ ﻇﻠﻤﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻗﻲ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻲﺷﻜﻴﺒﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺯﺧﻢﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻗﺎﺑﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻫﺎﺑﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ! ﻣﺮﺍ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺘﻴﻤﻲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻲ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺛﻮﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻜﺒﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻨﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭﺍﻱ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺎﺫﺭ ﭘﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻭَﺵ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺍﺷﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺜﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺷﺒﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺷﻔﻖ ﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﺸﻚ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻴﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﮓ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻧﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺮگ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺋﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻨﮓ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺷﻔﻖ ﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﺸﻚ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻣﻐﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﺧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ‪ 6‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ‪ 1800‬ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺑــﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺝﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺷــﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻻﺑﻰ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺝﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳــﻲ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻓﺠــﺮ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﺷﻨﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺝﻣﻴﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺝﻣﻴﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺱ ﺳﻨﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ »ﮔﺎﻭﺧﻮﻧﻰ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟــﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ«‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ »ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩ« ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺳـﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺴـﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩ«‪ .‬ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺁﻳﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳــﺘﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ« ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫـﻢ ﺳـﺮ ﺻﺤﻨـﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻐﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﻑ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺵ »ﺍﺳﺘﺸــﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤـﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ »ﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺑـﺮﻑ«‪» ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ« ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻼﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻡﺩﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻼﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻼﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺝ ﺯﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﺒﻪ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻢﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺝ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺕ »ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻱﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺭﻳﺘﻢﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﺍﺳﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴﻦﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺳﺘﺸــﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻢ‪» .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﻛﺠـﺎ ﺑـﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻛﻮﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻞ ﻭﺭﺳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﮔﺪﻭﻙ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻛﺰﺍﺯﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻞ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻛﻮﻩ ﻛﻠﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳـﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺯﻣﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺣﻼﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻻﻙ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻼﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼـﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻼ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻛﻮﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔــﻲ ‪ 35‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴــﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﺴــﻪ ﺁﺏ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟــﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸــﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﺶ ﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻢﭘﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻢﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻢﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻢﭘﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻼﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻫﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻢﭘﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻈــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘــﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﻓﺮﻋﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻂ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸــﻘﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷـﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺘﻴﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻫﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ‪-‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒـﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺷﺖﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺕﺣﻀﻮﺭﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲﺩﺭﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺳﺘﺸــﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﻑ« ﻭ »ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴـﺘﺪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪» .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺸــﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻢ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ »ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺒﻨﺪ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺗﻠﺨﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌــﻼ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﻭﺍﺭﻧﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻟﻮﻙ ﻫﻮﻟﻤﺰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﻥﺩﻭﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﻧﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻟﻴﺲ ﺳﻲﺑﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺟﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮔﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺶ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻟﺪ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺭﺑﺎﻏﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ » ﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻗﻠﻘﻠﻲ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 135‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 32‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺍﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻚ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻭﻟﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﮔﻠﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮔﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻛﻠﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﺭﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ – ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﺭﺩﻭﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮگﻧﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ »ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ« ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ »‪ «9‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺟﺎﺩﻩ« ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﻳﻜﻮ ﻓﻠﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻛﻠﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪6‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺟﻮﻧﻮ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﺮﻡ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻳﭙﻨﺪﻧﺖ ‪ 15/‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ« ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺎﻥﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫)ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ( ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺎﻟﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﻧﺒﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ )ﻟﺤﻦ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻚﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 50‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻮﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺖ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮﻥ )ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻦ( ﺑﻮﻛﺴﻮﺭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪﻱﺗﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﻱﻛﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻫﺮ )ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍ( ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ )ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻠﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺘﻨــﻲ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ؛‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻥ »ﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻩﻧﻈﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻭﺳﺘﺮﻥﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺯﺷﺖﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸــﻤﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺠﻨﺎﺏ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ )ﻟﻘﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘــﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ« ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ »ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻩ ﻣﻦ« ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ﻧﻴﻮﺟﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﺟﻨﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﻘﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻈــﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺸــﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺳــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮﻡ!« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺸــﻮﻗﺶ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺸــﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻠﻮﺗﻲ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺷﻮﻥ )ﻭﻳﻦ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻱﻛﻴﺖ )ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫» ﻣــﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﭽﺴﺐ ﺧﺎﺻﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻚﺳﻜﺎﻧﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻢ )ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ( ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺏ‪ .‬ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻪﺷﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﻫﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻫﻢﻛﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥﻓﻮﺭﺩ! ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲ )ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ( ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﻥﺩﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻫﺎﻟﻴــﻮﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ! ﻓﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺖ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺗﻐﺰﻟﻲ ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ 66 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳـﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪،‬ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼــﻪ ﭘﺲﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃــﺮﺍﻑ ﺣﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ)ﺱ( ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﭘﺮﺳــﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﺴﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻬــﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪1373‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺰﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻰ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻜﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤــﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺮ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ)ﺱ( ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻤﻼ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻋﺸــﻰ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 103‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ )ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺰﺍﺟﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻛﻬﻨﺴﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻼء ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺍﻟﻤﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-2‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ -3 .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠــﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳــﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖﻛﺎﺑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫)ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ(‬ ‫)ﻋﻠﻲ(‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ، 1371‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻴــﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺮء ﺍﻟﺬﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﺜــﻼ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨــﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻯ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻰ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺷــﺒﻴﺮﻯﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 73‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻌﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 73‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻳﻼ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ«‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻀــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻋﺰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ )ﭘﺪﺭ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ( ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰﻯ )‪ (1305 – 1388‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻢ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﺎﺿــﻞ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫)‪ (1310 – 1386‬ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺳــﺒﻖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ) ‪(1295 – 1388‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻏﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻲﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻭﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱﺍﺧﻴﺮﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﺯﻣﻴﺎﻥﻃﻴﻒﺳﻨﺘﻲﺣﻮﺯﻩﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕﺁﻳﺎﺕﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﺁﻣﻠﻰ‪،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰﻭﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﺎﺕﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ )ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﮔﻪﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖﻟﻜﻦﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱﺩﺭﻧﻘﺎﻁﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ )‪ ،(1318‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ )‪،(1309‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ )‪ ،(1300‬ﻟﻄــﻒﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓــﻰ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ )‪(1298‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ )‪ (1305‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺘﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 73‬ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴــﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺴــﺎﺋﻠﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻀــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎﺋﺎﺕ )ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ( ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻈﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺮﻙﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻐﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ) ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ (‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﺎﺑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻐﻴﺐ ‪ -‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺮﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺭﻱ ‪ -‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺸﻴﺮ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﺎﺽ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻓــﻰ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻬﻨﺴــﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻌــﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳــﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻮﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻴﺮﻯﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ )‪ ،(1307‬ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﺻﺎﻧﻌــﻰ )‪ (1313‬ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻯﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ )‪ (1304‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻮﻱﮔﺮﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻓﻴﺎﺽ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺑﺸﻴﺮﻧﺠﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﻨﺠﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈـﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫـﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺁﻧـﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓـﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻱﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺑﻪﻫﻢﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﺪﺛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻃﻬﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺛﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﺪﺛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻮﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﺪﺛﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺟﻠﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﺪﺛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺒﻼ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﻠﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻠﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻫﺴﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺮﺣﺴــﺐ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜــﻼ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﻨﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻨﺠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺳـﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺺ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ( ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺷﺎﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺷــﺌﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴـﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺯﻥ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍﻱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﺪﺛﻪ ﻓــﺮﻕ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴــﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴــﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻜﺜــﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺣﻼﻝ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ »ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪» ،‬ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ(‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧــﭗ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﭘﺮ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﺴﺘﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻼﻧﺘﻴﻨــﮕﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﭽﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﻣﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ)ﺗﺒﻌــﻲ( ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺋــﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺚﻭﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﺁﻛﻮﻳﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻠﻴﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ ﺁﻛﻮﻳﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻟﻔﻈﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻴﻠﻴﺦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻲﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ )ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ( ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻔــﺮﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻔــﺮﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍء ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻥﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ )ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺬﺏ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻕ ﻳــﺎ ﻛﺬﺏ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛــﺬﺏ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻕ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺬﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻓﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺬﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎﺋﺎﺕ )ﻏﻴﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯﺻﺪﻕﻭﻛﺬﺏﺍﺯﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻨﺠﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻕ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻐﺎﻟﻄﺎﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨــﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻦ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ »ﻧﻮﻉ« ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻓﻌﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺳــﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ )ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ( ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺳﻤﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫)ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺲ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺱ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ )ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ِﺩﺭُﻭﺭﻯ( ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻭﺭﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺳــﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﻨﻤﻲ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1912‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺎﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻴﻤــﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺎﺟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻪ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺳــﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺰﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳــﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﻪ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺣﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗــﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸــﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ )‪ (sayable‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫)‪ .(showable‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫)‪ (senseless‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﻞ )‪ .( nonsensical‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﮔــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻗــﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌــﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺯﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺱ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ‪ 9‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ )ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ( ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ )ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ( ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﻳــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳــﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻳﺘﮕﻨﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ -1 :‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ‪ -2‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﻗﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ«‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ »ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻔﺴﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭘﺰﺷــﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺷــﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﻠﺴﻔﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻛﻰ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1300‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻟﻔﻆ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺽ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﺴﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﺴﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ)ﺍﺳﻼﻡ( ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻬﺰﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻏــﺮﺽ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻲﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰء ﻧﺎﺯﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﺩﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺒﻮﻁ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ )ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ( ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﻋﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺎﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺗﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻀﻄﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﻋﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻴﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣــﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤــﺎﻉ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﻙ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ )ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ(‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ )ﺩﻳﻦ( ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻤﻲﻭ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫– ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻘﺎﻭﺕ‪ -‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﺐ ﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻳﺰﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻌﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺿﺮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺷــﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻨﺎﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧــﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻴﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳــﺎﻃﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ )ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺍﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ‪ (....‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕﺩﻳﻦﻓﻄﺮﻯﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺭﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖﻧﻔﺲﺍﻻﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﺯﺳﻪﺭﺍﺯﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪:‬ﺍﻭﻝﺁﻧﻜﻪﻓﻬﻢﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰﺍﺯﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﻗﺎﺩﺭﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﺎﻟﻢﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖﻭﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭﺑﺎﻳﺪﺳﻪﺳﺎﺣﺖﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺭﺍﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ .2‬ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‪ .3‬ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎﻱﺍﻟﻬﻰﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﺟﻬﺖﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﺑﺎﺭﻭﺡﻗﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﺳﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺩﻋﻮﺗﺸﺎﻥﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎﺩﺭﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻧﻘﺶﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰﺁﻧﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭﺍﺯﻫﺮﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖﻳﺎﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﻬﺖﺁﻧﻜﻪﺑﺎﺳﻴﺮﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ)ﻉ( ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺖﻣﺤﺾﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩﺑﺎﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﻣﺤﺾ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺽ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻯ ﺟﻤﻊﻧﺸﺪﻩﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖﺑﺎﻳﻜﻰﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺖ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﺰء ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟــﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ( ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺻﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻳﻦ)ﻓﻄﺮﻯ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻭﻭﻻﻳﺖﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ )ﺹ( ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺳﺪﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻀﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .1 :‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ .2‬ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺍﻏﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ‪ .3‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻫﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺑﻴﻜﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻛﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 18‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 400‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ 400‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺖﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 19‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺳــﻄﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﻨﺪ« ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ »ﭼﻨﺪ« ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ‪ 20‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ‪ 5‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ‪ 100‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻰﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻦﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ 100‬ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﺶ ‪ 20‬ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ‪ 12‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﻭﻥ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 59‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻭ ﺫﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻟ َﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟ َﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟ َﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟ َــﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟ َﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟ َﻢ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻴﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪1320‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 1357‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺫﻯﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 20‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 180‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 47‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 51‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﻴﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻠﻎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰﺗﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻦﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ‪100‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﻰﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ‪ 100‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 150‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺮﺗﻴﻢ‪ 200 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ‪ 100‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷــﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ‪100‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻰ ‪ 1000‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺟﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺩﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰﺷــﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣــﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺞﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼــﻪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻠﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺳـﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠـﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻏﺮﺽ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻲ ﺳــﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﮔﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺿﺪﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻦﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﺍﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ؛ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢﺍﺵ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪،50‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺳﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ‪ -‬ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻼء ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ »ﺍﺫﺍ ﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺛﻠﻤﻪ ﻻﻳﺴﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﻲ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ »ﻻﻳﺴﺪﻫﺎﺷﻲ« ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻃﻠﺒﮕــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﺒﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﺮﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ ﺷﻜﺮﺍﷲ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﻴﻬﻢ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬‫ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳـﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻤﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 58‬ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺸــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 58‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣـﺪﺕ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣـﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳـﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺣﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﻮء ﻧﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏﺩﻛﺘﺮ‪،‬ﻛﻤﻲﺍﺯﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕﻣﺴﺠﺪﻗﺒﺎﻭﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱﻋﻤﻠﻲﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺗﺎﻥﺩﺭﺁﻥﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﻭﺣﺪﺕﺣﻮﺯﻩﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 56‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑــﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳــﺤﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻲ ﺷــﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮء ﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﻜﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﻗﺎ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ‪ 57‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻝﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ‪ 56-57‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺸﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺬﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺸﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺬﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﭙﻲﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‪،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ؛ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻏﺎﻣﺾ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺷــﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺒﺴﻂ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻛﭙﻲﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻣﻨﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺳــﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻮﭼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺴــﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧــﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﻡ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺯﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻓﻊ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻓﻊ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺵﻣﻨــﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮ ﻏﻨﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑــﻲ ﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮﻳﻰ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺮﻓﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘــﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻄﻠــﻮﺏ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺮﻓﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ – ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ‪...‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼءﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫــﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 66‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 9‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،66‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻱﺻــﻼﺡ؛ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ )ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪(1‬؛ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ -‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻫــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(.‬؛ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ «.‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸــﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒــﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻗﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫)ﺭﺋﻴﺲ(‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ‪ 9‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‪ 10‬ﺑﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻰﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟــﺐ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧــﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﻐﻪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺏ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ‪ 27‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻄﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺮﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳـﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷـﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻰﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘـﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳـﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺳـﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩﺷﺮﻭﻉﺷﺪﻭﺷﻮﺭﺍﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﺮﻓﺖﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪85‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴـﺘﻢ ﺑﺴـﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻡﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻡﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 65‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻰ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰﺗﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 62‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 63‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ »ﻫﻴﺎﺕ« ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳــﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫـﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻓﺮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻯ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﻴﻐﻪ ﻭﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﭙﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺨﺒﺮ –ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻥ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻒ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﭼﺴﺒﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻟـﻰ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫـﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗـﺮﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺘﺎ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺘﺎ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ« ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ؟ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳـﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺳــﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫـﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣـﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻌﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷــﻌﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜـﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺽ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﻔــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻛﻼ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻮﺋﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻮﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒـﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻤﺮﺛﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﻲ ‪9‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﮔﻮﺵﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪1388‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪138‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱﺩﺭﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻭﺁﻥﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﻣـﺎﻩﺩﻭﺭﻱﺑﻮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﺩﺭﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1387‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪138‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳـﺦ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪1386‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠـﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴـﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1388/01/08‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ‪ 100‬ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ ﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ‪ 6‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 5‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒـﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪ ‪ 100 .