ماهنامه مثلث شماره 23

‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﺤﺎﺝ ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪ 20/‬ﺩﻱ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺑﺎﯾﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎوﮔﻔﺖوﮔﻮﻫﺎﯾﯽﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺒﯽ ﺣﺒﯿﺒﯽ‪،‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺍﻓﺮوﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‪،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢﺭﺋﻮﻓﯿﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐ ﻧﯿﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﯾﻢ ﺑﻬﺮوﺯی‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪیﻓﻀﺎﺋﻠﯽ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺳﺠﺎﺩی‬ ‫ﺭوﺍﯾﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﯿﺮ وﻗﺖ ﺭوﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﯿﻦﺁﻣﯿﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪56‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﯽﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﻓﻌﻠﯽﻭﺳﺎﺑﻖﺑﻮﺭﺱﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎی ﺟﺪﯾﺪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭی ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﯾﺮ ﺯﻣﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﯾﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﯿﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﯿﻦ ﻋﻠﯿﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﯿﺖ ﺁﯾﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﯿﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭی ﺟﺮﯾﺎﻥﻫﺎی ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ‪ -‬ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ و ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﯾﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮی و ﺷﺮﯾﻌﺘﯽ‬ ‫Ÿ‚‪ɇ» ¾Ìˆu€Ì» µ‬‬ ‫¿\ Ÿ¸‪Ê¿Z¤»Y{ º¸ »Ê‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê·ZnÀm Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʼeZy |¼v» |Ì‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﯾﮑﻢ ‪/‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻱ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﯿﺦ ﺣﺴﯿﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﯾﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭوﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﯽ و ﻣﺪﺍﺣﯽ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﯾﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫»|‪Y ½ZuY‬‬ ‫»Œ€‪¹Y{ µÂ^« •Á‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ‪ 1341‬ﻫﺠﺮی ﻗﻤﺮی؛ ‪ 1370‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮی ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ؛ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮی‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻭی ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺗﻌﺰﯾﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﯽ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻧﻬﯽ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺟﺒﯽ‪ :‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﮐﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ :‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﯾﺎﺯی‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪی ﻓﻘﻴﻬﯽ‪ :‬ﺣﮑﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻋﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻫﻼﻟﯽ‪ :‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﯽ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﯾﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ؛ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﯾﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ 3 ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻯﺷـﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨـﺶ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﻜـﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼـﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳـﺖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻣﺸـﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣـﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭﺍﺻﻠﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺷـﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫــﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﭘــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻧــﻚ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻄﻞ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪14.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ‪16.........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ‪17..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺝ‪18...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‪20......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ‪21..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪22....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪23..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪24...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ‪26...................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‪40.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪42...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ‪44.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪45...............................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪46................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪47...............................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪48........................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ؛ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‪50............................‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪52.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪64...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪65..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪66.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪67...............................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪68......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪70.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‪71.......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‪73.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‪74.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺳﺎﺑﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪28.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪29........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪30...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪32...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪33..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ‪34..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪35......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪36....................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‪38...........................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 9431‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 93‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪54....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮ« ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪56................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪57....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪60..........................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ؟‪62..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ‪76.....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ‪78...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‪80......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪82......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺩﻳﻦﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ؛ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪84.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻰ‪86........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪87.............................................‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪ 4‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪88...................................‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪89.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪90...................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 14‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ( ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺻﻴﻘﻠﻰ‪94..............................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪95..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪96....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪97.................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫‪-1‬ﺍﺭﻳﺘﺮﻩ‪/‬ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻰ‬ ‫‪-2‬ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪-3‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪:‬ﭼﭽﻦ‬ ‫‪-4‬ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪-5‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪/‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-6‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﮕﻮ‬ ‫‪-7‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫‪-8‬ﺑﺮﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪-9‬ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ‬ ‫‪-10‬ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-11‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬ﺁﺳﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪-12‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬ﻛﺸﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪-13‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬ﺁﻧﺪﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺍﺩﺵ‬ ‫‪-14‬ﻣﻮﻟﺪﺍﻭﻯ‪:‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺲﺩﻧﻴﺴﺘﺮﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪-15‬ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪:‬ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻛﺎﭘﺮﻳﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪-16‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻻ‬ ‫‪-17‬ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ‬ ‫‪-18‬ﻧﭙﺎﻝ)ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ(‬ ‫‪-19‬ﭘﺮﻭ)ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ(‬ ‫‪-20‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ)ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﻭ(‬ ‫‪-21‬ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪-22‬ﺍﻭﮔﺎﻧﺪﺍ‬ ‫‪-23‬ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪-24‬ﺳﻴﺮﺍ ﻟﺌﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪-25‬ﺭﻭﺁﻧﺪﺍ‬ ‫‪-26‬ﮔﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺎﺋﻮ‬ ‫‪-27‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ)ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻴﺎﻑ(‬ ‫‪-28‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫‪-29‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪:‬ﺁﺳﻪ‬ ‫‪ -30‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪:‬ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ -31‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪:‬ﺍﻳﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫‪-32‬ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪-33‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪:‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﻚ‬ ‫‪-34‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪ -35‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-36‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ :‬ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-37‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-38‬ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-39‬ﺳﺮﻯ ﻻﻧﻜﺎ‬ ‫‪-40‬ﻻﺋﻮﺱ‬ ‫‪-41‬ﭼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎ ﺍﻣﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪:2001‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪،‬ﻧﻴﻮ ﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪ 2933 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ‪:2007‬ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ 520 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ)ﺗﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪(2001‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎ ﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﺗـﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪.‬ﻣﺠﻤـﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫـﺎ ‪ 1/5‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ)ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ(ﺩﻻﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪:2004‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻯﺩﺭﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻼﻥﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ 366،‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺟﻮﻻﻯ ‪:2006‬ﺑﻤﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻰ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ 209 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪:‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ :2002‬ﺑﻤﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪ 202 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴـﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2008‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 54‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻛﺸﺘﻪﻭﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎﺭﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﻝﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1200‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪﻭﺯﺧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻲﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕــﻮﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﻌــﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋــﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﻪﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﻇــﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍژﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍژﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺒﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﻛــﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛــﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 216‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 406‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳﻮﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍژﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟــﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 181‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 328‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ )ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳﻮﺯ( ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﮋﻭ‪ 405‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳﻮﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 119‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 769‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕــﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭ‪ 90‬ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻨــﺪ ﻟﻴﻤﻮﺯﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﺳﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻦ ﻫﺎچﺑﻚ ﺯﺍﮔــﺮﺱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1300‬ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗــﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴــﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻰﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ » :‬ﻋﻠــﺖ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇــﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴــﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ »:‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ‪ 200‬ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻮﻋــﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ 211‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 200‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﺎپ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼــﺎپ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ« ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺎپ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕــﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺵ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠــﺎﻝ ‪ 13‬ﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﺷﺎ ﺿﻴﻐﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻲ ﺩﺭﺝ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨــﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑــﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒــﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴــﻦ ﺍﻟﻬــﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﺮﻁﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻼ ﻣﺎﻣــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﺴــﺮﺩﻯ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺳﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌــﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﻑ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥﺯﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺑﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺑﺴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺌــﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ » :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺯﺑﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴــﻚ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻣــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 15‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻴﻚﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻴﺾ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﻜﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺯﺍﻗــﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ« ‪ 33‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻨﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒــﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺩﻱﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴــﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﻋﻠﻲ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔــﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻔــﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﺪﻡﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴــﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺫﺑﻴﺤــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻧﺎﺯﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻋﻤﻞ ﻻﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻧﺎﺯﭘﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ‪ 90‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻰ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﻮژﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻳــﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺄﻧﻰﻗﺎﺋﻞﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰﻯﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻞﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ)ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ(ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩﻭﻳﻚﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺟﻮﺍﻥﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﻣﺎﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﺧﻮﺩﺵﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،90‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﻭﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺑﺤﺚﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻭﺧﻮﺩﻡﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺑﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰﻫﻢﺑﺎﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪﻭﻟﻰﭼﻮﻥﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘــﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ 90‬ﺷﻬﺮﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯﺭﺍﻋﺎﻣﻞﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺶﺑﺎﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﻭﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺷﻜﻞﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰﺗﻮپﺭﺍﺑﻪﺯﻣﻴﻦﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﭘــﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻢ ﻓﺠــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋــﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ؛ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺒﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺒﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺻﻌﺪﻩ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﺎﺩﻡﺍﻟﺤﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﺞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﺎﺏ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪».‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻦﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ« ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦﻧﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﻦﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺻﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ »ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻠﻚ »ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ« ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‬ ‫»ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮﻱ« ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪».‬ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ »ﺷﻬــﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ« ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺑــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﺩﺍﻳﻲﺍﻡ )ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ( ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ‪ 225‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳــﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺟﻴﺴﺘــﺮ« ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺟﻴﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑــﻪ »ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﺼﺮﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺗﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰﺍﺯﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ )ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ(‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻏﺮﺑــﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻧــﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺴﺮﻓــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻤــﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴــﺪ؟ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺰﻉ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻧﻰ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» ...‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ« ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩ ﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺛﻮﺍﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﻬــﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﮕﻨﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﻫﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺑﺎﺣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺳﻮﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋــﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻰﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻏﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ – ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻚ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ »ﺗﻮﺩﺳﺘﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ »ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳــﺖ« ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟــﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻳﻀﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻮﭘﺎپ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ »ﺳﻮﭘﺎپ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﭘﺎپ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﭼﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺗﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ – ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫– ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﻗﻠﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ‪ -‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻠﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷــﺐ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﻢ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫــﺮﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻢ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺳﺨــﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕــﻰﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣــﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺨــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫــﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﺮﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘــﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻜــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻜــﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺳﻨﮕﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺘﻰ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗــﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﺸﻜﻴــﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗــﺖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋــﺰﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻯ ﺭﺑﻊﻗﺮﻧــﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫــﺖ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻜــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓــﻼﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓــﻪ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦﺑﻌــﺪ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺌــﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫»ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ« ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻃﻦ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﻟﺤﻈــﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﺥﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧــﺰﺍﻉ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻻﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫»ﺭﺳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺲ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘــﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻫﺠﻤــﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻎ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﺒﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻴــﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻫﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻮ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻮﺍ؟ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴــﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻳــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﻓﺘﻨﻪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻲ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻗﺎﺗﻞ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫــﻢ »ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ« ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻋﺒــﺎﺩﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﮔﺮﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﺴﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻛﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ »ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻀﺞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ »ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ« ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪» - 2‬ﺗﻬﻮﺭ« ﻭ »ﺗﺮﺱ« ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻲﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺮﻋﺴــﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ »ﻣﺘﻬﻮﺭﺍﻧــﻪ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺘﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨــﺪ«‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺄﺱ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺪﺍﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﺘﺎﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﻉ« ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺘﺎﻋﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﻞﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻭﻫﻢﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﺳﻜﻮﺕ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ »ﺳﻜﻮﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﺗﺮﺱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺫﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺫﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺫﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪» - 3‬ﻧﻘﺪ« ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﻭﺣﺪﺕ« ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﻧﻘﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶﺑﻪﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱﻧﺸﺴﺖﺗﺎ»ﻭﺣﺪﺕ«ﺣﺎﺻﻞﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻭﺣﺪﺕﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ»ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﭘﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ«ﻭ»ﺻﻠﺢﻭﺳﺎﺯﺵ«ﻧﻴﺴﺖﺑﻞﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱﺣﻔﻆﻭﺟﻮﻩﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻭﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲﺍﺯﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢﺑﻲﻣﺒﻨﺎﻭﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻠــﺐ »ﻭﺣﺪﺕ« ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﻂﻫﺎﻱ »ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ« ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ« ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺣﺪﻱ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﻧﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ« ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻭﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻨﺤــﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ‪ «...