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘـﺲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓـﺖ ﮔﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭ » ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻦ« ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣـﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ 1388 / 01 / 09‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺭﺳـﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺴـﺪ ﻗﻄﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﻠﻪﻓﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻑ ﺳـﻰ ﻛﻠﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻜﻦﺑﺎﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺩﺍﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻳـﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺁﻟﻤـﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 9‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﭼﻠﺴﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﺙ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪138‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜـﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧـﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﺮﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫـﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗـﺮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪1367‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻮﺭژﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪7-‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪134‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻞ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫)ﮔﻞﻫـﺎﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ‪ 1996‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﻠـﻰ ﺍﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺟـﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪ (1377) 1998‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴـﻪ ﭘـﺎﺱ ﮔﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺭﺳـﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 1998‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴـﻪ ﻭ ‪ 2006‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 1998‬ﺷـﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 24‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪1383‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 4‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻻﺋﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ‪ 100‬ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳـﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷـﻮﺩ؛ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺭﺍﺍﺯﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴـﻞ ﺁﻏـﺎﺯ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻟـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺑﺎﻧﻚﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖﻭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻰﺩﻋﻮﺕﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 1‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳـﻦ ‪1348‬‬ ‫ﻫﺠـﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺭﺷـﻴﺪﻯ؛ ﻣـﺎ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻓــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؛ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﭗ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻰﻣﻬﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺠﻴــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻒ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟــﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﭗ ﺑﻼﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤــﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﭗ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴــﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻰﻛﻬﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻲﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻮﻑ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰﺍﻡ ﻧﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜــﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪1348‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1373‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻂ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 90‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎﺑﻴﻠﻔﻠﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻠﻔﻠــﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮﺗﺎﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁ‪.‬ﺙ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻠﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺮﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﺎﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ‪ 149‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ‪109‬‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 109‬ﮔﻞﺯﺩﻩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺠــﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻏﻤﺨــﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳــﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺻﺒﺎﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﺴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1373‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳــﺮﺧﭙﻮﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﺪ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﻠﻔﻠﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﻔﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ‪ 38‬ﺑــﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺥ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 23‬ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ‪ 74‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺳــﺮﺥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻏﻤﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺧــﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ‪ 82‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ‪ 75‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 71‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 43‬ﮔﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ‪ 0/6‬ﮔﻞ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 12‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﺑﻲﭘﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 71‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﮔﻞ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻮپ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻃﻠﺴﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 71‬ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻜﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺗﺮﻛﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺥﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ؟! ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻻﻳﻨﻔﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﺬﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻢ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒـﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳـﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳـﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﺳـﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫــﻦ ‪ 6‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺷﺎﻧﺴــﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﻠﺒﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓــﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷــﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﺦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﭘﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺥﭘﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺷـﻮﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻀﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺯﻻﺗﻜﻮ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳـﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠـﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻍ ﺳـﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﻧﺤـﻮﻩ ﺍﺧـﺮﺍﺝ ﺯﻻﺗﻜﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳـﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸـﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑـﺎ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝﺩﻳﮕﺮﺳﺮﺥﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 72‬ﺳـﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﻭﻭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻴﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺧﺮﺝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﺭﺍﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢﻣﻦﻫﻢﻣﺜﻞﻣﺮﺩﻡﻭﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﺑﺎﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺗﺎﺯﻩﺑﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲﺗﻴﻤﻲﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﭼﻨﻴﻦﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲﺭﺍﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺷـﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻞ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳــﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱﻛﺎﻣﻼﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺑﺪﻭﻥﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺘﻲﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺑﻪﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﻭﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡﻛﻪﻧﮕﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪﻭﺑﺮﺍﻱﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺷﺪﻥﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‪ 20‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻤـﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 5‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﻣﻠﺒﻮﺭﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﮔﻞ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻠﻰﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﺎﺝﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒــﻮﺏ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 2800000000‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‪ 3/800000000‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‪ 1/300000000‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺧــﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ‪ 670‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻰﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺸﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨــﺰ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﺪﺭﺧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕــﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩ ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺬﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﺝﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻻﺗﻜﻮ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽــﺎﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺒﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻭ‪ 400‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻟﮋﻳﻮﻧﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ....‬ﻋﺬﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ ....‬ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺭﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻟﻐﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ »ﺣﻤﻠﻪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻋﺼﺒﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪ ...‬ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ« ﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ »ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ« ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ »ﺑﺒﺨﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋــﺬﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ« ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ »ﺩﻓﺎﻉ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺣﻤﻠﻪ« ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﺶ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺳﻜﻮﺕ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻭﺑﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 2006‬ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ...‬ﻛﺮﻭﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻡﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ« ﻭ »ﻧﻮﺩ« ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ »ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻩ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺗﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻠﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﻩﻭﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻙ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎﺳﻜﻮﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺎﺑــﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﺟﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺍﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﺴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺱﻭﮔﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‪ ...‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﭼﻪﭘﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﻏﺶ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ‪ ...‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ )ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﻪﺩﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷــﺘﻲﻛﻨﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺭﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﻗﻼﺑــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺳــﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺑــﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗــﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ )ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ( ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻗﺶ ﺑﭽﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺧــﻼء ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﻀﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺱ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻼژﻭﻭﻳﭻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺘﻠﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﻭ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑــﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ »ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ« ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﮔﻮﺳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻨﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻗــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻭﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‪!...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻞﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ! ﮔﻞﺯﺩﻥ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳــﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭼﻪ؟ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ »ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻳــﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺷــﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟــﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻧﺮ ﻟﻮﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻢ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻛﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺯﻧﻴﺪﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪!...‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺪﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﺍﺯﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ)ﻛﻪﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ(‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﺍﺯﻟﻴﮓﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻛﻪﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪﺁﻗﺎﻱﮔﻠﻲﺩﺍﻳﻲﺩﺭﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻭﺣﺎﻻﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐﻳﻚﻣﺮﺑﻲ‪،‬ﻋﺼﺮﺩﺍﻳﻲﺩﺭﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻦﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲﻛﻪﺍﺯﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ»ﻳﻚﺗﺎﻧﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ»ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‪،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‪،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ«ﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻳﻚ »ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ« ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺍﻳﻦﻛﻠﻤﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺁﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻘﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻱ؛ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺲ ﻋﺠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ )ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻢ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻨﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺖ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﻋﺠﺐ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﺎﻭﺭ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺴــﺶ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣــﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺪﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺴــﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻬﺎﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ! ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺗﺸﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼء ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻏﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﭘﺲﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﮕﻮﺷــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﻛﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻴﺴﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻏﺎﻳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻟﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺩﺍﻱ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤــﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺸﻬﺮ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﭼــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﻤﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﻤﻮﻧﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 39‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪) 82 - 92‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ( ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 104‬ـ ‪) 93‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ( ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ )ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ( ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ )ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 82‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ )ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ(‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ )ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ( ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ )ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 82‬ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺪﻧﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ )ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ( ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ )ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 86‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 85‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﺴــﺮ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 30‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻲ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮگ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 197‬ﻭ ‪ 199‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫)ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ( ﻣﺘﻀﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 197‬ﻭ ‪ 199‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ )ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ( ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺶ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺪﻧﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 82‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮپ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻗﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 93‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ )ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ( ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 192‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ،201‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪،202‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 2/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘـﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 219‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮگ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 156‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 227‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 231‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺗﺨﻠﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏﻣﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏﻣﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 190‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻢ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸــﻤﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ )ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ( ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ )ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ (89‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 88‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 89‬ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫)ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ )ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ( ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 880‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 880‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ 16-23‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﻣﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ( ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻟﻮﺡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﭽﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻌـﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃــﻼﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺟــﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪134‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫)ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ( ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻼ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