‬ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﻪﺭﺻﺪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩﻭﺩﻓﻌﺘﺎ»ﺳﺮﺍﻥﻓﺘﻨﻪ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻼﻙ »ﺣﻖ«‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕـﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿـﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ( ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸـﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳـﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﻌـﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧـﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳـﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄــﻖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻋﻈﻤﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺫﺑــﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻏــﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﻘﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺧﻮﺩﻱ« ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ »ﺧﻮﺩﻱ«ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻣﺠﻤـﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻼﻛﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋــﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﭼﻘـﺪﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃـﺐ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳـﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﺬﺭﺕﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻼﻛﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺟﺪﺍﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻌﻨﻲﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻣﺸﻲﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﻣﺸﻜﻞﺣﻞﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃـﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧـﻪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣـﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸـﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺨــﺎﺹ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﮓﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝﻭﺁﺷﺘﻲﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱﺗﻨﺪﺩﺭﺩﻋﻮﺍﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺍﮔﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝﻓﻀﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﺎ ﻫﺎﻓﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻣﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗــﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺑــﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺒــﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻥﺑﻲﺳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟــﻮﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2011‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﺎﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺍﺑــﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳــﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻴﺒﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗــﺾ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕــﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻦﻛﺸﻮﺭﻋﺎﺟﺰﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ؟ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻭﻳﻞ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﭼﭗ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫــﻢ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻜــﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑــﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻸﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜــﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧــﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ )ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﺗﺎﻣــﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴــﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ‪ 88‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺴــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 26‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺶ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗــﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ« ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻘــﻮﻁ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻌــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ« ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺿــﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺗﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ )ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ(‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﻓﺸﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﺍﻓــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻡﺯﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪﻭﺧــﻮﻥﺑــﻪﺩﻝﺁﻥﭘﻴــﺮﺳﻔــﺮﻛــﺮﺩﻩﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺬﺍﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻓﻴﺼﻠﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧــﺺ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﻙ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔــﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‪-‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ )ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ )ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ( ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ )ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ( ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺤــﺎﺏ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺳﻜــﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺴﺖ ﻋﻨﺼــﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻣﺂﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺻﺎﻑﻛﻦ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ؟ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗــﻲ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﻲﺩﺍﻣــﻪﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺴﺘﻲﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻲﺑــﻪﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻮ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻱ!‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻜــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠــﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋــﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﻭ ژﺍﻥ ژﺍﻙ ﺭﻭﺳﻮ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ‪ 84‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧــﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟــﺰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗــﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﺩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻊ ﻭ ﻗﻤﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜــﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜــﻮﺕ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻨﻬــﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺯ ﺳﻜــﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺒﻰ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺍﻧــﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺯﻧــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕــﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫــﻰ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺻﺤﻴــﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤــﺎﺕ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻰ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻤﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴــﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪29‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 88‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻳــﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﻮء ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻛــﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻢﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﻛﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻛﻢﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ‪ /‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ‪ ،1388‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﺲ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﺶ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧــﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔــﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1384‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤــﺎﻉ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔــﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪.‬ﺳﻜــﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﻮء‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻏﻠﻴﻆ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺗﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺻﺮﻳــﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗــﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻠﻂ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻱﻧﺎﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻟﺠﻦﻣﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻳــﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ »ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻗﺎﻝ ﻭﻻﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﻦﻗﺎﻝ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺨــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼــﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮء ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ‪ 88‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻫﻨــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﻮﺷــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﺪﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻰﮔﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺍﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ؟ ﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺯﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮓﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺷﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻛﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟــﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺸﻘــﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻠﺒــﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫــﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴــﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴــﻚ ﻧﺴﺒــﻲ ﺳﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳــﺮﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘــﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﻜﻮﺑﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺾ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻫﻰ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮء‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺽﻭﺭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺷﺖﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻰﺑﺪﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ – ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ – ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ‪ 7‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪1337‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪1357‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻮﺳــﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻨﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺸﻨﺞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻉ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻢ ﮔــﻮﻯ ﻭﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﻫﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮء ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻠﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷﺨﺼــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋــﻞ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗــﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻗــﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔــﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻠــﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻦﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺍﺹ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﺤﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ »ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1325‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬــﺮ ﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺪﻳــﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1339‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺭﻯ‬ ‫)ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ( ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1340‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻋﺎﻟﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1347‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﺾ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺣﺴﻴــﻦ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺣﻀــﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺣــﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1342‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 20‬ﺗﻴــﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1344‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1345‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1356‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑــﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻤﻨﺒﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﺑــﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻣﺰﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺍﺑــﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺑــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﭽﺴﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺒﺪﻛﺎﻭﻭﺱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1363‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1368‬ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1370‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 13‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1368‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺼــﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1369‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻰ )ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ(‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼــﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1370‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1374‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨــﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻯﺷﻬــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛــﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄــﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬــﺮ ﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﺠﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻭﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ 76‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 76‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧــﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻱﺷﻬــﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 76‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺶ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪،‬ﺿﻤﻦﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲﻭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥﺣﻀﺮﺕﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ)ﻉ(‪،‬ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ‪ 59‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻤـﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻱﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊﻭﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺣﺞﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻟﻴﺎﻟﻲﺭﺍﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺣﺞﻭﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻯﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲﺑﺮﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺣﺞﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ؛ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﺩﺭﻗﻢﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻟﻴﺎﻟﻲﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﺧﺎﻛﺴﺎﺭﻗﻬﺮﻭﺩﻱﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﻣﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﻋﻼﻡﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﺍﺯﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺗﺎﻓﺮﺩﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﺣﺞﻭﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺍﻣﻮﺭﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰﻭﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺣﺞﻛﺎﺭﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰﺍﺳﺖﻭﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻗﺖﻛﺎﻓﻰﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹﺩﻫﺪﻭﺑﻪﺍﻣﻮﺭﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩﺑﺮﺍﻱﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺩﺭﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻃﻌﻤﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖﺗﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻌﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲﺭﺍﻛﻪﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪﺍﻭﺭﺍﻫﻢﺷﺮﻳﻚﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻥﺗﻮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻮﻱ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪﺩﺭﺍﻣﻮﺭﺣﺞﻭﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕﺑﻪﺩﻭﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﺗﻌﻬﺪﻭﺗﺨﺼﺺﺩﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖﺩﺭﻫﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲﻛﻪﻣﻘﺎﻡﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻋﻠﻰﻟﻴﺎﻟﻰﺑﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﺞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪﺩﻓﺘﺮﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻧﻈﺮﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﺭﺍﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯﺩﺍﻣﺖﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪﻭﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖﺣﺠﺎﺝﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺳﻼﻡﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﻯﺷــﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﺎﺿﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻣﻮﻛﺪﺗﺬﻛﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩﺷﺪﻛﻪﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻪﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﮔﺸﺖﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺑﻪﺷﻴﻮﻩﺳﺎﺑﻖﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺑﺪﻭﻥﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﺑﺎﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐﺻﺎﺩﺭﺷﺪﻩﻭﺍﻳﻦﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‪،‬ﻛﻪﻧﻈﺮﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯﺭﺍﺑﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺣﺞﻭﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻯﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭﺍﺻﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷــﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺑﺎﻗﻰﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﻯﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻭ ﺣﺞﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖﺟﺪﻳﺪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺣﺞﻭﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕﺳﺨﻦﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺣﺞﻭﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻫﺮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺯﺭﻫﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻯﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﻗﻬﺮﻭﺩﻯﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕﺩﺍﺷﺖﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺑﻨﺪﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﻭﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯﺑﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻣﻮﺭﺣﺞﻭﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻣﻰﺷﺪﺍﻣﺎﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰﺑﺎﺍﻭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﺳﺒﺐﺷﺪﻛﻪﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯﺩﺭﻗﺒﺎﻝﺍﻳﻦﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﺑﺪﻭﻥﺍﻃﻼﻉﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻴﺰﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺣﺞﺑﻪﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺤﺖﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﺷﺪﻳﺪﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﮔﺬﺷﺖﻫﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞﻫﻔﺘﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰﺧﺎﻛﺴﺎﺭﻗﻬﺮﻭﺩﻯ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺣﺞﻭﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕﻭﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﺗﺤﺖﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1370‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻯﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺠــﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴــﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﻯﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺩﻭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻡ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻲ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺎﺭ ﻗﻬــﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣــﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻜــﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔــﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳــﻦ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺯﺭﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺜﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﺞ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻻﻳﻖﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ‪ -‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻣﻨﺼــﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩﺳﺎﻝﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺧﺪﻣﺖﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ‪9‬ﺳﺎﻝﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ 3 ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ 3‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺣﺞﻭﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻰﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺍﺯﺳﺎﻝ‪85‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﺩﺳﺘﻰﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﻣﺸﺨﺺﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭﺩﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻻﺯﻡﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺣﺘﻲﺍﮔﺮﻓﺮﺻﺖﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﺣﻜﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﻨﻴﺪﻭﻣﻦﻫﻢﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﻢﺩﺭﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺣﺞﻭﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺮﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻟﻴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻭﺭﻭﺩﺑﻪﺍﺗﺎﻕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋــﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻮﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻮﻋﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻍ ﭘﺴــﺘﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ – ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ – ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻌﺪ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ – ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ – ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻟﺠﻮﺭﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼــﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠــﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧــﺶ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋــﻞ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒــﻞ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻰﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋــﺰﻝ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1360‬ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ 1378‬ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻌﺖﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧــﺰﻭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟــﻰ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴــﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺘﻚ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻔﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻫﺘﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ)!( ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘــﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴــﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠــﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﺩﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤــﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪26‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺑﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻣﺸﻜــﻼﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤــﻼﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺛــﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨــﺪﺭﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺸﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻰ ﺣﺎﺟــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺰﺍﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻼﺋﻤﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪26‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻓﺘــﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤــﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑــﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺨــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﺘــﺪﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺟــﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻌــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧــﺺ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗــﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻧــﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻱ ﻗﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻠــﻞ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺖﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻘﻼ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻌــﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺮﺟــﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺗﻦﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴـﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨـﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘـﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﺨﺸـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺐﻧﻴـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴـﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠــﻲ )ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫــﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﻲﺯﻧــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧــﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺧــﻼﻕ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺳﺨــﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨــﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺫﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻠﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧــﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻴﻠــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ )ﻉ( ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻟــﺬﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻨـﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼــﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛــﻪ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﺸﺨــﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﻭﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻨﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻨــﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳــﻊ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪14‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑــﻪ ‪24‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺠــﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻣــﺶ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺗــﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜــﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠــﺎﻡ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴـﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪،‬ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻋﻘﻼ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋــﺰﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼــﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻝﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﻭﻓــﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻟﻮﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔــﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻧﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 88‬ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻍ ﻭ ﺟــﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻧﺒــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴــﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺿﺪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴــﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺠــﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤــﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻨــﺪﺭﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻃﺒﻞ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﻁ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋــﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻫﻢ ﭘﻴــﺶﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺘﻀــﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ‪.‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺸﺒﻴــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻬــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﺶ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻋﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳـﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄـﻪ ﺻﺤﻴـﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﭼﺎﺭﭼـﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕﻧﻴﺰﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻓﻀﺎﺋﻠﻰ‪،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧـﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴـﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧـﻪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻳــﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻓﻴﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻌﻄــﺎﻑ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﮔﻮﺍﺩﻟﻮپ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1357‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﺩﻟــﻮپ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳــﻪ ‪) 1979‬ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ (1357‬ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻤﻮﺕ ﺍﺷﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈــﻢ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻼﺕ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﺩﻟﻮپ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 15) 1979‬ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ‪ (1357‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﺩﻟﻮپ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴــﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻱﺳــﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﮔﻮﺍﺩﻟﻮپ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻤﻮﺕ ﺍﺷــﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨــﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ«؛ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧــﺲ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 4‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﻨﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳــﻮﻧﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﭘﻴﭻﻭﺧﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺛﻤﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺨﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﭘﻮﻧﻴﺎﺗﻮﺳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﭘﻮﻧﻴﺎﺗﻮﺳــﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 26‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 28‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ )‪ 5‬ﺗﺎ ‪7‬‬ ‫ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ »ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪...‬ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﻴﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳــﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺍﺩﻟﻮپ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻫﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳــﺘﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻭﻧﺲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻫﺎﻳــﺰﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴــﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﺩﻟﻮپ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﻮﻡ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺼﺎﻟــﺢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﻮﺍﺩﻟﻮپ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﺩﻟﻮپ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳــﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻄﺤﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺗــﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻴﻤــﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ« ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳــﺘﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻠﻪ! ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ »ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺍﺩﻟــﻮپ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻨﺞﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻭﻧﺲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺷــﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟــﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ‪ NBC‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺼﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ »ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ‪ F15‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺗﺬﻛــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪.1363 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺡ‪ .‬ﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪.1370 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺳـﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷـﺮﻗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪.1361 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﮔﻮﺍﺩﻟﻮپ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻯ ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻃﻠﻮﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻚ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪.1368 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻫﻮﺷـﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺷـﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﮕﻨﻴﻒ ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻲ‪.1362 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .7‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺳﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪.1371 ،‬‬ ‫‪ .8‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﺩﻟﻮپ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ 18 ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪.1378‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘــﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻗﺮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﺶ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1323‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺮ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 2008‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ »ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻦﻛﺠــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺿــﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﻨﺴــﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻃﺒﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺛﺎﻣﻦﺍﻻﺋﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻃﺒﺴﻰ – ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ – ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻃﺒﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺰﻏﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪﺵ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻏﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬــﺪﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻔــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬــﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﺩژ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ‪16‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬــﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﺒــﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺻﺒــﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴــﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 1212‬ﻕ‪.1798 /.‬ﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻳﻌﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺣﺸﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻲﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1951‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫‪ :1951‬ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ :1953‬ﺧﻠﻊ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ :1979‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ :1988‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻳــﻪ ‪:1989‬ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧــﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ :1990‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻪ ‪ :1997‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ :1998‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ :2000‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ :2001‬ﺟــﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1979‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ :2002‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﺩﺍﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ :2003‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻼﺡﻫــﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 21‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ :2003‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 27‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ :2003‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﻫﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ :2003‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ :2003‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕــﺮﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻪ ‪ :2004‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻈــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 18‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ :2004‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻳﺪﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘــﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 21‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ :2004‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ :2005‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺶﺯﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ :2005‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻧﺪﻭﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ :2006‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ :2006‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺮﻣﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 23‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ :2006‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 23‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ :2007‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻞ ‪ :2007‬ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1384‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳــﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﺤــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2001‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ )ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ( ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،2003‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘــﺮﻙ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 2003‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴــﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻨــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗــﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻠــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‪ 2006‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺮﻣﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊﺗﺮﺍﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ؛ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳــﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﺮﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﻢ )ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴــﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻃﻲ‪ 27‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌــﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘــﺮﺽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻫﻢﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺻﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ 30 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﺩﺭﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺸـﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻫﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻳﺪ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﺳﺎﻟــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘــﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ -‬ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﻃﻨﻢ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔــﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘــﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﺪﻯﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺣــﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷـﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉﺍﺵ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ )ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻠــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼــﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻫــﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ( ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻤــﻼ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺠــﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔــﻰ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺞﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻼء ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻼء ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻫﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴــﻚ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺩﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺤــﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻜــﻰ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﭘﺎﺳﺦﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕﻭﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻠــﻰ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻰ ﺣﺮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺠﻤﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 1/6‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣــﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻨﻰ ‪ -‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﻪ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺘــﺮﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﺘــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﺶ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧـﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴـﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜــﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫـﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫــﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻲ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1357‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﻣــﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1359‬ﻣﺎﺭﮔــﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﭼــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺴﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1360‬ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﭼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻟﺤﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ »ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻛﻮﭘﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1366‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1367‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻔــﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1367‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧــﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1367‬ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺠــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1369‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘــﺎﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1369‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ »ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨــﺎﺩ« ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1371‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻔﻴــﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1378‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻗــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﻛــﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1378‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1381‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻲﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1384‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠـﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺎﺛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴـﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻔﺼﻠـﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑـﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺧﺒﺎﺛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴـﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘـﻪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴـﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳـﻞ ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺍﻋﻀـﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ؛ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴـﺎﻝ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺩﺭﭘﻰﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻭﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺭﻓﺘﻦﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﭘﺲﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ 1/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺩﻻﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟـﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ«؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫــﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳـﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫـﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘــﻰ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻨﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺳﺎﻣــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔــﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ‪ Sir‬ﻳﺎ ‪ Lord‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪) ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺒﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻮﻧﺰ(‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗــﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻤﻴﻨــﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣــﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻫﺴﺘــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺶﺗﺮﺍﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 32‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ«‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛــﺎﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨــﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻫﺪﻑ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ« ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺴﺎﻟــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺮﺩ ﺟــﻮﺭﺝ ﻧﺎﺗﺎﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨــﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ » ﺷﺮﻳﻚ« ﻳﺎ »ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ« ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺖ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ« ﻳﺎ »ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ »ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ »ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ« ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻢﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻢﺳﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻗﻠﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓــﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻰﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘــﺎﻝ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼــﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻗﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺸﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ »ﺿﺎﻳﻌﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﻋﻨﺎﺩ« ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳــﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻌــﻰ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴــﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺩﻫﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻜــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻫﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﺩﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺯﺷﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1404‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄــﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔــﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ‪،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣــﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﺴﻔﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ »ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ‪ 19‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻣﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﻨــﺲ ﭘﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1996‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺗﺮﺳﻴــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﻛﺲﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕــﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠــﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛــﺖ ﺍﺟﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺴﺖﻭﺷﻮﻯ ﻣﻐﺰﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ »ﺳﻴﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻴﻤــﻰ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ »ﻛﺮﻭﻧﮕــﺎﺭﺩ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﺴﻔﻠﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﺍﺗﭽﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻣﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﻴــﻞ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺳﻘــﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻌﺒﺖﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕــﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻟﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﺳﻚ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻜﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻞ ﺑﺮﻣــﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﺎﺭﻧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫــﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﮔﻴﺞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘــﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺭﻧﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻳــﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻰﺳــﻮﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻜﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻟﻴﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴــﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺳﻨﮕﻴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ »ﺁﻣﻔﻴﺒﻴﻮﺱ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﺙ ﻓﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﻼﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2004‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻴــﺮ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑــﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2007‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺟــﺎﻥ ‪ 17‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﺋــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕــﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗــﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﺭﻳﻜﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﺎ« ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2007‬ﺑﻪﺟﺮﻡ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 17‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻄــﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻛــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2007‬ﻣﻴـﻼﺩﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗـﻲ ﻣﺒﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﻴﻦ ﻫـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘـﺎﻝ ﺳـﻠﻮگ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺪﻧـﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗـﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ‪ 2007‬ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2007‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷـﻠﻮﻏﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣـﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻗـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸـﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺭﻳـﻜﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿـﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓـﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗـﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻫـﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2007‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳـﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿـﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔـﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺠـﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻟﻴﻨﺎﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2009‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ »‪ «Xe‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻠـﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟـﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 17‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 2003‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺎﺯﻭﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘــﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻌــﺎﺭﺽ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳــﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫــﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻄــﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫــﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻓﻜــﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻑﺑــﻰﺁﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﻰ‪.‬ﺁﻯ‪.‬ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻨــﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻣﻜــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ‪،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴــﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣـﻰ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜـﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫـﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺶ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄــﺢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺷﻜــﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗـﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺿـﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺷﺮﻛﺖﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮﻭﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﺯﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻠـﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﺭﻳﻜﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﺎ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2007‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 17‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﻁ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳـﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻛﺸـﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﺎﻍ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻗﺎﺿﻲﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬ﻣﺎﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥﺷﺮﻛﺖﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣـﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫»ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗـﺮ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷـﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓﻋﺮﺍﻕﻭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺩﺭژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻙ ﻭﺍﺗـﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠـﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴـﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳـﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸـﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺳـﺨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸـﻮﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘـﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋـﻼﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﻀﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤـﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘـﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳــﻒ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﻘﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠــﻮﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ 5 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ – ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ – ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ »ﺑﺮﻧﺰ« ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 17 .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 17‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻰﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳــﻼﺣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﻕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻭﻛﻼﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﺑﻴـﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣـﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳـﻰ ﻫـﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴـﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗــﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﻛــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛــﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺳﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻔﺮﻩﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﺏﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ‪ 172‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ‪ 78‬ﺷﺮﻛــﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﻖ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻔــﻮﻅ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋــﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﻛــﺖ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠــﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨــﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﺪﺑﺎﻍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻠﻚﻭﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ‪ 14‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺯﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺴﺘﺮﺩﺍﻡ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﻤــﺲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﺳﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 14‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ« ﻭ »ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀــﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺧﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 1947‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻃﻲ ‪ 63‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻠﻔــﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 90‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘــﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳــﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ 2001‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺁﻣﺴﺘﺮﺩﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ‪ 14‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﺖﭘﻮﻳﻨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺳﺘﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ‪ -‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴــﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻲ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ 2001‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠــﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘــﻲ ﺿﺪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻧﮕــﺮﺵ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬــﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣــﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ -‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ ،2001‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤــﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓــﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻃــﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻝﺑﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫــﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ‪ wait and watch‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗــﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮچ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ »ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ« ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻔــﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1200‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺸﻰ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺸﻰ ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓــﺖ ‪ 256‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻲﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺭﻧــﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺧــﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺕ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﻭﻧــﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳــﺞ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻴــﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﺴﻴﻦﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯﺍﺧﻴﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﺮﺿــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺨــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟــﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺌــﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺿﻴﻖ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫــﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺍﺗﻜﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 35‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻧﺤﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 450‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻡﺯﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﻨﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺰﻟﻰ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ‪ 2009‬ﻭ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﻫﺎ )‪ ،(WFE‬ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻳــﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﻫﺴﺘــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻀــﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ )ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ (5+1‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣــﺶ ﺣﻜﻢﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻯﻣــﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﺳﺒﺪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻬﻤــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺫﻫــﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟــﺰء ﺭﻳﺴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻳﺴﻚﻫــﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻛــﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﮕﻨﺎﻝ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﮕﻨــﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ‪ 85‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛــﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻫــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻧــﻖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘــﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛــﺎﻻ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘــﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣــﺪﻝ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨــﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳــﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﻌــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤــﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘــﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻣــﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭼــﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺨــﺶ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳـﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻋﻤـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺻﺎﻟﺢﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑــﺎﺯﺩﻩ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﺨــﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣــﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻨــﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻴﻤــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘــﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳـﻬﺎﻡ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑـﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳـﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻄـﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﺑـﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟـﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﻭﺿﻌﻴـﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻫـﺎ ﭼـﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨـﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨـﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺳﻄــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﻠــﻮﻙ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻄــﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦﺭﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،87‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 41‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻂﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺪﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺑــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺰﻭ‬ ‫‪ 9001‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻘــﻮﻁ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻧﻜﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪wait and wat ch‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﻔــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺸﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺸﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺸﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﻤــﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌــﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑــﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒــﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﻛﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ )ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 6‬ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪86‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻣﺰﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﻌﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ‪ 1364‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻘــﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴــﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻴــﺖ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﻴــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺿــﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪1300‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛــﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿــﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻋﻘﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻋــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ‪ 19‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳــﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ‪ 30/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ‪ 19‬ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠــﻰ ﻳــﻚ ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﻋﻼﻗﮕــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﻪﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺯﺍ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ( ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﮔــﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﮔــﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠــﻮﺏ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ )ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻠﺒــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺁﻣﻴــﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺒﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻛــﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺖﻭﺧﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋــﻞ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧـﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻋــﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ‪19‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺟﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴــﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺶﻭﻗـﻮﺱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻭﻫــﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﺠﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳـﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑـﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋــﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺖﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺍﺯﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯﺑﻮﺭﺱﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩﻫﺮﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻯﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻣﺜﺒﺖﻭﻣﻨﻔﻰﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻓﻌﻠﻰﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯﻭﺑﻮﺭﺱﺍﺯﺭﻭﻧﺪﺧﻮﺑﻰﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨــﺪﻭﻕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳــﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﻣﺎﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﺻﻮﺭﺕﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﻭﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻓﻌﻠﻲﻳﻚﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺭﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱﺑﻌﺪﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻛﺸﻮﺭﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱﺑﺎﻋﺚﺷﻔﺎﻑﺷﺪﻥﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺁﻧﻬﺎﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺳـﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺷﺎﺧــﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣــﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻧﻘﺶﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻬﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲﺩﺭﺑﺪﻧﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻭﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﻧﺪﺭﺍﺑﺎﻛﻨﺪﻱﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﺳﻄﺢﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻡﺟﺪﻱﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚﺷﺪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲﻋﻤﻞﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻣــﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃــﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 16‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 13‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪700‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻮﻙ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﻜــﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺵ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘــﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺴﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺯﺭﻳﺴﻚﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚﺧﺎﺭﺝﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ؛ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘــﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ‪40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋــﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼــﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫـﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ‪75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃــﻰ ‪9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣــﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﺎﺭ ﺭﻳﺴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺟﻮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳـﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻫـﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺎ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺑﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 63‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 29‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ 57 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ‪14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ‪ 29‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ 16 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 274‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 20 ،44‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ‪ 274‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻠــﻮﻙ ‪ 30/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 117‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 403‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 63‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﺸﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸــﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼــﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻼﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ )ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ( ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪44‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻩﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻒ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧــﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘــﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓــﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﻨــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘــﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ!ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼــﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔــﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﻜــﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛــﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣــﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪،44‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ؛‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ‪ 2010‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒــﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﻨﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻦِ ﭘﻨﺴﻴﻠﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ »ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2010‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﻭﺱ ﺯﺍﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﺑﺎﻝ ﺩﻟﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ‪ 2010‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪ 65‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘــﻮﺭ ‪ 500‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻔﻮﻟﻴﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﺿﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ‪ 2008‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ،2009‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴــﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻰ ﺩﺍﻭ ﺟﻮﻧﺰ ‪ 18/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ 23/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﺰﺩﻙ ﻫﻢ ‪ 43/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪10/1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓــﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺵ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻰ« ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥﻫــﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﮕﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﻭﻫﻮ ﺳﻜﻴﻮﺭﻳﺘﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ‪ 2011‬ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺮﻧﻮﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺷﺎﻫــﺪ ‪ 2/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﻭﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗــﻰ ‪ 8‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫‪ wild card‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2010‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻩﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 3/2‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 3/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺁﻯﺍﺱﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧــﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺁﻯﺍﺱﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 2010‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬــﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺘــﺮﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻯﺍﺱﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 54‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 53/6‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮔﺮﻳﮕﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ‪ 2010‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻯﺍﺱﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺷﺎﺧــﺺ ﺁﻯﺍﺱﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 50‬ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪48/7‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪2010‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 2/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2007‬ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﺳﻔــﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺯﺣﻤــﺖ ‪ 0/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻄﺌﻰ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ 11 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺒﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ‪ 67‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ )ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ( ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭ ﺟﻮﻧﺰ ﺑﺎ ‪ 120‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧــﺺ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ‪ 11/3‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﻭ ﺟﻮﻧﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 428‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ‪ 1652‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 19‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻭ ﺟﻮﻧﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ 26‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖﻭﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻞ ﻟﻴﻨﭻ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺗﺰﺩﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﻛــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻞ ﻫﭙﺒﻮﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﭙﺒﻮﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻯﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ‪ 2010‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺠﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﺮﺧــﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﻞ ﺷﺮﻛــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﺒﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻮﻣﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ‪ 69‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻔﻠﻴﻮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳــﺪ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻰﭘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﮔــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ )ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ( ﻧﻮﻳــﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻰ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟــﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛــﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺎﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻟﭽﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻔﻠﻴﻮﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻛﻴﻼ ﺭﺍﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻧﻴﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻛﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 2011‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺎﺭﻛﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻭﻧﺲ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺭ ‪ 18‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 1500‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻭﻧﺲ ‪1096‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘــﻂ ‪ 27‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺿﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻀﺎﻣﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 44‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 2009‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻭﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 72‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫‪ 54‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ‪ ،2009‬ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﭽﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﻳﺰﻭﻧــﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍﻛــﻰ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛُﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺑﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﭼﻴﭗ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻟﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﻳﺰﻭﻧﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2010‬ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﻌﻨﻪﺁﻣﻴــﺰﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2000‬ﺻﺮﻑ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘــﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗــﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖﺭﻓﺘﻪ« ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕــﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓــﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺸﻨﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘــﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒــﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜــﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛـﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑــﻮﺭﺱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙــﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭﺍﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 62‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ 150‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒــﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪0 44‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻃــﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1349‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ‪ 39‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮ«‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﺪﻣﺖﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘــﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻬــﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧــﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﺩﺑــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻀﻤــﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗــﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫــﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧــﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1349‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ‪ 39‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷﻤــﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻤــﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻨــﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄــﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻘﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤــﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻄــﻪ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﺧــﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠــﻰ ﻧﺠﻔــﻰ ‪ ،(1365 -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ )ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻚﭘﻮﺭ ‪ (1364 -‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘــﺎﻥ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ ‪ ،(1366-‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ )ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻯ ‪ ،(1379 -‬ﻣــﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫)ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤــﻰ‪ (1386-‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺩ )ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧــﻰ( ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﺸﺎﻫﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠــﻰ)ﻉ( ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ)‪ ،(1375‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻓﺨﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻳــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫)‪ (1379‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ )ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ‪ (1383-‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺻﺒﺎﺡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺧــﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﻤــﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻏﺰﻧﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺠﻮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠــﻪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﻗﻴــﻖ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻠــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻃــﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻃــﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻨﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳــﻰ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼــﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺴﺘــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒــﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧــﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣــﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺒــﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻰ ﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺟﻤﺸﻴــﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﺴﺐ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ؛ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﺑﻠﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻳﻪ )ﺑﺎ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪ( ﺁﻓﺮﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧــﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪ)‪ (1379‬ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﻯ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﺴﻤﺘــﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧــﻰ )ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻬــﺰﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ( ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﭙــﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﭘــﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﭼﻬﻞﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻬــﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻬﻴﻞ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻭﻳﺲ ﻗﺮﻧــﻰ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻦ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺍﺳﻄــﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺧﺮﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋــﻮﺽ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧــﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳــﻊ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 1299‬ﺷﻤﺴــﻰ )ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ( ﺗــﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻘﺒــﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺿــﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺟــﺎﺕ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ‪ 37‬ﺳﺎﻟــﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪24‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 57‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺐ ﺩﻫﻢ )‪ (1380‬ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ )‪ (1386‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﻋــﺪﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴــﻒ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ )‪ (1379‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ )‪ (1378‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ‪1‬ﻭ‪ 2‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧﺖ )‪ (1386‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺯﺩ)‪ ،(1359‬ﺍﺷﻚ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺴﺎﺡ)‪ (1361‬ﻭ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺗﻮ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ)‪ (1363‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ )‪ (1361‬ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ‪ 8‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ‪ (1367)53‬ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ )‪ (1368‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻤﺲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻫﻮﺷﻨــﮓ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ)‪ (1369‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺷﺐ )‪ (1369‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ)‪ (1370-1374‬ﻛــﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫــﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖ)‪ (1370‬ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫــﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ)‪ (1374‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴــﻒ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ)‪(1379‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎ ﺧﺘــﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎ ﺍ ﻟﺪ ﻳــﻦ ﺩ ﺭ ﻯ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳــﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ )‪ (1381‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﻳﺪﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ)‪ (1385‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﭼﻨﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺑﻠﻨــﺪ »ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑــﺎﺩ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧــﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1299‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ )ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻــﺮﻑ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺻﻔﺮﺩﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻏﻨــﻰﺍﻳــﻦﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴــﻦﺩﺳــﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮ« ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺳـﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫـﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻧﻮ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻴﮓﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺒﻜﻪ ﺳـﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘـﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮ« ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧـﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣــﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻴﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠــﺪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟــﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸـﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣــﻪ »ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧــﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﺨــﻮﺭﺩﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﺩﻗﺖﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﻠﻜﻴﺠﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨـﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﺳـﻮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﻠﻜﻴﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒــﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﻢﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻜــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗـﺮﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـﻪ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮ« ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻨﻮﺍﺯ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ »ﺭﻭﺯﮔــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮ« ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـﻪ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯﻫـﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻗﺼــﻪ ﭘﻼﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮ«‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺰﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪﭼﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ»ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷـﻮﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪...‬ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳـﺎﻧﺲ ‪ 4:30‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ‪ 9‬ﺷﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭼﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳـﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﺸـﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﺁﻥﺭﺍﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺷﺸﻢﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺼﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﻛﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺠﺎﻑ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳـﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﻫــﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻜــﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﻒ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ‪ -‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻏﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻛـﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧـﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧـﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳـﻪﺍﻱ ‪3-4‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻋﺠﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺸــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ‪ -‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﺘــﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺘــﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 4 - 5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻘﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺗﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭﻡ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻧﮕــﺎﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨــﺪﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺘــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻋــﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻋــﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻳــﻚ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺧﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺷـﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻄـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌـﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﺋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻄﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺟــﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺗﺨﻴﻠــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤــﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻛﻠــﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜــﺲ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘــﻪ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜــﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ« ﺑﻴﺸﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺷـﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﺩﻭﺑـﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔـﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻄـﻲﺍﺵ ﺷـﺒﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑـﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »‪ 21‬ﮔﺮﻡ« ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻄـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »‪ 21‬ﮔﺮﻡ« ‪ -‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ ‪،-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺠﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻌــﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻤــﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻄـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘـﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪﺗـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﺳـﻜﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻟﻴﻨﻚﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻟﻴﻨﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻗﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﺭﻳﺴـﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃـﺐ ﻛﻢﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳـﺪﻥ ﻛﻤﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻗﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ؛ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱﻛﻤﻚﻛﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺗــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﺘﻤــﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺼﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺧﺎﺻــﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﺴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﻴﻦﺍﻳﺠﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﻴﻦﺍﻳﺠﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻛــﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ »ﺳـﻴﺎﻣﻚ« ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻼ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺳﻴﺎﻣــﻚ« ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺷﻮﺥ ﻭ ﺷﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻢﺣﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄــﺢ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡﺗﺮﻱ ﭘــﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕــﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ »ﺳـﻴﺎﻣﻚ« ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﻴﻦﺍﻳﺠﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ »ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫»ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﻴﻦﺍﻳﺠﺮ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﭼـﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺷـﺮﻭﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺑــﻪﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺆﺍﻟﺘــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻨﺮﻳﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺭﻱﭘﻮﺭ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲﺳـﻦ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ»ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ«ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻤﺎﺍﺯﻧﺴﻠﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺩﻫﻪﺷﺼﺖ‪،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﺶ ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ» ‪« 2012‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ‪ 2012‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2012‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻮﻧﺰﺍﻟﻮ ﮔﻮﺭِﺭﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﻮﻟﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﺟﺰﻳــﺮﻩ ﻳﻮﻛﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪ )ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ( ﻣﺪﺗــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧــﻮﺡ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳــﻚﭼﻴــﺰﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻲﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴـﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳـﻄﻮﺭﻩ ‪ 2012‬ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﺮ ﺍﻛﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫• ﻣﻴﻚ ﻻﺳـﻞ‪ /‬ﺳﻦﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻴﻜﻞ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺲﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﻘﺺ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ »‪ «2012‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺕ‪ /‬ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﺳﺎﻥﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‪ «2012» :‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺘﻚ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺗﺎﺩ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪ /‬ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺘﻲ‪ :‬ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻳﻨﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪ ﻛﻠﻮﺯﺭ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺸــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤــﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ژﺍﻧﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﻪ ژﺍﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ« ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ »‪ «2012‬ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻋﺪﺩ »‪ «2012‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ »ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ« )ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﺍﺑﺴﻦ‪(1974/‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺭﻟﻴﺲ‪ /‬ﺗﺎﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﭽﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻟﺬﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﻛﻨﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ /‬ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‪ :‬ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑـﺖ ﻭﻳﺘﺰﻣﻦ‪ /‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ »‪ «2012‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺭﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻳﮕﺰ‪ /‬ﻣﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 240‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻘﺸـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺍﻳﻔـﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ »‪ «1408‬ﻭ »ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴــﻦ« ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻱ ژﺍﻧــﺮ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺸﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺱ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻳﻨﮕــﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ )ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﻢ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘــﻼﻝ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ 51‬ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ 51‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴـﺰﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻓﻬﻤﻴــﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .2012 :‬ﻧﻈﺮﺕ ﭼﻴﻪ؟« ﻭ ﻣﻦ )ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ( ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻙ )ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ( ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒــﻂ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫـﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟ )ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ )ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ(‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺯﻭﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺻـﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻘـﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻢ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﻜﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻼ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻧـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺩﻧﻴـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﻴـﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﭘــﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻜﺸﻢ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ(‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘــﻪ ﻛﻮﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﺠــﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧــﺶ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲﺍﻡ‪،‬ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺮﺍﻧﮕﻞﺭﺍﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙــﺲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻔــﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻧــﺰﺩﻩ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻱ )‪» (Blu-Ray‬ﮔﻮﺩﺯﻳﻼ« ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ 1400 .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ »ﮔﻮﺩﺯﻳﻼ« ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻮﺯﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺭژﻳﻨﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ) ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻴﻼ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺗﺰ )ﻣﻮﻭﻱ ﺁﻥﻻﻳﻦ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻮﺯﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﺶ )‪ (SDCC‬ﻭ ‪(...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ 1955‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﺗﮕــﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑــﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺡ« )‪ (1984‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻠﺒﺮگ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍﺟــﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺕ )ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔــﻮ ﺳﺎﻥﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ( ﻛﻪ »‪ «2012‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘــﻼﻝ« )‪» ،(1996‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ«‬ ‫)‪ (2004‬ﻭ »‪ .(2009) «2012‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘــﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺭﻭﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﺮﺑــﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ« )‪» ،(1992‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ«‬ ‫)‪» ،(1994‬ﮔﻮﺩﺯﻳﻼ« )‪» ،(1998‬ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ« )‪ (2000‬ﻭ »ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ« )‪ (2008‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﺶ‪:‬‬ ‫• »ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺳﺎﻳﺪﻭﻥ« )‪» ،(1972‬ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﺨﺮﺍﺵ ﺟﻬﻨﻤﻲ«‬ ‫)‪ (1974‬ﻭ »ﺯﻟﺰﻟــﻪ« )‪ (1974‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺍﻣﺮﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ« )‪(2007‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻢﻭﺭﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻠﺒﺮگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻤﻴﺮ« )‪ ،2002‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﻨﻜﺒﻮﺗﻲ« )‪ (2002‬ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2008‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »‪«2012‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ )ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸـﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ( ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺸـﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ »‪«2012‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳـﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺡ« ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺷـﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫• ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭﻭﺩﺭﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺭﻭﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ ﻳﻮﺍﺱﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺷــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ«‪.‬‬ ‫• ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ )‪ (20:12‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻜﺴــﻦ ﻛﺮﺗﻴﺲ )ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﺯﺍﻙ( ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺗﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺘﻲ ﺳﻨﺖ )ﻛﺮﺗﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻜﺴﻦ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻟﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭپ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳــﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﻗﺮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺭﻭﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪ MTV‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﺲ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻜﺴﻦ ﻛﺮﺗﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫• ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺟﻜﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍ )ﻧﻮﺡ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺡ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻮﻝﺁﺳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪) Ark‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫»‪ «2012‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 3404‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 65‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ »‪ «2012‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 163/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻲ ‪ 573‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ‪ 480‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 6/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 52‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 736‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )‪ 163/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ( ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 163‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )‪ 573‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ( ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 34‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2012‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢِ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻧــﻲ »‪ «2012‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕِ ﺗﻤــﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﻫــﺐ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻣﺴﻴــﺢ )ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠــﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﺍﻭﻛﺘﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ )ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧــﺎﺩﺍ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﻭ ‪ 27‬ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﻭ ‪ 48‬ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺁﻥ( ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ‪ 25800‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫‪ 25800‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﻬﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳــﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 21‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2012‬؛ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»‪«2012‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪ ﻛﻠﻮﺯﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘــﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪ ﻛﻠﻮﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﻜــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺘــﺮ ﺍﺱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻴﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﻠﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪ ﻛﻠﻮﺯﺭ ﻭ ﻟﺮﻱ ﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻮﺯﺍﻙ )ﺟﻜﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺗﻴــﺲ(‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍ ﭘﻴﺖ )ﻛﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺗﻴﺲ(‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻮِﺗــﻞ ﺍﺟﻴﻮﻓﺮ )ﺍﺩﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻤﺰﻟﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻦ )ﻟﻮﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﭘﻼﺕ )ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﻮﺯﺭ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﺲ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻲ )ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﻠﺒﺮﻣــﻦ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﺎﺭﻟﺴﻦ )ﭼﺎﺭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺳﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺩﻧــﻲ ﮔﻼﻭﺭ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﺲ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻦ( ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧــﺎﺩﺍ‪ 158 ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻫِﻠﻤﺰﻟﻲ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ژﺋﻮﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺸﺸﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻠﻤﺰﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﺲ ﻭﻳﻠﺴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻜﺴــﻦ ﻛﺮﺗﻴﺲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺗﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ‪ 1320 - 1357‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃــﻊ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻇﻬــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻘــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻲ _ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺣﺠــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨــﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤــﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎپﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪. .‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪) 1320‬ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ( ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﭼﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1357‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫــﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪ 42‬ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1343‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ»ﺧﻮﺭﺍﺳﮕﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﻰ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﺳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻧﻴﻤﺎﻭﺭﺩ«‪» ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﻳــﻪ«‪» ،‬ﻭﺟﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﺎﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 130‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮگ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ« ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀــﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﭘﺮﺳﺘــﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲﮔــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ )‪- 1324‬‬ ‫‪ (1334‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ »ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻴــﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1340‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ »ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠــﻖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 50‬ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﺴﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺣﺠﻤﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻤﺪﻭﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺟﺒﻞﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻓﻴﺾ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 64‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﮔﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺘـﺐ‪-1 :‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ‪ -2‬ﺫﻫﻨﻴــﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‪ -4‬ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ‪ -5‬ﻋﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ‪ -6‬ﺑﺮگﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ‪ -7‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ(‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪﺷـﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷـﺶ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳـﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳـﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ «1320-1357‬ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺥﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﻭ ‪ 57‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸـﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺻﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ‪ -‬ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻊﺍﻻﺳﻒ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 40‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 57‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻪﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺸﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷـﻜﺎﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﺒﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻛﻤﺮﻩﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻔﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﻲﺻــﺪﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺶ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻣــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﺒﻲ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻏﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻓﻜــﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧــﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ« ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺧﺘـﻼﻑ ﻓﻜـﺮﻱ ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﻫـﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨـﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬ ‫ﻗـﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜـﻼ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺘـﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧـﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻜـﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1334‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﺴﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻭ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲﺍﺯﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﮔﻮﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﻋﻴﻮﺏﺍﻳﻦﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲﺭﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻑﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﻨﺮﻱﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﻭﻣﺮﻛﺰﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﭼﺎپﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻬﻤﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺑﺎﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻣﺎﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻭﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡﻫﻨﻮﺯﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﺗﺎﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢﻳﻚﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺫﺭﻩﺫﺭﻩﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌــﺎ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻭﺭﻗﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻭﺭﻗﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ – 1‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺷـﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﻴﺪﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 54‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ )ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺣﺒﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ(‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ – 2‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﻇﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ – ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺬﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ – ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﭘﺎﻭﺭﻗﻰ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 476‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ‪ -‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ – ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﻜﺒﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺳـﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﺒﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳـﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻃﻲ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 1320‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1357‬ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌــﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 57‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﻭﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1320‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1357‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 57‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋــﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 32‬ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪42‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﺱ »ﺍﻧﺎﺍﻟﺤﻖ« ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 42‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 57‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 43‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 56‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 56‬ﻭ ‪ 57‬ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻛﻼ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤــﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬــﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀــﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 42‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 41‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺪﻭﻗﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺳـﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳـﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤــﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﻴــﺪ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻗﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 56 - 57‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴــﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ )ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺘـﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟ ﺧﻼء ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻼء ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺷﻤﺎﺩﻗﺖﻛﻨﻴﺪﻛﺘﺎﺏ»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻴﻦﺩﻭﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﻗﻴﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1356‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ »ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧــﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺳﻴــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻔﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻰ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨــﺪﺭﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕــﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻐــﺾ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ« ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺎ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1356‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ »ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯﻣﻄﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﻜﺨــﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺮﻛﻪ»ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﺩﺭﺭژﻳﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺯﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ« ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻬﻤﻰﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭼﺎپﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪ 19‬ﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍ ﻃﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻼﺏ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﻃــﻼﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻼﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯﮔﻴﻼﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻗﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻼﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻣﻮﺝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻤﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻫــﺮﻯ ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑــﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇــﻢ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴــﺦ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺷﻬﺎﺏﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊﺑﺪﻭﻥﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻰﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺟﻠﺴﻪﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒــﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻤــﺎﻩ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨــﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻳﺴــﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺧــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨــﺎﺯﻝ ﺁﻳﺎﺕﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺧــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧــﻰ ‪-‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻣﻜــﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﻤــﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴــﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻒ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤــﺎﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻣﻐــﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ« ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ]ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ[ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺐ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨــﺰﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻼ ﺗﺸﻜﻴــﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳــﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺒــﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴــﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧــﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒــﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ« ﻭ »ﺑﮕﻮ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ« ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﺗﻴﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﻬــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺘﻔــﺮﻕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺘــﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻫﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻙﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺿــﺎﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺘــﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ‪10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ‪ 500‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪ 14000 :‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪3000 :‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1356‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪19‬‬ ‫ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1356‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ »ﭼﻬﻠﻢﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1354‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻗﻢ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴــﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘــﻰ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1350‬ﺵ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 18‬ﻭ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1342‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﻭﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫــﺮﺍﺕ ﺿﺪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋــﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ »ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 45‬ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺼﺎﺑﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟــﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﻙ ﻣﻴﺒﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺧﺸﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺣﺴﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‪96 :‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪ 4000 :‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪3000 :‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻨــﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 17‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1356‬ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1345‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﺩﻱ ‪ 1356‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻴﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﭽﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﭽﺮ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 3‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳــﻲ ‪ 8‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﭽﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ )ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺍﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻑﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺷﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠــﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺐ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘــﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻄﻨــﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 8‬ﺷﺐ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﺷﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﻜﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟــﺐ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻳﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻬــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻱ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺒﺮ ﻻﺑﻼﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺐ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﭼــﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 6‬ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﻴﻨﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺎﻩﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﻭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻤﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻳـﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨــﺪ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﻚﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮء ﻗﺼﺪ ‪ 21‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮء ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﭘﺎﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﻗﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻛــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﻨﺞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ :‬ﺑﺴﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﻏﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻫــﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ )ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ( ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺝﺷﻴﺦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺋﻔﻰ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﺷﺐﺯﻧﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺑــﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻏﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻞﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺎﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿــﺎ ﻓﻴﺎﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺾ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻌﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻇﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻰ ﻳــﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻰ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻤﺪﻭﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺒﻰ ﻧﻤــﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻭﺍﻓﻰ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑــﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ )ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (1361‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻟﻨﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺸﻜﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﺧــﺺ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤــﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺳﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜــﺎﺱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄــﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ )ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ (1372‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪﻱ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ )ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺟــﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻣﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻗــﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ )ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻓﺘــﺎﻭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﺗــﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﻠــﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻼﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺣﺮﻳﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ«‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻋــﺎﺩﻝ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ »ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻋــﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤــﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺟﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴــﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺟــﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻠﺒــﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺭﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻬــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻧﻌــﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻌــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﻱ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖ ﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔــﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻋﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1316‬ﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻚﺁﺑــﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻼﻳﻮﺳــﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺭﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﻬﻀــﺖ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻭﺟﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1325‬ﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1330‬ﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1334‬ﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ)ﻗﺪﺱ ﺳﺮﻩ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝِ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1342‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖﺩﺍﻣــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤــﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﻛﻰ ـ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﻬﻢﺍﷲ ـ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1354‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻰ )ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻳﻦ( ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠــﺐ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀــﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1344‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺭﺧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 1357/10/17‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺧﻠﻊﻳﺪﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﻌــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺧــﻪ ‪ ،1358/12/1‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼــﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻰﻭﻗﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺧــﻪ ‪ 1361/10/19‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ،1361/10/19‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧــﺞ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥِ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ]ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳــﻢ[ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ؛ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺨﺼــﻮﺹ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1364/4/16‬ﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 1364/4/18‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...»:‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﻧﻌــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﻗﺪﺱ ﺳﺮﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 1361/9/19‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟــﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠــﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙــﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻳﻮﺱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔــﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺭژﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺸﻤﻨﺎﻙ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1342‬ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 17‬ﺩﻱﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 1356‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻨﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫــﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﻬﻴــﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫــﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ ،1357‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣــﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺘﻼﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺍﺋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫‪ - 6‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ - 8‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ - 9‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫‪ - 10‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍ ﻻ ﺳﻼ ﻡ ﻭ ﺍ ﻟﻤﺴـﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺭﺿـﺎ ﺟﻤﺸـﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀـﻮ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗـﻢ ‪:‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻓﺘــﻮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺎﺫ ﻭ ﻧــﺎﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 86‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺼﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪:‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴــﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗــﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃــﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳــﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻻﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲﻳﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﺧﻠﻊ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻼ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳــﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔــﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴـﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ »ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔــﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﻫــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺖﺍﷲ ﺟـﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ‪:‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧــﻲ ﺁﻳــﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﺁﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴــﻦ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘــﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺁﻝﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﻠــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻱ‪:‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻘﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔــﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺑﻬﺠﺖ؛ﺍﺯﻧﻘﺪﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺗﺎﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﮕﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 1324‬ـ ‪ 1309‬ﺷﻤﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺟﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ »ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍﻟﺼﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ؛ »ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻑ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ«‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﻴّﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ« ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷّ ــﺪ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻓــﻊ ﺍﻓﺴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺿﻴﺎء ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧــﺪﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤــﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺟــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺭﺍﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻭﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﭼﻪﺗﻘﻠﻴﻠﻲﻛﻪﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪﻣﺎﺑﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﺷﺮﻉﻭﺩﻳﻦ)ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ(ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻛﺎﺭﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻛﻪﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﻧﻈﺮﺗﺮﺍﺯﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻏﻔﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻘﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺑﺎﻣﺬﻫﺐﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢﻣﺬﻫﺐﺷﻴﻌﻪ؟!ﻭﻭﻛﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩﺭﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺑﺎﺩﻳﻦﺗﻮﻗﻒﻭﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﺍﺯﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻛﻪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺑﻬﺘﺮﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺜــﻞ »ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﻧــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ »ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﭼﻪﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻒ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻛﺸﻴﺪﻭﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪:‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃــﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ« ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻇــﺐ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻟــﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻻﺍﺑﺎﻟــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻝﻣﻘﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺮﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘــﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮپ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘــﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ؟!«ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺠــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻥْ ﻋﺪّ ﺗﻢ ﻋُﺪﻧﺎ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺳﻮﻡﻧﻴﺰﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﻲﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺑﻪﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢﻳﺰﺩﻱﻛﻪﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﻬﺠﺖﺍﺯﺍﻭﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﻥﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ »ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻨﺪﺍﷲ« ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ »ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻃﻞ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖﻭﺑﺎﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱﻛﻪﺍﺯﻣﻘﺎﻡﺛﺒﻮﺕﺩﺍﺷﺖﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡﻋﻘﻠﻲﻭﻋﺎﺩﻱﻭﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺒﻪﻭﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺭﺍﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﻭﺑﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺎﺁﻥﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲﻛﻪﻧﺠﻒ‪،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻩﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻭﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ»ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺪﺗﻲﻧﺰﺩﺷﻴﻮﺥﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮﻧﺠﻒﺍﺷﺮﻑﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﻥﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ«‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻭﻗﺴﻢﻳﺎﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺍﺑﺎﻃﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻧﻪﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺍﺯﺑﻪﺧﻄﺮﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖﺍﺵﺩﺭﺁﻥﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻣﻲﻫﺮﺍﺳﻴﺪﻭﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻤﻴﺖﺍﻗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ‪،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺮﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪﻛﻠﻴﻪﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻭﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻓــﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ؛ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻐﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﭙﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺠﺖﺩﺭﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﺷﺒﻬﻪﻧﺎﻛﻲﻣﺜﻞﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﻨﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ)ﺱ( ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻇﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ« ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻴﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ »ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺐ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺠــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻮﻟــﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﺒﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘــﻦ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ »ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ« ﻋﻤﻼ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ«‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 10 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮ ﻫﻮّﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻴّﺖ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﻢﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﺠﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻭﺍﺟــﺐ »ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ« ﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﻨﺠــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺷﻴﺨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ـ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃــﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻒ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺠــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺼــﻮﻡ) ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻗــﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻛﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺩﻭﻡ‪:‬ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺧﻮﺩﺵﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺑﻘﺎﻱﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﻟﺠﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻧﺲ ﺇﻻ ﻟﻴﻌﺒــﺪﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺫﺍﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ( 56/‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻋﺒﻮﺩﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻌﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﺭﺡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻌﺼﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ »ﻭﻻ ﺃﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﷲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺫﻛﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪ ﺣﻼﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻣﻪ«‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﻞﺍﷲ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ؛ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ؛ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺾ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺽ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻼ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴــﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘــﺮﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﻣــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻴّﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺭﺡ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ‬ ‫)ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺑــﺎ »ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻠــﻒ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﭘﺎﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻗــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟــﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺭﺡ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺎﻣــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻢﺍﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺎ »ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ« ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫»ﺷﻬﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻏﻀﺐ« ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘــﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻟﻤﻦ ﻏﻠﺐ« ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻭﻡ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺪﻭﻡ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻈﻠــﻢ« ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؛ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﻓﻴﻮﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺻﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؛ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳــﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻄﺎﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﻓﻴﻮﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻋﻀﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺿــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻫﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺒﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺛﺒﺖ ]ﻛﻨﻴﺪ[‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘــﻰ؟! ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻳﻢ«‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺬﻝ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ؛ »ﻣﺎ ﺃﺧﺬﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻌﻠّﻤﻮﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺃﺧﺬ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎء ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻠّﻤﻮﺍ «‪ .‬ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺴﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠّﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ ﻗﻮﻟﻴﻪ » ﻛﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﺩﻋﺎﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻐﻴﺮ ﺃﺍﺳﻨﺘﻜﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺳــﺮﻝ ﺩﺭ ‪ 8‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻞ ‪ 1859‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻨﻴﺘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺍﻭﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭼﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺗﻴﻨﮕﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﺒﻮﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺘﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﻧﻮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1878‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﻭﺍﻳﺮﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻟﺌﻮﭘﻮﻟﺪ ﻛﺮﻭﻧﻜﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1882‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺾ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯﺑﺮﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮﻟﺌﻮﭘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﻧﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‪ 1884‬ﺗﺎ‪ 1886‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺘــﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﻧﻮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1886‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﮔﺰﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻣﭙﻒ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1891‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‪ :‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﻧﻮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪1890‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 1900‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺗﻠﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﮔﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1900‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1901‬ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﮋﻛﺘﻴﻮﻳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻳــﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺑﮋﻛﺘﻴﻮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ »ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ« ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻓﻬﻤﻰ ﺗﻚﺳﺎﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴــﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ‪ -‬ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟــﻮژﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢِ ﻛﻠــﻰِ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺴﻴﭙﻠﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﺻﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺧــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺤــﺾ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄــﻖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﮋﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ« ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺤــﺾ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻭﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻮﺳــﺮﻝ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴــﻦ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺑﮋﻛﺘﻴﻮ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺑﮋﻛﺘﻴﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻰ )ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﻩ( ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1938‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻮﺳــﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻘــﺎ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭘﻴﺶﻓــﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛــﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨــﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ »ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍ ِﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻘــﺎ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭ ﺑﻰﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝّ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨــﺮﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻌــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ )ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻳــﻖ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺒﺘﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﻰِ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥِ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝﺑﺮﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺪﻭﻥﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ‪،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺩﺭﺳﻄﺢﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ »ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ« ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ !.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻘــﺾ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﮔــﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 80‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ »ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴــﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻰ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺳﭙﺮﺱ ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ )ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﺗــﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫)ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ (70‬ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﻟــﻪ ﻭ ﮔــﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤــﺎﻥ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ (80‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫)ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﻜﻢ( ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ژﺍﻥ ﭘﻞ ﺳﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻰ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛــﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻛﻮ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﺶ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪﺟﻬﺖ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴــﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃــﻰ ﺩﻫﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗــﺮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻛﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻀــﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻐﻠﻖﮔﻮﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻰﻫﻴﭽﺪ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻞ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻤﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﮔﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻠﻖﺍﺵ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻚ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻧﻴﺰﺑﺮﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺯﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻭﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺱﺍﺳﺖﺑﻠﻜﻪﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝﺭﺍژﺭﻑﺗﺮﻭﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺑﺮﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰﺭﺍﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﻨﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺭﺍﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﻋﻠﻢﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺑﻪﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺁﻥﺗﻠﻘﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻭﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺑﺮﻫﺮﻋﻠﻢﺧﺎﺻﻰﻣﻘﺪﻡﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺭﺍﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥﺍﺻﻠﻰﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺱﺍﺯﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻧﻈﺮﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩﻭﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺯﺟﻬﺎﻥﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺑﮋﻛﺘﻴﻮﻳﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﺁﻧﭽﻪﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﻪﺫﺍﺗﻰﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻋﺰﻝﻧﻈﺮﺍﺯﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻪﺷﺮﻁﺁﻧﻜﻪﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻪﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻯﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪﻭﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯﺁﻥﺑﺎﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﻫﻮﺳﺮﻝﻓﺮﻕﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯﺛﺎﺑﺖﻭﺑﺪﻭﻥﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻧﻴﺴﺖﺑﻠﻜﻪﺧﻮﺩﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺣﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ »ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﺷﻜــﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ« ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ« ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻨﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮﺵ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ»ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﺑﺮگ ﺷﻮﻟﺘﺰ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ »ﭘﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻰ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺑﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻔﻮﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛــﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﻳﻨﻮﮔﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻴﻨــﺶ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻔﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗــﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﺠــﺎ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 26‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1889‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺩﻥ ـ ﻭﺭﺗﻤﺒﻮﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻛﻮﻫﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﭗ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻴﺮﺵﻧﮕﺴﺴﺖﻭﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﺑﻪﺁﻥﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﻭﻣﺮﺩﻡﺁﻧﺠﺎﺭﺍﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ‪ 87‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﻣﻪ ‪ 1976‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭘﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﻬﺎﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦﻣﺴﻜﻴﺮﺵﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻛﻪﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴــﻜﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﻌﻤﻖﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻜﻴﺮﺵ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻣﺘﺤﺪﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪﻧﻴﺎﺯﺑﻪﺗﻌﻤﻖﻭﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 26‬ﻣﻪ ‪1976‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦﻛﻼﻣﻰﻛﻪﺑﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭﺩﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩ‪»:‬ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﺒﻮﺭگ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚﻫﺎﺑﻪﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺧﻮﺩﺍﻭﺩﺭﻣﺴﻜﻴﺮﺵﺩﺭﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻯﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﺲﻛﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰﺍﺵﺩﺭﺻﺤﻦﺁﻥﺑﺎﺯﻯﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵﺧﺎﺩﻡﺁﻥﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﺻﺤﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺎﺩﺭﻭﭘﺪﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻨﮓ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ )ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪1992‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖﻭﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵﺁﺭﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ(‪.‬ﺑﺮﺑﺎﻻﻯﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻛﻪﺩﺭ‪1947‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯﺑﺮﺑﺎﻡﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ‪«.‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻭﺩﺭﺱﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻨﺪﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻛﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﻣﻬﻢﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﺩﺭﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‪1910‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‪1913‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻧﺪﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪﺩﻭﺭﻩﻧﺨﺴﺖﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺑﺎﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺩﻭﻣﺘﻦﺁﻏﺎﺯﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻰﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ»ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪:‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ـ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﭙﺰﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1914‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰﺍﺵ»ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺩﻭﻧﺲﺍﺳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺱﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻭﻣﻌﻨﺎ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1915‬ﭼﺎپ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻓﺮﺍﻳﺒﻮﺭگﺩﺭ‪1915‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉﺷﺪﻭﺑﺎﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯﻣﻬﻤﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻮﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﺒﻮﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﺑﻮﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪1927‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦﺍﺛﺮﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺍﻭﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻰﻭﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺁﻏﺎﺯﺩﻫﻪ‪1930‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﺑﺎﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰﻛﺎﺭﻓﻜﺮﻯﺍﺵ‪،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰﺗﺎﺯﻩﺩﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥﺑﻪﻫﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺖﻛﻪﭘﺲﺍﺯﻃﻰﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯﻛﻪﺑﻪ»ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰﺟﺪﻳﺪﻣﻨﺠﺮﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷــﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ »ﺑﻰﺧﺪﺍ«‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻰﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ‪،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺑﻰﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰﻣﻦﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﺑﺎﺷﺪﺗﺎﺧﺪﺍﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ«ﻭﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞﻳﺎﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦﻋﻘﻠﻰﺑﻪﺧﺪﺍﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪».‬ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ«‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﺎﻳﻘﻴﻦﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮﻧﻪﻣﻠﺤﺪﻭﻣﻨﻜﺮﻭﺟﻮﺩﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻪﺧﺪﺍﭘﺮﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻯﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺭﺍﻩﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻓﻬﻢﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩﻥﺑﻪﭼﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺧﺬ‪ :‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺍﺑﺘـﺪﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀــﺖ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ)ﻉ( ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴــﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨــﺰﻝ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺑﻼﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧــﺪﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬﻮﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﭙﺴﻨﺪﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﭘﺴﻨﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻟﻘــﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴــﻦ)ﻉ( ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺴـﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺧﺴـﺮﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣـﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺣﻜﻴــﻢ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻤﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺣﻜﻤــﺖ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻼﻃــﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻻﻧﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﻖﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺿﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﺳﭙﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻋﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﭙــﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﻔﻰﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺮﺑﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴــﻮﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖﻛﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﻓــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳــﺪ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻓــﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﺯﻡ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻐﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﺭﻓــﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻨﺎﻯ ﻓﻰﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻻﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻼﺣﺴﻴﻦﻗﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺎﻩﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺎﻩﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺎﻩﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠــﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺷﺎﻩﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﻓــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺰﻭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻥ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻰﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﻂﺩﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﺮﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺸﺮﻋﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴــﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟــﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻓــﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺣﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﭘﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠــﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺷﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺧﺪﺍ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻥ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﻮ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻑﻧﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻗــﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺭﻑﻧﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺎﺣﻰﮔــﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺑﺎﺣﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺍﻧﮕــﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋــﻰ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨــﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻣﺸﺨــﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛــﻢ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺳﻴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑــﺎ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴــﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫــﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺐﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺭﻓــﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻤــﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﻤﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺸـﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻰﺗـﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔـﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﻗﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻼﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺳـﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺫﻛــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﻴﺪﻩﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﻗــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴــﺪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤــﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺫﻛــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻏﻨﻰﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺴﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺘﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﺸﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ـ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﺮﺷﻤــﺮﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻼﺳﻔــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ )ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﻠﻲ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﺎﻫﻮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻪﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻫﻮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻻﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻻﺑﺸﺮﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻴﻨﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺸﺮﻃﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻻﺑﺸﺮﻃﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻻﺑﺸﺮﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺜﺮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫»ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ« ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟــﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻭﺽ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﺪﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻴﻴــﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻭﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻴﻨﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴــﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛــﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠــﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣــﻪ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻣﺎﻫﻮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻻﺑﺸﺮﻃﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻻﺑﺸﺮﻃﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒــﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺜــﺮﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺍﻧــﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺤــﻮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟــﻪ ﻛﺜﺮﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﻻﺑﺸﺮﻃﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼــﺪﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﺟﺐﺍﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺜــﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘــﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛــﺎﻭﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ »ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺟﺒﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ژﻧﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﮔﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ -2 .‬ﻛﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹﺑﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻞﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹﺑﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ -3 .‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺒــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛــﺮ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ‪ A/B/C‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭼﻨﺴﺮ )ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ( ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺸﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ -5 .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺠــﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻔﺮﻧــﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺪﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ -1 :‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔــﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﮔــﺮ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻚﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -2 .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ -3 .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻴﻤﻰ‪ -4 .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺾ ﻭ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪-5 .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻛــﻪ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﺟﻨﺴﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺁﻥ« ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﻨﺴﻴــﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟــﻒ( ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﺲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺴﻴــﺖ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻮﻟﻮژﻳــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺴﻴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴــﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑــﺮ ﺳﺎﺧــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨــﺲ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻨﺴﻴــﺖ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴــﺖ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑــﺮﺩ‪ -1 :‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺷِ ﺮﻯ ﺍ ُﺭﺗﻨﺮ )ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ( ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻠــﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ )ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ(‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ -2 .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴــﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ( ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﺨــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜــﺎﻝ )ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣــﻰ(‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹﻧﮋﺍﺩ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ -1 :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1920‬ﺗﺎ ‪ .1930‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﭙﻨﺴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘَﺴﺘﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ژﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ -2 .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1930‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1965‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﮔﻮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺏ( ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻛِﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻦ ﺍ ِﺱ ﭼَ ﻨﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺑِﻮِﺭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ژﺍﻭﻳﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺗﻜﻴﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻚﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،2006 :‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‪162:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﻟﻴﺒــﺮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ )ﺩﺭﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍ ُﺭﺗﻨﺮ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼ ﺑــﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒــﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ -1 :‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -2 .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ -3 .‬ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯﺁﻧﭽﻪﻛﻪﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡﺍﺯﻋﻠﻮﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘــﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ -4 .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤــﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ )ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟــﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜــﻞ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒــﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯﺯﻧﺎﻥﺳﻔﻴﺪﭘﻮﺳﺖﻃﺒﻘﻪﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂﻭﺑﺎﻻ‪،‬ﺑﻪﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﻧﻴﺰﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ »ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗــﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑ ُﻌﺪﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫)ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ( ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻗﻮﻣﻴــﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ -3 .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1965‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺗﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ »ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜــﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴــﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑ ُﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﺳﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﻳــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔــﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ؛ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻧﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﮔﺮﻫﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﮔﺮﻫﻰ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ؛ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻼﻥﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﻴــﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻳــﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ؛ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺷــﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻭﻯ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺮﺳﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻩ ﭘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻋــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ‪-‬ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﻌﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮ )ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﺱ ﻧﻴﻢﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ‪ -‬ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﭘﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺻﺪﺭ ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ‪ -‬ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻪﻻﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺻﺪﺭ ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻭﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ -‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ‪ -‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺣــﻞ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻔــﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺽ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ – ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ، .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔــﺬﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ‪ EPC‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﻪ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ )ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ(‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺳــﻴﻜﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﭼﺮﺧﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﭙﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﭙﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﻚﻫﺰﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺍژ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ‪ 800‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 17‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻣﺘﺼــﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 24‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺭﻭﺵﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﻧﻞﺩﻭﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪﻃﻮﻝﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ‪ 1700‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺍﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣــﻮﺵ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘــﺎﻁ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻠﻮﻏﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴــﻚ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻜﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺿﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻧﻚ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﺴــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﻞﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻰﻋﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻳﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻠﻊﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﻭﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥﻭﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣــﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻬﻴــﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻃــﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊﻫﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴــﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ‪ -‬ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﻈﻴــﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴــﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻌﺎﺑــﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴــﻚ ﻫﺪﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺸﻴــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻪ ﻭﻟﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴـﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﭘـﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻠـﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳـﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑـﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳـﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺍﺻﻠﻰﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚﺑﺎﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮﻳﻮﺳﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴـﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷـﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘــﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃــﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‪ ،‬ﻗـﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴـﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛــﻼ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺷﻬــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑــﻪﻻﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗــﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺶ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﻢﺑﺎﻳﺪﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﻜﻨﺪﻭﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱﻛﻤﻚﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﻧـﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣـﺪﻥ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﻦﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﺷﻜﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻻﻫﻮﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺁﻥﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷـﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﻧﻞﺁﻧﭽﻪﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫـﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺗﻮﺣﻴـﺪ ﻭﺍﺻﻮﻻﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯﻛﻪﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺍﺯﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻣﻬﻢﺷﻬﺮﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﮔﺮﻓﺖﺯﻳﺎﺩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩﻻﻫﻮﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺷﻬﺮﻱﻣﺠﻠﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺩﺭﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺷﻬﺮﻯﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﺳﺖ‪».‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩﻻﻫﻮﺗﻰﺭﻓﺖﺗﺎﺑﺎﺍﻭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩﺻﺤﺒﺖﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺻﺤﺒﺖﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺗﻮﻧﻞﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﺩﺭﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡﻭﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﺍﺯﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻣﺮﻳﺰﺍﺩﮔﻔﺘﻦﺑﻪﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﺁﻥﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲﻭﻛﻼﻓﮕﻲﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬ﻧﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠــﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺒــﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﻬــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻬــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮﺩﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻼﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻧــﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘــﺎﺡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺷﻬــﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﺷﻤﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕﺍﻳﻦﻧﻮﻉﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳـﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻣﻴﺎﻥﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻭﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺷﻬــﺮﻱ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗــﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺴﺌــﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺣﻤــﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﻳﺰﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻓﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻧــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴــﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣــﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭘﻞ ﺭﻭﮔﺬﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻗﻨﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺣــﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻧــﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺗــﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﮔــﺬﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﮔﺬﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺳﺮﺳــﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﺭ ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻩ ﺣﻘﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻧﻚ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪ 4‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻋﺮﺏﻳﺎﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻤــﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘــﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑــﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒــﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞﮔــﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻬــﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥﭘــﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻋﺰﻣﺶ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴــﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘــﺲ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒــﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ‪ 52‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺘﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺧــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘــﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺭﺩﺭﻳﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟــﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺯﻳــﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺷﻬــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺒــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻬــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻬــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻀﺒــﺎﻁ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻰﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1371‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺡﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﮔﺬﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﮕــﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﺖﻛﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺷﻌﻮﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺳﻨﮕــﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘــﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴــﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﮔﻤــﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻗــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻟﺒــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺗﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻰﻣﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻤــﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗــﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻠــﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﺒــﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻄﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛــﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄــﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ‪ -‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻳﻴــﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠــﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ‪ 65‬ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 160‬ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ‪ 38‬ﻟﻮﻛﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻛﺮﺝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴــﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺏ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻚ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ‪ 4‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ 3‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪ 2‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺏ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺮﻣــﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻴﻄﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻬﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺧﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﭙــﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ‪ 14‬ﻟﻮﻛﻮﻣﻮﺗﻴﻮ ﻭ ‪ 15‬ﻭﺍﮔﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻛــﺮﺝ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻛﺮﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻴﻌــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﺧﻴــﺺ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻯﻣــﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺑــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ 55‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ 25 ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻘﺒﻮﻻﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰﻣﺼﺮﻑﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯﻓﺴﻴﻠﻰﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘــﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 350‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ‪ 7‬ﺩﻫﻢ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯﺷﻬﺮﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻭﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖﻣﺘﺮﻭﭘﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪﺳﻮﺧﺖﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﺯﺑﺮﺍﻯﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮﻕ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 20‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻃﻮﺑﺎﻳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ« ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ« ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻃﻮﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻃﻮﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟــﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟــﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﺘﻰ ‪ -‬ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑــﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳــﻢ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴـﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴـﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨـﮓ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼـﻪ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑـﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﻮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣــﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 214‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺷـﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺧﺎﻃـﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌــﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬــﻰ ﻳﻚﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓـﺎﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ )ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ( ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻣــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻓﺎﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‪ 11‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﺴــﻂ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻓﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴــﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ‪ 137/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻓﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ‪ 137/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 15‬ﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋــﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻧﻔﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 47‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣـﻞ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴـﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻋﻠـﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺸـﺎﻯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻛﻨـﺎﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﭙﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻭﻃﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺣـﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘـﻪ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﺍ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﺟﻤﻬـﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺧﻴـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻـﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜـﻢ ﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻـﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 7‬ﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺷﺨﺼﻰﻛﻪﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﺳـﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ 92 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 41‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ( ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺻﻴﻘﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﺮﻡ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪41‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫)ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ( ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻼﺷﻐﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺩﻟــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺺ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ )ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ( ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳــﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺵ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔــﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ »ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﺼــﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻐﻠــﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 95‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ »ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺪﺭﻙ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻀﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻲ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋــﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺗﺠــﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ – ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‪ 15 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1333‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪ :‬ﻓﻮﻕ ﻟﻴﺴــﺎﻧﺲ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺳﺘﺮﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‪:‬ﻋﻠﻰﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺗﺎﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﺑﻮﺩﻥﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻯ‪ 800‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻼﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﻠﻴــﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻏﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ‪ 45‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‪1320 :‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪ :‬ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‪ :‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 45‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘـﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴـﻚ ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳـﻰ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻃﺒﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛـﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳـﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴــﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧــﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺷـﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣــﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﮕﺠﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 45‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘــﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳـﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‪1321:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ؛ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ – ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ژﻳﻤﻨﺎﺳﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗـﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﺸﺨــﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺴﺎﺭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻧﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﻜــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻤــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪1330:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴـﺢ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻯﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒــﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺷـﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺷـﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲﺧﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻰﺧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳـﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﭘﺴـﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴـﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 72‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 73‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﮔــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻭﺷﺎﻏﻠﻴﻦﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺷﻐﻞﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺁﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡﺍﺳﺖﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻯﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻐﻞ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫــﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ؟!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺳﺪﻳﺎﻥﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻭﺍﻣﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ‪،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪﻛﻪﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺷﻤــﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 611/88/5/278‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 88/6/1‬ﻭ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 32/61857‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫‪) 88/8/25‬ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺘــﺮﻙ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ( ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 41‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ )ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ( ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪117‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺪ )ﺩ( ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪) ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ( ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﻳﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫــﻮ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻳﻪﮔﻮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧــﺎ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻧﻜﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﺪﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗــﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺩﻳﻮﻻ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﺋﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﺪﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺗــﻮﺯﻭ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤــﻼﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﮔﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧــﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﮔﻮﺋﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ‪ 2010‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒــﺮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒــﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺘﺶ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺴﻨﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﻟــﻮﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕــﺎﻩ ﺭﺋــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻫﺸﺘــﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻟﻴﻮﺭﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﻟﻮﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﻮﺭﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻮﺭﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺮ ﮔﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻟﻴﻮﺭﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛــﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟــﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺮﻳﻜﻮ ﺳﺮﺳﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕــﺎﻩ ﺁﺗﻠﺘﻴﻜــﻮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑــﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺎﻧﭽﺰ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻠﺘﻴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻟﺪﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻟﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋــﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤــﻼﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟــﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻟﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻟﺪﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﭼﻮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﺎﺭﻭ ﮔﺎﺗــﻮﺯﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻓﺒــﻚ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫــﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺘــﺮﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﭼﻮﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻭﻧﺘﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﮔﺎﺗــﻮﺯﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﭼﻮﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2000‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺗﻮﺯﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻓﺒﻚ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻲ ﮔﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻓﺒﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧــﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﮔﻮﺗﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻲ ﺑــﺎﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻟﻜﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺳﭙــﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣــﻦ ﮔﻮﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺴﻮ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﻨﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺗﻠﺘﻴﻜﻮ ﺑﻴﻠﺒﺎﺋﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﻴﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ‪.‬ﺩﻟﻨﺪﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻳﺎ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ ﺷﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟــﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 6‬ﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻪﻟﻮﭘﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﭗ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺩﻳﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﺍﺗﻮﺋﻮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻣﻴﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺩﻳﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺋﻮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ؟ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﻨﻪﻟﻮﭘﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺯ )ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ( ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ 98