ماهنامه مثلث شماره 24

‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 27/‬ﺩﻱ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻛﺎوی ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮوﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﯾﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﯾﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ وﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮﻫﺎﯾﯽ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﯾﻦﺑﺮوﺟﺮﺩی‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎوﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﯿﺪﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‪،‬ﺣﺴﻦﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻧﯿﺎ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﺗﺠﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺷﺠﻮﻧﯽ‪،‬ﺍﻣﯿﺮﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫وﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﯿﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﯿﻢﻣﺘﻘﯽ‪،‬ﻫﺮﻣﯿﺪﺍﺱﺑﺎوﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮی؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﯿﻢ‬ ‫Ÿ‚‪ɇ» ¾Ìˆu€Ì» µ‬‬ ‫¿\ Ÿ¸‪Ê¿Z¤»Y{ º¸ »Ê‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê·ZnÀm Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʼeZy |¼v» |Ì‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﯾﮑﻢ ‪/‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻱ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﯿﺦ ﺣﺴﯿﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﯾﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭوﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﯽ و ﻣﺪﺍﺣﯽ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﯾﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫»|‪Y ½ZuY‬‬ ‫»Œ€‪¹Y{ µÂ^« •Á‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ‪ 1341‬ﻫﺠﺮی ﻗﻤﺮی؛ ‪ 1370‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮی ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ؛ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮی‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻭی ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺗﻌﺰﯾﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﯽ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻧﻬﯽ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺟﺒﯽ‪ :‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﮐﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ :‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﯾﺎﺯی‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪی ﻓﻘﻴﻬﯽ‪ :‬ﺣﮑﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻋﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻫﻼﻟﯽ‪ :‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﯽ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﯾﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ؛ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﯾﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ 3 ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﺍﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺳﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟـﻦ« ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪....‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺟﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺭﺳﻤﻲﻭﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪1373‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺍﻳﻦﺟﻤﻠﻪﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦﺟﻤﻼﺗﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(ﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻋﻠﻴﻪﺭژﻳﻢﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻭﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﺍﺯﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ‪14..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪16.........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪18.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪19.....................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪20................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪22...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻲ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﺸــﻤﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ؟‪34.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‪36...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ!‪38.......................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪40.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺧﻂ‪42........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪44....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻢ‪58.........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ‪60.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪62.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪64......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪66..........................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ‪68........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪69...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪70.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪71...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‪72.....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻤﺐ‪24......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪25..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ‪26......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‪27..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪28....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪29..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ؛ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ‪30....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪32.................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗــﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪46......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪48............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪50.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪51.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪52..................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪54..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪56.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﻍ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‪74......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪75............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‪76............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪78..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪80.........................‬‬ ‫ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‪82.............................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺩﻳﻦﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ -‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳـﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻱﺳـﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳـﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳـﺲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﺥﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺰ ﻭﺭﺙ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫» ﻣﻦ« ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻢ!‪84...................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰِ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ‪85...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪86........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪88....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪90..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ 15‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪،‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻟﻮ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺻﻴﻘﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪92.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻱﺳﻴﻜﻞﺭﺍﻥ‪94.............................................‬‬ ‫ژﻭﺍﻋﻆ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪96..................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‪97..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» (57/10/27) «.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ)ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻴﺎﻥ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪(57/11/17)«.‬‬ ‫ ﺣﻔﻆ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬‫ﻭﺣــﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪» (57/11/17)«.‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪(58/1/7)«.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪» (64/2/16)«.‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺃﻟﺸﺎﻥ )ﺹ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﺵ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪)«.‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺝ‬ ‫‪،19‬ﺹ‪» :(46‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪(58/9/6)«.‬‬ ‫ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪،‬‬‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﻞﺍﷲ‪ ...‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪(58/4/28)«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳــﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﺧﺮ »ﻻﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﺧﺮ »ﻻﺳﺖ« ﺍﺯ ‪ 13‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘــﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫»ﻻﺳــﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻯﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﮔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﺑﺎﺯﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭﻟﺘﻦﻛﻴﻮﺯﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ»ﻻﺳﺖ«ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﻴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻤﻦ ﻟﻴﻨﺪﻟﻮﻑ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻟﻘﺎﻥ »ﻻﺳﺖ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞﭘﻨﺠﻢﻭﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻳﻚﺑﻤﺐﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯﺁﻏﺎﺯﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻨﺪﻟﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺶﻭﺍﺯﻫﻤﺎﻥﺁﻏﺎﺯﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ )ﻉ( ﺗﺤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺰﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﺍﺣــﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﻴﺰﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪«.‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﮔﻠــﻮﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ )ﻉ( ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪15‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 86‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻨﺞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﻼﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 88‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘــﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺁﺗﺸــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺸــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣــﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗــﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳــﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺍﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﻧﺨﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺟﺸﻦﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﺫﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺟﺸﻦﺳــﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺬﺭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢﻭﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻧﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻝﭘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻭﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺑﺎﺷﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻰ( ﻋﻜﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‪.....‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﭻ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻮﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺷــﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﻮﻥ »ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪19‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻮﻥ ‪ 53‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺒﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﭘﻞ ﺭﻭﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻠﻮﻍﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻗﻴﻄﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪﻭﺯﺧﻤﻰﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻭﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗــﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍﺯﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ)ﻉ( ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ‪ 300‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ)ﻉ( ﻫﻢ ‪ 500‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻦ ﻧﻮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 950‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ 950 ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ 300 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﮔﺬ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫)ﻋﻴﺴﻲ(ﻣﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ )ﻋﻴﺴﻲ(‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻓﺘ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻣﻲ ﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺷﺠﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺁﺫﺭﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ‪ 1370‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼــﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗــﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﺫﺭﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺒﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻓﻠﺞ ﺷــﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﮔﺮﺑــﻪ ﺗﻨﺒﻞ«‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺁﺫﺭﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ـ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﺫﺭﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺴﻜﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺷــﺐ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲﻛﻪﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺳﻪﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﻝﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﺑﻪﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕﺁﻧﺎﻥﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﺑﻪﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻭﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺩﺭﻋﺮﺍﻕﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻯﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺟﻠﺴﻪﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻳﻤﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺣﻮﺯﻩﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺑﺎﻣﺼﺮﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻳﻤﻦﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦﺁﺗﺸﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﻭﺩﺁﻥﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺎﺿﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫــﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 5+1‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺯﺍﻳﺪ ﺁﻝﻧﻬﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺤﻦﻭﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫»ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﺲ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ؛ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻏﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﻧﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ » ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ )ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ( ﺗﻐﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ »ﻧﻪﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻪﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ‪ »:‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭﻃﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﺻﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﺮﻭﻋﺎﺹﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺐﮔﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺭﺍﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ 84‬ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪،‬ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻠﻬﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻮﺑﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷــﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ‪ 9‬ﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺷﺎﻙ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺲﻭﺧﺎﺷﺎﻙ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺲﻭﺧﺎﺷﺎﻙ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺗﻘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪»:‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪﺍﻳﻦﺷﻌﺎﺭﺧﺲﻭﺧﺎﺷﺎﻙﺭﺍﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪﺩﺭﻳﻚﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻋﻈﻴﻢﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺧﺲﻭﺧﺎﺷﺎﻙ‪«.‬ﻛﻠﻬﺮﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻭﺁﻥﻗﺴﻤﺖﭘﺨﺶﺷﺪﻭﻭﻱﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺭﺍﺣﻞﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪9‬ﺩﻱﻭ‪19‬ﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡﻣﺮﺩﻡﻛﻪﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ 9» :‬ﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ 9» :‬ﺩﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ 9» :‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺍﺯ ‪100‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪:3‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻓﺮ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ‪20:30‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﭘﻮﺭﻳﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﺩﻟﺒﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺸــﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﺭﻳﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻣــﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ »ﺑﺼﻴــﺮﺕ« ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴــﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻮء ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﻜﺎﻑ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺭﻭﺑﻪﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ »ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﻗﺪﻣــﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺠــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪«.‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻱﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻛﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮپ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮپ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻡﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ؟ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺍﻻﻗﺼﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮپ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘــﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ﭘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻠﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬ﺑﻰﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﮔﻴﺮﻭﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘــﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺠﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﻐﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺍﻟﻠﻬﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤــﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻼ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ؛ ﺑﻰﻧﻘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺗﻮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻣﺎ«ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧُ ﻠﻖ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺧﻠﻘﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺫﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﻌﺪﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ /‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ »ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ« ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﮔﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﮔﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﺶ ﻧﺘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ؟ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ‪-‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ –‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻼﻳﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﻧﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘــﺪﻯ«‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ‪ ...‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ – ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻢ؟ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ...‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺸــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷﻨﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻨﺲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ – ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ – ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻻﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻰﺍﻻﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻓﺴــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‬‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﻛﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﻴﻘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻗﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺒﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟــﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ – ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﮋﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷــﻌﺮﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﮋﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﺋﺐ ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺑﺎﺯﻱ )ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﭼﻪﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻌﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻔﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳــﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺿﻼﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻠﻜﺴــﻴﻮﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻌﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭﺩ؛ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷــﻌﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷــﻌﺮﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻐﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺿﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷــﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻌﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺭﻓﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻌﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ – ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺷــﺎﻋﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻗﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ« ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ – ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻳﺎ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﭗ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺾ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺗﻮﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺗﻮﻕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﻔﻜﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ »ﻋﻤﻞ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮ »ﺗﻔﻜﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻋﻤﻞﺯﺩﮔﻲ« ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺘﺮگ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻼﺷﻚ »ﻧﻴﺎﺯ« ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ« ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ »ﺑﺮﺧﻲ« ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﺷﻬﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴــﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺟﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-3‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺷﺎﺧﺺﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ»ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺩ« ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ »ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺾﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ »ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋــﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺒﻂﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﺣﺪﺕ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﺎﺕ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻭﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺧﻮﺷﺎﻣﺪﻳﺎﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻖ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺣﻖﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺁﻓــﺖ »ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﺳــﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﻲﻣﺒﻨــﺎ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﺮ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ‬ ‫»ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺰ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ »ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ« ﻭ »ﻏﻮﻏﺎﮔﺮﻱ« ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻋﺴﺮﺕ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫»ﻧﻘﺪ« ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ » :‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺻﻒ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﺩﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 32‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻊﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺱﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻯ ‪ 56‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦﺑﻦﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﻔﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺳــﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺰﻟــﺰﻝ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺠﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺑﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰﺟﻮﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺻﺒﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﻭﺧﺸــﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧــﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺠﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺣﺮﻣﺘﻰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺎﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺣﺮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍ ِﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ُﻣ ّﺮ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺎﺛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺎﺛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺎﺛﺖﻫــﺎ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺠﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧــﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ – ﻋﻠﻤﻲ– ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻧَﻔَﺲ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﺸــﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﻄﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫»ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺎﻓﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ 23‬ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ‪ 43‬ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫــﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻈﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﭙﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ؛ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪85‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ؛ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻨﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ 87‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴــﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻮﻙ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ»ﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺮﻧﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻤﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻰ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺣﺸــﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺎﻗﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻀــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ 208‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻓــﺎﺯ ﺑﻌــﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻮﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿــﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺴــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ »ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ« ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺸﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛ »ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻏﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ »ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴــﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤــﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺁﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ؛ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻘــﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕــﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘــﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻻﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑــﻖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺫﻱﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺘــﺮﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻐــﻮ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋــﺖ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜــﻮﺕ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ؛ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ »ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻣــﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼــﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1346‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺒﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠــﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕــﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﺑــﻚ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻴــﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1373‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ‪ 34‬ﻣﺠﺘﻤــﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ‪1410‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ 120 .‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻛﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨــﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ‪1339‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﺮﻧــﺎﻙ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨــﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫــﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔــﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1379‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ 18 .‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1379‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ‪ 32‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺘــﻞ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴــﻦ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻛﻌــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﻃــﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺷﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﭗ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ ﺳﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻐــﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕــﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗــﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨــﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳــﺰﻙ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛــﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮ ﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳــﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﺧﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺨﺼﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩﻛﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻳﻚﻧﻬﺎﺩﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒﺷﻮﺩﺩﺭﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﻋﻤﻞﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻭﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏﻳﻚﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻏﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱﻧﻘﺎﻁﺿﻌﻔﻲﻧﻴﺰﻫﺴﺖﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﺍﺯﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺑﻨﺎﻧﺒﻮﺩﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺑﺮﺧﻲﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩﻭﻟﺬﺍﺩﺭﺳﺖﻧﻴﺴﺖﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﻭﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖﺑﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻗﺎﺿﻲﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻭﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻢﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼء ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻣﺠﻠﺲﻋﻤﻞﻛﺮﺩﻭﻫﻴﭻﺧﺪﺷﻪﺍﻱﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻭﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺻﺤﺖﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺷﺪﻩﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻣﻄﻠﻊﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦﺍﺳﺎﺱﺑﻪﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻛﺎﺭﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺩﻗﺖﻭﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱﻫﺎﻱﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖﺷﺎﻫﺪﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﺗﻠﺦﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﺷﺪﻥﻣﻔﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩﻋﻤﻞﺑﻪﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳــﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻼﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 24‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺸﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 390‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪250‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﻓﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻨﮋﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻴﻨﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻨﮋﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ؛ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ 147‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﺤﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻛﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻍﭘﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 140‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 209‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 209‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﭼﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 240‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻨﻰ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻔﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﻰ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪ 86/11/17‬ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ 210‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺗﺎﺩﻳﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻫﺘﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻒ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 88/1/30‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻰ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝﻭﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 88/2/5‬ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 1726 /2/04 /07/1116‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫‪ 87/12/21‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻮﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝﻭﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋــﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ‪ 147‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 19‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ‪ 70‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺷﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ‪ 30‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻇﻠﻢ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﻫﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﻟﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺴــﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻨﮋﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪18‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺴﻤﻰ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺧﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ‪ 2‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 14‬ﺍﻟﻰ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 17‬ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻤــﻞ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺛﻤﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺴــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖﻭﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﻱﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘــﺮﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺎﻑ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻘــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺴــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻃﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺴﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻬــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻨﮓ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ؛ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪23‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻴﻄﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪24‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺫﻯ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؟« ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ )ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ(ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻭﻗﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻰﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ «.‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻗﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 190‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻭﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ )ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 27‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺠﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺛﺎﺭﺍﷲ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺛﺎﺭﺍﷲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳــﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯﻓــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝﻭﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺶ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺸــﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﻯ ﻣــﺎﻩ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺧــﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﻳﺰﻙ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1334‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪1334‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺻﻐﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1349‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 59‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻗﺪﻭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻓﻴﺾ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 74‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﻱ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻱﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﺠﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺼﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﭽﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻧﺒــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪76‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭﺍﻓﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 87‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺧﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﮔﻨﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﺘﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﮔﻼﻳــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺹ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺼﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﺋﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 5‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺷﻌﺎﺭﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲﺳﺮﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪﻭﻟﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺘﻦﺍﻳﻦﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺭﺍﺩﺭﺯﻳﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺣﺴﻨﺎﺕﺍﻻﺑﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺌﺎﺕﺍﻟﻤﻘﺮﺑﻴﻦ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻃﻲ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻃﻲ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴــﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﻧﺴﺒﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﺩﻋﺎﻛﺮﺩﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻣﻮﻓﻖﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱﻛﻪﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﻭﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺩﺭﺁﻥﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﭘﺲﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩﻱﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺑﺰﺭگﺍﺳﺖﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺍﺯﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭﺁﻥﺷﺎﻧﻪﺧﺎﻟﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺩﺳـﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﻔﺎﻕ« ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺐﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳـﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪19‬ﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪17‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃـﺮﺡ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﻔـﺮ ﻳـﺎ ﺻـﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻠــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺷﺎﻥ ‪ 180‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﺳــﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺄﺱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛـﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﮔﻤـﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨـﮕﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴـﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ ﺳـﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻗــﻮﺕ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤـﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺤﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﷲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺒﻮ‬ ‫ﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻴ ﻴ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ـﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻘﺪ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺯﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪155‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻤﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺮﺑﺑﻪ ‪ 5‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺠ ﻳ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺯ ﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺶ‬ ‫ﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧــﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻘﺒﻮﻻﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃـﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳـﻚ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺲ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘـﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺣـﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗـﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬـﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟـﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺴـﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔـﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳـﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴـﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﺶ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜـﻢ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪5‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ‪ 5‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺴــﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑــﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸــﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﺘــﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠــﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻳﻦﻣﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﻔﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺸــﻖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺖﻭﭘﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻀــﺎﺭﺏ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺸﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺪﻩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺖﻭﭘﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻄﺒﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﭽﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﻙ ﺑﻰﻣﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺦﻧﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺷــﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺸــﻤﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻯ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺯﺍﺭﻋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻼﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺭﻋــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ »:‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﻧﻪ؟!‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻤﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳــﻚ ﻣﻮﻟــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻮﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ )ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ(‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺘﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺟﻮﻧﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻰﺍﻥﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ «.‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ‪-‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ‪ 5+1‬ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴــﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﺑﻪﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﻮﺳﻂﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﻮﺩﻳﻌﻨﻲﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑﺑﻪﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﻭﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻲ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻧﺸﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩﻭﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﻣﺘﻘـﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘـﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ »ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴـﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ؛ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻠﻤــﺰ ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺗــﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﺸـﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2006‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺭﺳﻤﻲﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﺳﻮﻡﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺸـﻨﺞﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 1696 /1737 /1747 /1803‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 1835‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘـﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻢﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﺎﺝ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔـﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻠﻨـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻦ« ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠـﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳـﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺸﻨﺞﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺒﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻤﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸــﺎﺵﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻼﻳﻢﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻣــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻤﺖﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﺰﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘــﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳـﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 350‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2027‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺗﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑــﻮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺮژﻳﻨﺴــﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋــﺰﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍ ﮔﻠﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸـﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔـﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻬـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠـﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫـﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴـﻚ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜـﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳـﭙﺲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑـﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺪﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻚﻣﻮﻟﻦ‪،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺘﺎﺩﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺍﺭﺗﺶﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﺸﻨﺞﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ – ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ‪ 5+1‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﮔﺴــﻼﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺣﻤﻠـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌــﻼ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺨـﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﻀــﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﺯﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻔﺖﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻼﻫﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟــﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ‪ 19‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2001‬ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒــﺮﺩ ‪ 2006‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧــﺮﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻧﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫــﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﭙﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧــﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1979‬ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺶ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺛﻤﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺍﺻﻐﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻛﻨﺴــﻮﻟﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺘﺸــﺎﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ« ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ »ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺳﺪ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ« ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ »ﺯﺭﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﺐ »ﺍﺑﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻴﺎﻁﺧﻠــﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﺍﻓﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻋﺸﻖﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻑ ـ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸـﺘﻰﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳـﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺒــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺠﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻮﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺘﻮﺩﻩ ‪ 2‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧــﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻢﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺍﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿـﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴــﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺧﻂ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻓﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺧﺲ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﭘﺸﺘﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺳﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﻂﺁﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﭘﺮﺯ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺑﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯﭼﻪﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻰﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘــﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ؛ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻮﺭﻧﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺭﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺍﻯﻛﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩﭼﻪﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻓﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 130‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﺠﺎء ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻻﻫﻮﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫــﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻔﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳــﻼﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻛﻬﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻛﺮﻳﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺁﻧﻘــﺪﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﭘﺎﻥﺗﺮﻛﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺷـﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺳـﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳـﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻧــﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺗﺒــﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻰﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼــﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻗــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣـﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻔﺲﮔﻴـﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﭼﻴـﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳـﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷـﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﺳﻮﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﺘﻮﺩﻩ ‪ 2‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺕ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻗﻄﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺎﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻂ ﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻙﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻓﻰﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻤﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ‪ 190‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﺴــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻀﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑــﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤــﻼ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴــﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻘﻨﻮﺱﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﻮﺭﻧﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻫﻨﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺧﺰﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺲ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻚ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺻﺮﻑ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻦ« ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺒﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﻰﻭﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﺸــﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﻴﻦ – ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﮔﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﭘﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 2074‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪﻩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺟﺪﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ‪ -‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺮﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪) 2009‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪ (1388‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧــﻪ ‪14‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻧﻔﺮ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2009‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺴــﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪200‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ‪ 7421‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻏــﺬﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪-‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴــﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﺎﻣﺢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄــﻖ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳــﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪2009‬‬ ‫)‪(88/10/19‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺧﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﻫﺶﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﻪﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥﻭﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱﺑﻴﻤﻪﺭﺍﺑﻪﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﺩﻭﻟﺖﺭﺍﺩﺭﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 850‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺳﻮﺳــﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﺸﻤﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﭙــﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺘــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻠــﻪ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓــﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻛــﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻋﻘﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﻊ ﻧﺤﺲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﻣﺸﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻟﻮﺱ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻟﺒﻨــﻰ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﻟﻮﺱ ﺗﻨﻜﺎﺑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ‪85‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻟﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣــﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼــﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻻﺕ ﻟﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪﻟﻮﺱ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻳــﻚ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﻀﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻗﺰﻭﻳــﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺎﻳــﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﻏــﺬ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣــﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌــﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺴﻬﻴــﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﺸﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺻــﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺘــﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣــﺪ‪ ،«....‬ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻏﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﻤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳــﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 52‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺩﺳﺘــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻓﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔــﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﺴﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺧﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻗﻪﺳﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰء ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﻯ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺸﺎءﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳـﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ‪ 9/2 ،2/7‬ﻭ ‪ 10/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 45 ،35‬ﻭ ‪ 55‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺷـﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺎءﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻟﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 87‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 21‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺑــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻬﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 101‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ‪ 100‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 170‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻫﻔﺖﺗﭙﻪ ﻧﻴﺸﻜﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ‪8‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻰﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 41‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻛــﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﻧﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪698‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‪ 496 ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 263‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 219 ، 520‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﻭ ‪ 183‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 63 ،84‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ‪ 86‬ﻫﻢ ‪ 126‬ﻭ ‪ 165‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺍﻳﻦﻗﺸﺮﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 35‬ﺭﺍﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺩﻭﺩﺭﺻﺪﻭﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﻧﺮﺥﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺭﺍﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‪ 500‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻭﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ 250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ)ﻃﺒﻖﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕﻣﺠﻠﺲ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰﻳﺎﺩﺭﺷﺮﻑﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭ)ﻃﺒﻖﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕﺍﺗﺎﻕﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ(‪،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺑﻮﺩﻥﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻓﻌﺎﻝﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺯﻳﻚﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻓﻌﺎﻝﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫)ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﺁﻥﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺜﺎﻝﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣــﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺭﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝﺍﻳﻦﻭﺍﺣﺪﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﻭﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻓﺮﻭﺵﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕﻭﺯﻣﻴﻦﻭﺍﺣﺪﻭﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻧﻴﺮﻭﻭﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺭﺥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪﻫﻢﺩﺭﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺏﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖﺗﭙﻪ ﻧﻴﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻗﻮﻃﻰ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺳﻨﻨﺪﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴــﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻯﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺣﻘﻮﻕﻣﻌﻮﻗﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰﺑﻪﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﺣﺪﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺷﺪﻥﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯﺑﺎﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭ‪400‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﻛﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻭﺍﺣﺪﻛﺎﺭﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺷﺮﻭﻉﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﻳﺎﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻫﻔﺖﺗﭙﻪﻧﻴﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖﻭﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻭﻛﺎﻫﺶﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯﻛﺎﺭﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﺍﺯﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﻫﺰﺍﺭﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺑﻪﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﻧﻔﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ)ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻼﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ )‪(O.L.I‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣـﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴـﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻫـﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗـﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻴـﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻤـﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺣﺎﺝﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌـﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ 11/3‬ﺑﻪ ‪8/4‬ﺑﺮﺳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪10/4‬ﺭﺳﻴــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪8/4‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱﺍﺧﻴﺮﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱﻛﺸﻮﺭﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻـﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘــﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘــﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷـﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﭘﻨﺠـﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﻫـﻢ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋــﻞ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴــﻼﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨــﺪ ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌــﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﻪ ﻭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓــﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛــﺎﺭﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛــﺎﺭﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴــﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜــﺮﺩﻩﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ )ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ( ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﻢ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ )ﻣﻌﺎﺵ(‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ )ﻣﻌﺎﺩ( ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺫﻋــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜــﻢ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻋﻈﻢ)ﺹ( ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻗــﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺨــﻮﺵ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛــﻼﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 41‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻓﻌﻠﻲﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧــﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻏﻔﻠــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟــﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﻴﺎﻧــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨــﺪ ‪.‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻔــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬‫ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤــﺰﺩ ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳــﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧــﺮﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤــﺰﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ )ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 4/2‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ( ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻋﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ‪ WTO‬ﻳــﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻧﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺿﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺍﻣــﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﻣﺎ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜــﻰ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 1000‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫــﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﻴــﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺒــﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱﺍﺯﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺭﻓﻊﺍﻳﻦﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻧﻴﺎﺯﺑﻪﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﺣﻘﻮﻕﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯﻃﺮﻓﻲﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺯﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺗﻌﻠﻞﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ‪250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ‪ 500‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻳـﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳـﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ‪498‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋـﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸـﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 200‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬـﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠـﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪400‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘــﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 300‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 500‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 498‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﻣــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 200‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 200‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 500‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 498‬ﻭﺍﺣــﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 220‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،84‬ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻰ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 93‬ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺳـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻋﺪﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ‪24‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺭﺍﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪،‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪﻛﻪﻋﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻣــﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺭﺩﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺤﺖﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰﻋﻤﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ‪ 24‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫـﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺒـﻞ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻼﻑ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ‪ 38‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈـﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧــﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻋﺪﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺷـﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺤـﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ‪38‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺍﺷﺘﻐــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜــﻞ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫـﺎﻯ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﻤـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻛﻠﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳـﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤـﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 48‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻌﻠــﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺧﺸﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻰ ‪ 13‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 60‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ‪ 13‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠــﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑــﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 82‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 11‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻡ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻠــﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﻔﺖﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 200‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 200‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓــﺰﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺸﻜــﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 25‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳــﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 150‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ‪ 14‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﺴـﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺒﺎﺭﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺗﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺼــﻮﺹ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗـﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ‪ 50 ،40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳﻴﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺣﺪﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻰﻫﻢﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 535‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ،60‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 80-90‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳـﻴﺲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫـﺎ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻤﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻫﻮﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﭼﺎﻳﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪9‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﻓﻌـﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻـﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻫﺸـﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴـﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺴـﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴـﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺑـﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮﻛـﺲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳـﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ‪ 90‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧـﻰ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ‪ 800‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺎﺟــﻰ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺸﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺸﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻰ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧــﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪﻟﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻜﺎﺑﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻟﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻛﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 80‬ﺗﺎ‪ 90‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﻠـﻮ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺻﻒ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌــﻮﻻﻥ ﺫﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺑــﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 172‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﺎﻳﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤــﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮگ ﺳﺒﺰ ﭼﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 102‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 60‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 70‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻳﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻧﺲﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴــﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 125‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 130‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﭼــﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺷﻤــﺎﻝ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮگ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﻳﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻐــﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭼﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺷﺘﻐــﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 2009‬ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜــﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 661‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ‪ 10/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 3/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2007‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺸﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﻐﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺤــﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺨــﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋــﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘــﻪ‪ 85 ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻨــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 7/2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 11‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 2/3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 17‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻐﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼــﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﻴــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ‪ 85‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻴﻜــﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻳــﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻜــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 2009‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻰﭘﻰﻣﻮﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻭ ‪ 85‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 661‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗــﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 10/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 7/2‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 16‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﻻﻯ ‪ 2008‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 102‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 15/7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 1990‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ‪ 2010‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗــﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻣﻚﻛــﻰﺁﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﻜــﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﺎﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒــﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪«.‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺩﺑــﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻳﻚﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ‪ 10‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜــﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻭ ﺳﻰﺑﻰﺍﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜــﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻐﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳــﺞ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗــﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒــﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 708‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻦ‪ 38 ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻧﺖ ﭘﻠﺰﺍﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻴﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ )ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ( ﺷﻐﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﺒﺾﻫﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻏﺮﻭﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻛــﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻗﺴﻂ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﻴﻨﺖ ﻣﻴﺸﻴﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻗﺴﻂ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻗﺴﻄﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻴﻮﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻏﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺾﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ 55‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺧﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻢ‪ 51 ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﺙ ﻟﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺷﺤــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﻪﻧﻔﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻰ ﻟﻴﻦﻭﻳﻞ‪ 29 ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﻳﻴﺰﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺎﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴــﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛــﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺩﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﻨﺖﺳﻨــﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﻚ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧــﻢ ﻟﻴﻦﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻛــﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺻــﻼ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫــﺶ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺠﺒــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘــﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻐﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻘﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪40‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ‪ 44‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻣﻮﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻐﻠﻰ ﻳــﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮ ﻭﻳﺘﻠﻮ‪ 31 ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺵ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺞ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻜــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ‪ 61‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻔﺎﻑ ﺧﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻚﭘﻨﺠــﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻏــﺬﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺷﻐﻠﺶ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻐــﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛــﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟــﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 26‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ؛ ‪ 12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ؛‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﭙــﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؛ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ 46‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 44‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ 39:‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 36‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪22‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫»ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻌﻠــﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺭﺩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﻴــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻼﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻘﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ »ﺣﻜﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ« ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؛ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 74‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫‪ 49‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪ 49‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻬﻨــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ »ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ« ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ »ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘــﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ »ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ »ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ‪ 132‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟــﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫»‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ »‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ« ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ 14 .‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻜﺶﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌــﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺷــﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻦﺗﺮﻳــﻦ« ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ »ﺟﺮﻡﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻏﻨﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴــﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ« ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ »ﻓﺴﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ«‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 16‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺭﻭﺑــﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﭘﺲ ﻛﺸﻴــﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ؛ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺩﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ‪ 90‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻒ ‪ 10‬ﻭ ﺳﻘﻒ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴــﻦ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ 12‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ‪60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ‪ 15/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ‪15‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ 186‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻚ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 228‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ‪ 230‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻚ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 236‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻚ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 238 ،339‬ﻭ ‪ 246‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪،79 ،77 ،76 ،64 ،‬‬ ‫‪ 79 ،79‬ﻭ ‪ 82‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 246‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ‪ 181 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ 137 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 135‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ‪ 95 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ 78 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﻭ ‪ 68‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ‪ 20‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗــﺎ ‪ 7‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪60 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 46‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ‪ 38 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ 31 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ 26 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ‪ 23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺟﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪،46 ،56 ،74 ،102‬‬ ‫‪ 32 ،39‬ﻭ ‪ 28‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﻬﻢ ‪30‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬــﻢ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻚ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺮﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻬﻢ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺶﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲﻭﺗﻮﺭﻡﺩﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻧﻘﺪﻱﺑﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺷﺪﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱﻛﻤﻚﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﻟﻲﺗﺤﻘﻖﺍﻳﻦﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺑﻪﺷﺮﻁﺣﺬﻑﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺍﺕﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﺍﺻﻞ‪ 44‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲﺍﺟﺮﺍﺷﻮﺩﻭﺭﻭﻧﻖﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻭﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻮﺭﺍﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻭﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺑﻪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺒﺪﻝﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﭘﺲﺍﺯﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺯﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐﺑﺪﺗﺮﻱﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﺎﺫﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﻮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻦﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨــﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻃــﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻏﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺧــﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧــﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺮﺝﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻭ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳــﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺐ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪10‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻨﻮﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴــﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻏﺒﻐﺐ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ؛ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻨﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻏﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻣﻲﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﺍ ﺍﺳﻔﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﻤﻨﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﻚ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﺎﻳﻴﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭼﺮﻡﺷﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻐﻤﻪ ﺛﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﻤﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﻬــﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛــﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳــﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺍﻓــﺮﺍ« ﻳﺎ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ«‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ؟ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻮﻫﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‪» ،‬ﺧﻨﻜﺎﻯ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ«‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫»ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏﻛﺸــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺷــﻜﻞ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼــﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻰﻓﺎﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬــﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻣــﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫– ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻴﮕﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ »ﻛﻴﻔﺮ« ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺁﻧﺘﻴﮕﻮﻥ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ« ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺳــﻬﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻰ‪» ،‬ﻟﻴﺮ ﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺮ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻥ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﮔــﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﮓ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘــﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻜﺒﺚ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺸــﺘﻜﻮﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺒﺚ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ »ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ« ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﭘﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ«ﻭ »ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﺮگ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺍﺣﺼﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺻﻔﺮ« ﺁﺗﻴﻼ ﭘﺴــﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪» ،‬ﺭﻣﻮﻟﻮﺱ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰﻣﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﮔِﻞ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﺳــﺮ ﺧﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻯ »ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﮓ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻴﺴــﺘﺎ ﻳﺜﺮﺑﻰ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻋﺮﻭﺱ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺠﺪ‪» ،‬ﺧــﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﺘﻮﻧﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ« ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ« ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺺ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ )ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻝ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻛﻰ )ﺭﺿــﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ( ﻭ ﺍﺗﻠﻠﻮ )ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﻯ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪10 .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ‪ 6‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻓﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻬــﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺐﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺶ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻮ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺷــﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺩﺷــﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺷــﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ »ﺷــﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻟﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺶ »ﺩﻥﻛﻴﺸﻮﺕ« ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺐﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺷــﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ« ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 60‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦﻫــﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﺧﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺁﻛﻮﺍﺭﻳــﻮﻡ ﻫــﻮﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺳﺐ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻠﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺍﺑﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ »ﺁﻛﻮﺍﺭﻳﻮﻡ ﻫﻮﺍ« ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﭼﻪﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﮕﻢ ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻨﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺗﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺐﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﻨﺼــﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﺧــﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﺘﻮﻧﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻨﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﻫﻤﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻛﺸــﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ -1» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ« ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﻴﺮﻧــﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻗﻄﺐﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺮﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨــﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﺘﻮﻧــﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻠﺞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ! ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ -4 .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻛﺸﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﻫﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ -5 .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺩﺷــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﺧﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺳــﺮ ﺧﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﮔﻞ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ -7 .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸــﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻐﻤــﻪ ﺛﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻣــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗــﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﺴــﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻭﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎ« ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟــﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺷﻜــﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪» .‬ﺷﻜﻠﻚ« ﻫﻢ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ژﻭﻟﻴــﻮﺱ ﺳﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ« ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﭙﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﻣــﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﻢ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘــﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘــﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺟﻜﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻨﻰﻣﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺴﭙﭽﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎپ ﺁﺭﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫»ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺳﻌــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻰ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻣﺌﻮ ﻭ ژﻭﻟﻴﺖ« ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻢ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ «‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻏﺮﻳﺐﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ »ﺁﺭﺵ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻬــﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻜﺒﺚ‪ ،‬ﺍﭘــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻯ »ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻣﻮﻟــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴــﻦ ﻋﻠﻰﺷﺎﭘــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻗﻨﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻴﺤﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﺮ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﮔﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪﻩ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺷﻌﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗــﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺰﻳــﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺌﺎﺗــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﺟــﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﺰﺑﻮﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺘــﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻚﻫﺎ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﭘــﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﺰﺑﻮﺭگ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﺰﺍﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﭘــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﺰﺑﻮﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﻡ ﻣﻜﺒﺚ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼــﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﭘﺮﺗﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻚ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟ «‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭﺵ »ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻮﺷﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻗــﺺ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﻫــﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ« ﻭ »ﻛﻮﺍﺭﺗﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫــﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ »‪17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻰﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ »‪17‬‬ ‫ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣــﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘــﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ« ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ؛ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫــﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 15‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ)ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ( ﭼﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦﺁﻥﺭﺍﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻛﻮﺍﺭﺗﺖ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻫﻨﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﭘﺮﻭﺟﻜﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻠــﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴــﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 40‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ »‪17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ«‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫــﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 40‬ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﭼﻮﻥ»ﻛﻮﺍﺭﺗﺖ«ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻳــﺮﻩ ﮔﭽﻲ ﻗﻔﻘــﺎﺯﻱ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ »ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺷــﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﺴﺒــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘــﺎﺩ ﺳﻤﻨﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺻﻴﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔــﻰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﻤﻨﺪﺭﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ »ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﺎﻑ ﻛﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﮔﭽﻲ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻤﻨﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻤﻨﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ »ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ »:‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛــﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺰﻭﻳــﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠــﻪ« ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻤﻨﺪﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠــﻪ« ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻬﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﺑﺮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺴﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪»:‬ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ »ﺑﺮﺷﺖ« ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﻤــﻲ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﺴﺎﻟﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗــﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰﺭﻭﻯﺩﺳﺖﻫﻤﻪﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪»:‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ« ﻭ »ﺳﺎﮔﺮﺩﻭ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﺶ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﻧﮓﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ؟!« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺤــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺗــﻮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗــﻮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﺴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﺳﺎﮔﺮﺩﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﺏﺩﺳﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺵ! ﺗﻮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺵ! ﺗﻮ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺐ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻪﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺸﺖﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 47‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬــﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤــﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗــﺮ »ﭘﻴــﺎﺩﻩ« ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ! ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ!«‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﮔﺮﺩﻭ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧــﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺬﻳــﺐ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ؟«‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺪﻳﻨــﻲ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ )ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺑﻪﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺑﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻠﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ »ﺳﺎﮔﺮﺩﻭ« ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺳﺎﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻗﻮﺱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻋﺸﻖ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ «‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴــﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺑﺎﺑﻚ‪،‬ﮔﻼﺏﺁﺩﻳﻨﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ‪،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺟﺒﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺁﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻤﺴﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﮔﭽﻲ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯﻱ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ »ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ«‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﺑﻠﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻻﻳﻖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮓﺯﺩﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ‪ ....‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷﻬــﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻟــﺖ ﺑﺮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 58‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷﻬــﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﮔﭽﻲ ﻗﻔﻘــﺎﺯﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 88‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠــﻪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺴﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻠﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺷﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ...‬ﺷﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺷﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻇﻠﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﺟﺎﻫــﻼﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨــﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻥ! ﺷﺒﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺎﺋﻨﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻫــﺮﻯ«‪» ،‬ﻧــﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﺁﻣﻴــﺰ« ﻭ »ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺴــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺸﻖ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻳﻚﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻤﻴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺍﺷﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺍﺷﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟــﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻏــﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻻﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﻋﺸﻖﻟﺮﺯﻩ« ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴــﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫)ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺴــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ( ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﺰﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﺍﺷﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺷﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 16‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﺋﻴﻚ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ »ﻋﺸﻖﻟﺮﺯﻩ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ »ﻋﺸﻖ ﻟــﺮﺯﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣــﺎﻭﻯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻋﺸﻖ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ« ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻟــﺮﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ)ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ( ﺗﺎ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻣﺎﺗﻮﺭژﻯ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﻯ »ﺩﻳــﺎﻥ« ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫»‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻋﺒﺪﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻩﮔﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻩﮔﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻳﭙﺮﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻃــﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻧﻮﻟﻮگ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﺯﻭﮔﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺫﻭﻗﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘــﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠــﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔــﺮ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﻰﺧﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺳﻼﺣﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﺼــﺮﻯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ‪ -‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﮔﻞ« ﻭ »ﻓﺎﻃﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪» :‬ﺷﻴﺪﻩ« ﻭ »ﻓﺎﻃﻰ« ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﻧﻮﻟﻮگ‬ ‫»ﻋﺒﺪﻯ« ‪ -‬ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﮔﻮﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺍﺳﺘــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴــﺪﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺛﻮﻝ ﻓﻮﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻧﻮﻟﻮگ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻦ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻮﻧﻮﻟﻮگ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺳﺎﺭﺍ«‪» ،‬ﺷﻴﺪﻩ« ﻭ »ﺳﻮﮔﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻮﻧﻮﻟﻮگ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﻓﺎﻃﻰ« ﺧﻂ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻓﻰ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺿﺎﻳﻊﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻮﻯ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻸ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻤﻰ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫»‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻯ؟« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 2‬ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻼﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ 53 ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕــﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 700‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻃﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﮔﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺷﺎﻟﻮﻳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﮔــﻮﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ »ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻟﻮﻳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ – ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ – ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ »ﺷــﺎﻟﻮﻳﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻴﺐ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺭﻭﺡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻔﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺣﺪﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍﺩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰﻓﺮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ »ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ )ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺕﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺼﻴــﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻳــﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻛﺴــﭙﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺷﺘــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴــﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﻴﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺸﻨــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔــﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻣﻴــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺣﺠﻤﻲ ﺳﻔــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌــﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴــﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺑﻪ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﺮﻧﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﺱ« ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺪﻩﺭﻭﺡ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ‪ 74‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴﻲ‪،‬ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻭﺑﺨﺶﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺬﻫﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻌﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﻧﺴﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‪،‬ﻧﺴﺦ‪،‬ﺛﻠﺚﻭﺧﻂﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺛــﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤــﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻨــﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺆﺳﺴــﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﺴﺘــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻓﺠــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻣﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧــﻮ ﻭ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻢﺟﺬﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻋﺒــﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﺁﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻌﻄــﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺐ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﺒﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺗﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳــﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴــﻦ ﺟﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1373‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﻤﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 14‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ‪19‬ﻭ ‪ 21‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺠــﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 22‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1378‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺷﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔــﺬﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻟﺐ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻴــﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺸﻮ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﺋﺪ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ 20:30‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻴﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻮﺧــﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧــﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒــﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴــﺪ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺳﻨﺖﮔــﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﭘﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻃﻠﻮﻋﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻧــﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻘــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺪﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺒﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗــﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻳﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫــﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﭘﺎﻧــﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴــﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫)ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ( ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﺏ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒــﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪.‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1303‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻔﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ »ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ« ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔــﻮﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻓﻲﺍﻻﺭﺽ« ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗــﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺠــﺮﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺿﺎﺭﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻨــﻲ« ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻨﻲ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻴــﻊ« ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴــﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1324‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪» .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﻱ« ﻭ »ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﺰﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ،1327‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧــﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻨــﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜــﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻭ ﺷﻤــﺎﺭﺵﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋــﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﮋﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻫﮋﻳﺮ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ 1329‬ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘــﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺎﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺘــﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫»ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻼ« ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘــﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻭﺿــﺎﻉ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1334‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒــﻲ‪» ،‬ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ »ﻋﻼ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ »ﻋﻼ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺿﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪» .‬ﻋﻼ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓــﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧــﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﻋﻴــﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﺘــﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ«‪ -‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﻐﺪﻳﺮ‪ -‬ﻭ »ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺷﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﻄﺎ« ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺠــﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﻜﻮﺕ ﻃﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫــﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺍﻟﻐﺪﻳﺮ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳــﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔــﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻛــﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋــﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗــﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺷﻒ ﺍﻟﻐﻄﺎء‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫)‪ 1294- 1373‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ(ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻘــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺸﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻋﻼﻣﻪﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔــﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1367‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺟــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺷﻒ ﺍﻟﻐﻄﺎء ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻰ« ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻣــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟــﺮﻡ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻃﻠﺒــﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﻓــﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﺎﺷﻒ ﺍﻟﻐﻄﺎء‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴــﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧــﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺯﻭﺭﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨــﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﺯﺩﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪) .‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺪﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ( ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻛﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺼﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄــﺢ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ )ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺸﻜــﻮﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻛــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ )ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻲﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺖ ﺯﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤــﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1329‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ‪ 92‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤــﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺳﻬــﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1329‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳــﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎپ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻋﻮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1329‬ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻣﻤﻠــﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋــﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴــﺖﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ‪،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫــﺎﺭﺍﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳــﻖ»ﭘﺴــﺖﻣﻠــﻲ«ﭘﺨــﺶﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣــﻮﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻼﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﻻﺍﻟﻪﺍﻻﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﻟﻲﺍﷲ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 14‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻡﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳـﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻭ »ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1320‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷـﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺦﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ »ﺳﻄــﺢ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ »ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺣﺠــﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺴــﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺣﻜﻢﺁﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘــﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﻟﺒــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘــﺪﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠــﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ،1320‬ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳــﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﮔــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮔــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﮔــﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺨﻲﮔــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 1302‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺗﺎ ‪ ،1305‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻲ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳــﻮﺭ ‪ ،1320‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1307‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1311‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬــﺪ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ،1320‬ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬــﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻀﺮﻭﺏ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠــﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿــﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻀﺮﻭﺏ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺷﻴــﺦ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪.‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬــﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1324‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 25 ،24‬ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻀﺮﻭﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺴـﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ »ﻫﮋﻳﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻛﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱﺍﺯﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻧﻮﺍﺏﻛﺴﺐﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﺻــﻼ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺪﺭﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻀﺮﻭﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﭘــﺪﺭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﺷﻴﺦ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛــﻪ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺷﻴﺦ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻻﻟﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1329‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﺠﻮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1320‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺴـﺮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗــﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔــﺖ ﭘﺴﺮ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻄــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺻﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1320‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩﺍﻣﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲ )ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻐﺪﻳﺮ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺷﻒ ﺍﻟﻐﻄﺎء ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻧﺠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗــﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ« ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﺁﻳـﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟـﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷـﺎﻩ ﺟـﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷـﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻔـﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺳـﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺗﻴﺰﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳــﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺸــﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﺠــﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻬﺒﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ ،1331‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻀﺮﻭﺏ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺴـﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳـﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧــﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻠــﻮﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﺪ ﻣــﻦ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺧــﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗــﺮ ﻛﻤــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺳــﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ)ﺱ(ﺟﻤﻊﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪﻭﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺳﺮﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪﻭﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﭙﺎﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋــﺰﻝ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﺰﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻌﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺰ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨـﺎﺏ ﻧـﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔـﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈـﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻲﻫﺎ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧـﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳـﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴــﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴــﺖ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻱ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷـﻬﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1298‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻟﻮﺣﻲ )ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ( ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ )‪ (1324‬ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺣﺴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ )‪ (1343‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1373‬ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻡ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧــﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﺴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫــﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻛﺘﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠــﺮﻭﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧــﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺻﻔﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧــﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳﻴﺼﺪﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺧﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺘــﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﺭﺍﻟﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ »ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻔﺖﺗﻴﺮ »ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸــﻲ ﺍﻭ‪» ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﺩﭘﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧــﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴــﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻗــﻮ ﺷﻜﻢ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻏﺶ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﻥﺁﻟــﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﻳــﺎﺩ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧــﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺴــﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴــﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﻥﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺮﻭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻣــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘــﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻳــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻓﻴﺾﻛﻪﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪﺑﻮﺩﺟﻠﻮﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺍﺑﻬﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻙ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻬــﺮﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﺭﺍﻟﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺾﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻠﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ «.‬ﻓﻴﺾﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺴﻴــﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻛﺜﻴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒــﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺩ »ﺍﻧﺎ ﻓﺘﺤﻨﺎ ﻟﻚ ﻓﺘﺤﺎ ﻣﺒﻴﻨــﺎ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺎﻭ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗــﺶ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺫﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺮﻋﺎﻗﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺁﻝﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻮﺍﻯ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎء ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﺑــﺪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻋﺠﻞﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﻟﻨــﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪﺗﺮﻭﺍﻣﻴﺪﺑﻪﺭﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﻦﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺣﺘﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺁﻻﻡ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻗــﺪﻡ ﺧــﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ(ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒــﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﺴــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪ ﺍﺩﺑــﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻥﺍﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺰﻳــﺰ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺒﻠــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧــﺎ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴــﺮﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺧــﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﻊ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺴﻮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻔﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻮﻳﺶ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫)ﻧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺮﺵ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻨﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺷــﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺳﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺟﺤﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻰ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﺑﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺗﺸــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻗﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺸﺘﻌﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺠﺒﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻝﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻃﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺳﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﺵ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪﻡ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻄﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺑﺎﻁ ﻩ ﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺷﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﻠﻰﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ( ﻭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻄﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻔﺶ ﻧﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺕ ﭘﺴﺘﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﻠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻀﺐ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭﺟــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻟﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫)ﺍﻭﻟﺌــﻚ ﻛﺎﻻﻧﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿــﻞ( ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﺞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﻫﻼﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻋﺘﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﻭﺻﻴﺎء ﺍﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﻳــﺰ )ﻭ ﻣﻌﺬﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﺑﻜﻢ( ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳــﺰﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ )ﻭ ﺑﻤﻼ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺴــﻄﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺌﺖ ﻇﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﺍ( ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻬﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ )ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ( ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ )ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻔﻮﺭﺍ( ﻳﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋــﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻋﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺼﻴــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻰﺯﻭﺍﻟﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﻨﻤﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ )ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ( ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ؟ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ ﻭ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ژﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﭼﻬﻠﻢ ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺣﺘﺸﺎﻡﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬــﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣــﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 27‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1334‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ‪ 40‬ﺷﺐ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺐ ﭼﻬﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺤﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺴــﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﮕﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﻓﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻳﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻯ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺑﻰﺍﺩﺑﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﻮ! ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﻰ‪ «.‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘــﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻡ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻝﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻰﺍﻣﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻯﻳﺰﻳﺪ! ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ‪. . .‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺛﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻼﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺟﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺛﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻼﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺷﻬــﺎﺩﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧـﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻮﺷـﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳـﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒـﻲ ﺑـﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘـﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴـﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﺐﻗﺒﻞﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﻳﻚﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﺩﺭﻳﻚﺍﺯﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻬﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ‪ 10‬ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛـﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺸـﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻱ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﺵ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌــﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻼﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣــﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻬﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺗﺸﺨﻴــﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﺭﺍﻟﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻋﻀـﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴـﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﮕـﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ)ﺹ( ﺩﺭﺟــﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻗــﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨــﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣــﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﻮﺭ ﻣــﻦ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1329‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻏﺮﺽ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺒﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ – ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ – ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦﺳﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻓﺪﺍﻳﺖﺷﻮﻡ« ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﺒﺚ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺟﻞ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﺎﻥ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﺴــﺎﺭ ﺳــﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕﺍﻟﺴــﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺣﺎﺝﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷــﻤﺲ ﻗﻨﺎﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺼﺮﺕﺍﷲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻳﻢﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﺎﻥ ﻗﺘــﻞ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻟﺸــﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻟﺸــﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺖﺗﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻟﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺲ ﻗﻨﺎﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻟﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﺕﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻟﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻀــﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1334/10/17‬ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ »ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺳــﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻙ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻋﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ»‪ ...‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻗﺘﻠﺶ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺸــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺠﻒ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﺭﺍﻟﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1329‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﻴﺾ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ« ﻭ »ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘــﻞ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗــﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺳﻴﻔﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺮ« ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺗﻠﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪24‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﺘــﻞ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺘــﻞ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ ﺭﺳــﺘﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1331‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﺎﺝﻋﻠــﻰ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1331‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺷﻴﺢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺠــﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴــﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺮﺕﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺧﺸــﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺳﻤﻨﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﺵ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘــﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺗﻮ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘــﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺘــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﺳﻴــﺪ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺟﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻰ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻪ ؟« ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺗﻜــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢ ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳــﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1327‬ﺍﻣــﻮﺍﺝ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫــﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋــﺰﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜــﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 31‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 1327‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 9‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﻌــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺮﻣﻦ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻰ ﺟﻮﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺠﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺷﺠﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﮋﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻭ ﺿﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻠﻴــﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 6‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴــﻢ ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 6‬ﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻭﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻔــﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﻑ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﺟﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧـﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﻚ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻦ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻟﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷــﺎءﺍﷲ ﻟﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻠــﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺑــﺎﻻﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻤــﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻌﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺨــﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺣﺬﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣــﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺵ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺠــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺣﻘﻪﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣــﻪ)ﺱ( ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻤــﺖ! ﻛﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻣــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺣﻘﻪﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻔــﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻝ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺷﺨﺼــﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺧﻄــﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻫﻢﻋﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴــﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻨــﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋــﻼ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻣــﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳــﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴـﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﻜﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺴﺮﺧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧــﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺣﻤــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻳﻚﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺠﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ »ﻟﺸﮕﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺭﻫﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻴــﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺤﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﺵﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴــﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷـﺠﻮﻧﻲ! ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌـﺖ ﻧﻔـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻫﻴـﭻ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻧـﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻼﺗــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻠﻔﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧــﻲ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﺩﻱ ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﺏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﺤﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺁﻫﻦﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺑـﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﻲﻭﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠــﻮ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨــﺺ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤــﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧــﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭﺍژﮔــﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5-6‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳــﻂ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑــﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫــﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻲ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺧــﺮﺝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻲ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗــﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖﺗﻴﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺷﺘﺮﻱ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺷﺠﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻴﺪ ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻗﻴﺼﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻫﮋﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘــﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ –‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨــﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺧﻮﺵ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺣﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪27‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ »ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻳﻀﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «...‬ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ »ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﻮﻯﭘﺎﺳــﺦﺩﺍﺩﻩﻳﺎﺧﻴﺮﻭﻟﻰﺫﻳﻞﻧﺎﻣﻪﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ 27‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺴــﺘﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﺶ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻓﺴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺳــﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ« ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻯﻛﺎﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺟﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1332‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺐ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍء ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍء ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍء ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ ....‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺘﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺍﺷﻜﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ) «.‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،3‬ﺹ‪329،23‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪(57‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒﺍﻻﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺋــﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫــﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻌــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑــﺮﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1975‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1353‬ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1354‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻚ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨــﺪ ‪ ،1353‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘــﻦ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ ،1354‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1977‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺷﻚﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺗــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻠﻚ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﺩﻯ ‪ ،1356‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬــﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻠــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒﺍﻣﺎﻣــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘــﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ‪17‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ژﺍﻟﻪ )ﺷﻬﺪﺍ( ﺭﺍ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1357‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕــﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ‪ 14‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘــﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳــﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯﻫﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣــﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻳﮕﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘــﺎﺭﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺻﺒــﺢ ‪ 26‬ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺳﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻔــﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔــﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳــﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1357‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻜﻮﭘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺩﺍﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﺷـﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫـﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﺎﺟـﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﺑﺎﺧﺮﻭﺝﺍﺯﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶﻧﺴﺒﻲﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪﻭﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻭﺝﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬ﻓﺮﺡﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻛﺮﺩﻭﻣﺪﻋﻲﺷﺪﺷﺎﻩﺑﻪﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻳﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﻼﺱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺍﻭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺗﺎﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻭﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺭﺍﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻲﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴــﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﻚﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﭙﻴــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳــﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻃﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪»:‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟« ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻟﻐﻮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺴﺖﺑﻠﻜﻪﺑﺮﺍﻱﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﺎﻭﺭﻭﺳﻨﺖﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥﭘﺨﺶﺷﺪﻭﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺝﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﻪﺷﺎﻩﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ‪،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﻧﻴﺰﺯﻣﻴﻨﮕﻴﺮﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺳﺎﻝ‪ 1347‬ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺿـﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺐﻫــﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺩﺍﻟﻮپ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ژﻳﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ «...‬ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺘﻞ ﻫﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ژﻳﺴﻜﺎﺭﺩﺳﺘﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳــﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜــﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻــﻪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧــﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼــﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴــﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫــﻢ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨــﻮﻥ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨــﻮﻥ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻖﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨــﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﭘﻠﻰﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1229‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﺳﻨﮓﺑﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺭگ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ )ﻣﺪﺭﻙ( ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻳــﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ« ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻌﺰﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻯ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1235‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﻮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺩﺧﺎﻥ )ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﻊﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨــﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻤــﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﻪ )ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ( ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻣﻨﺰ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻫﻠﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺧــﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻛﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﻻﻙ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺤﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﺎﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻴﻠﻤﺮ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻠﻰﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣــﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻟﻤﺮﺳﺘــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺨﺼــﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟــﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻟﺒــﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﺁﺷﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻫــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨــﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﺑــﺖ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟــﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠــﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺷﺎﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﭘــﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻼﻥ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﻧﻠــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﻏﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒــﻰ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﻋــﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨــﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨــﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗــﺎﻻﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺧﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺐ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1303‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 114‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 387‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻼﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔــﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1375‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 145‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪25‬ﺭﺑﻴــﻊ ﺍﻻﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1268‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻤــﺮﻯ )‪1231‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ (ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻭﭼــﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ –ﺭﻳﺎﺿــﻰ –ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ‪-‬ﻭﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑــﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮ ﻋﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳــﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1269‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪»:‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ «ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪).‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻬﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1270‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻼﻥ ﻃﺐ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ‪،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻜﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،‬ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣــﺮگ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﭘﻮﻻﻙ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭﺑﺎﺭﻧﻪ ﺋﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨــﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ‪.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔــﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫_ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﺟﺴﺪﺵ ﺭﺍﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻼﻥ ﻃﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪).‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﺺ‪ 129‬ﻭ‪ 130‬ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻐﻤﺎﻳﻰ (ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨــﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1357‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ‪،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-1‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪-2‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫‪-3‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪-4‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪-5‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ ‪1341‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﻝ ‪1301‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ‪،‬ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬ﻭﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺎﻧــﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪1234‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪19‬ﺻﻔﺮ‪1341‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤــﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫‪1301‬ﺷﻤﺴــﻰ ﻭﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪1257‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪26‬ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﻭﻝ ‪1341‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ )‪1301‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ (‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤــﻊ ﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪).‬ﺍﺯﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪(152‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻠــﻰ ﺧــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺒﺮﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ‪،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺩﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1276‬ﻫﺠــﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻗﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1280‬ﻫﺠــﺮﻯ ﻗﻤــﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻀﺎﺩﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ‪،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ )ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ (ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﺷﻬــﺮﺕ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫)ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ (ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1316‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‪23‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1316‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻓﺎﺋﻴﻞ )‪30‬ﺗﻴــﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ (ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ‪،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﻼِ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ‪،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜــﺪﻩ ﻃــﺐ _ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜــﺪﻩ ﭘﻠﻰ ﺗﻜﻨﻴــﻚ ﻭ‪.....‬ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1313‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1316‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‪2991‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﺎﭘﻰ ﻭ‪2423‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻰ ﻭ‪62‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﻜﺴﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻘــﻂ ‪877‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﺎﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ‪4392 ،1315‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌــﺎﺭﻑ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗــﺎﻻﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪1346‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ (ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﻭﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ!؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕــﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻫﺎﺟﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﻚﺻﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕــﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣــﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﻚﺻﻔﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕــﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺿﻼﻉ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﻚﺻﻔــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗــﺎﻕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒــﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠــﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺍﻍ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻳﺎﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 23‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒــﺢ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺏﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 6‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪﺟــﺎﻯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫–ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺴﭙﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 23‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ‪ 6‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻄﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﻌﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪ 24‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ » :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻋﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 3‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 4‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺟــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ » :‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪6‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩﻭﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﻃﻲﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊﺍﻭ‪،‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺑﻪﺑﻌﺪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺩﻭﺭﻩﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺑﻪﺍﻣﺮﻱﺯﺍﺋﺪﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﺳﭙﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺴﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺗـﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫‪ 23‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪ ،88‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻄﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴـﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄـﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻭﺣﺘﻰﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰﻭﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥﺭﻭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻚﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺮﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺍﻣﺮﻯﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺸـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣـﺬﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠــﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‪ 23‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻃﻮﻝﺩﻭﺭﻩﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲﺩﺭﻣﻘﻄﻊﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝﻭﺩﺭﻣﻘﻄﻊﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ‪ -‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴــﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘــﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺎﻥﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒﺩﻭﺭﻩﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﭼﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﺩﻭﺭﻩﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺣﺬﻑﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺑﺴﺘــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧــﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓــﻲ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1390‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓــﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈــﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫــﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻃــﻊ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺍﷲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬــﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪6‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻳــﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷـﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃـﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷـﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻰﺳـﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺬﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻌﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺍﺻـﻞ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳـﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﻣـﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻜــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺠﻠــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 6‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣــﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻃﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘــﻪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕــﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨــﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺣﺬﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄــﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺻــﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫــﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠــﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻼﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﻠﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠــﻢ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴــﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗــﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴــﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷـﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳـﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳـﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻗﻴـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴــﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜــﺮﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﻠﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟــﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺸﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻛــﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜــﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴــﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳــﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗــﺖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺠﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﺑﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳــﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻨــﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈــﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ »ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ«‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺟــﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ‪ 90‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻜﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ‪360‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1290‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ‪6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫‪3‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1345‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ‪ 3‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1370‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪3‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭼﻨــﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1290‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 1345‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1232‬ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺠﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1289‬ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1300‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1306‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1319‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1312‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1312‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1317‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺫﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﻰﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪3‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪2‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1313‬ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻌﻠﻢ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄـﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺑﻴﺮ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1343‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻪﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻴﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﻮﺍﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﺱ ‪ 6‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺵ ﻇﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ )ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ( ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ )ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ 3‬ﺳﺎﻝ( ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻄﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﻄﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ )‪7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ( ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ )‪ 86‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻭﻧﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ‪....‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1345‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ 3 ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1350‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼــﺺ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛــﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ‬‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﭽﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺨﺶ ‪ 3‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ – ﺟﺰ ﻛﻨﻜﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺗﺮﻣﻰ ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ«‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ – ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ‪ -‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﻴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1290‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1345‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪6‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ »ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ« ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ‪6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ )‪3‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (.‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪3‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻰ‪ -‬ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ – ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ‪ -‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺖﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧــﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻨــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄــﻮﻑ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻭﻋــﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﺟــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﻏــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧــﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ )ﺍﺳﺎﺱ( ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ )ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ )ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ( ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛــﻪ )ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ(‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋــﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒــﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪6‬ﺳﺎﻟــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬــﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﮔــﻰ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴــﻪ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘــﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﭻ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﻛﻬــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻛــﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﭙﻴﻜــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺷﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻘﻮﻟــﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪10‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺝﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓــﻪ ﺷﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼــﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔــﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨــﺪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢﻭﻛﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘــﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪﻧــﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﭘﻰﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨــﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺴﺘــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻰﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻞ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛــﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ ‪ 12‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨــﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺒــﺮﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜــﻼﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺰﻣــﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 2700‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻛﻬﻨــﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺧﻄﺮﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﻗــﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ‪ 214‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻩﻋﺴﻞ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 23‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃــﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ‪ 25‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ«‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﻣﻲﺭﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺴﻜﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺧــﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ »ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 6‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ »ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ « ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﺺ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﻄﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻰﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳــﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘــﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘــﺮﺩﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﺾﻏﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑــﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟــﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ »ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﻟﻨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﺏﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ – ﻻﺍﻗــﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ‪ -‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺧﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺮﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻳــﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻟﺴــﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻯﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ )ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺪﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺿﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺫﺑﻴﺤــﻲ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼءﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ )ﺑﺮﻛﻨــﺎﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ( ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ – ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺭﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮچ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻃــﺮﻑ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻰﻫــﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﻋﺰﻝﻭﻧﺼــﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻳــﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ »ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺪ »چ« ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎ ) ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ(‪ :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮءﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ؛ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ) ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ( ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺯﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻃﻮﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﻼﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫـ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪ پ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪ 8‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻔﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻑ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻲ ) ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ(‪ :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 28‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺳـﻲ )ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ( ‪ :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏﺷﻬﺮ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻗﺪﻣﺖﺭﺥﻋﻴﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩﻥﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻬﺮﺩﺭﻣﺘﻦﺯﻳﺴﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥﺗﺎﻟﻮﺋﻴﺰﻭﺭﺙ‪،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻂ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦﻧﺼﺮ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻱﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺﻣﺎﺩﻱﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺭﺍﻳﺪﻙﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪﺍﻣﺎ»ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺣﻜﻴﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫» ﻣﻦ« ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻢ!‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫‪» - 1‬ﻣﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘــﺮﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﺵ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ »ﻣﻦ« ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪» .‬ﻣﻦ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺧﺐ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔــﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣــﻦِ « ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ! ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻀﺎ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪» - 2‬ﻣﻦ« ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻢ‪» .‬ﻣﻦ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ؟ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﻣﻦ« ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫»ﻣﻦِ « ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ »ﻣﻦ« ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﻳﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻦ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ« ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻘﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻨﺰ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣــﻦ« ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻴﺮ »ﻣﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﻦ« ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ »ﻣﻦ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ« ﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ »ﻣﺎ« ﻧﻀﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ«ﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺄﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ »ﻣﺎ« ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻣﻦ«ﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﮕﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺼﻠﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻳــﻚ »ﻣﻦ« ﺑﺎ »ﻣﻦ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺄﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻠﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﺄﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ »ﻳﺄﺱﻫﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻋﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺄﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ؛‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻳﺄﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﭼﺮﺍ »ﻣﻦ« ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ؟‬ ‫ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ؟‬‫ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻫــﻢ ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﻣــﻦ« ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﻗﻔﺲ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻭﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﻗﻔــﺲ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ« ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻦ«ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ؟ ﭘﺲ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻔﺲ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻭﭘﻮﺩ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ«ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻀﺞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻔﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻔﺴﻲ ﺗﻬﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪» .‬ﻣﺴﺦ ﺷﺪﮔﻲ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻏﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ؛ »ﻣﻦ« ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﺩﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺡﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻣــﻦ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻜﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ«ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ »ﺧﻮﺩ« ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻦ«‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ؛ »ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪» ،‬ﺧﺴﺘﻪ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ« ﻭ »ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ‪» .‬ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ« ﺛﻤــﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺯﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﻱﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻀﺞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ )ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣــﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﻲﺍﻧﻔﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔــﺖ؛ »ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻤــﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﻫﺴﺘﻦ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗــﺐ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫»ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻤــﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ »ﺑﺎﻣﻌﻨﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ »ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ« ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ »ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ«ﺍﺵ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻳﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ« ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﮔﻲ«ﺍﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻝ ﺑــﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻦ«‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﻮﺩ« ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺧﺴﺘﻪ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ »ﺧــﻮﺵ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ« ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ »ﻣﻦ« ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻫﻴﭻ!‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 6‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔــﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺄﺱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺄﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻄــﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻣــﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻜﺎﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻳﺄﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩﺭﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳــﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻧﺴــﺎﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺗــﺎﺏ ﻓﻀﺎﻫــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺳــﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺟــﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻗﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻰ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻇﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃــﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲﻭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺶﺑﺎﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮ ﻋﻘﻞﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻛﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺷــﻜﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳــﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻤــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ‪-‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺴــﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ – ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻴــﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼء ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﻱﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ »ﺧﻼء ﻭ ﻭﻫﻢ« ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ »ﺣــﻖ ﺭﺍﻱ« ﻭ »ﺭﻓﺎﻩ«‪ .‬ﺗﻠﺬﺫ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﻣﻨــﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕــﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧــﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻭﺭﻛﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺳﻤــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﮕﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒــﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻔــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ –ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ‪-‬ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻐﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ )ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻋﻼ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ( ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺛﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠــﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺟــﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘــﺲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺷــﻠﻴﻢ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﺸــﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺻﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﮔ ِﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺳــﻮﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒــﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥِ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺑﻞ ‪ -‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻪ ﺯﺷــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ‪Design discourse voll.III No.4 May 2008:‬‬ ‫‪Vladimir Marko‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻭﺭﻛﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟــﺰ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻩ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ« ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻼﺯﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻃﻤﻄﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ« ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﻱﺳـﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜـﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺸـﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺮﺝ ﻭﺍﺷـﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴــﺪ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔــﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳــﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﻨﺪﺭﺳﻜــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﻼﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻓﻴﺾﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺭﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺷﻤﺴــﺎ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻰﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻗﻤﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ« ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﺴﻠــﻪ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻤــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤــﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻼﺻــﺪﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ« ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻼﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﭘﺮﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺑــﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣــﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﻴــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋــﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔــﻰ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻬﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵ« ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺲ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ 14‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﻭﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﺋــﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1404‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭﺑﻦ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴــﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺳﭙــﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ« ﻭ »ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔــﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ« ﺍﻭ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻗﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬــﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻭﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠــﺖ ﻛﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻼ ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﺯﻧﻮﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻼ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑــﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﺯﻧﻮﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﻼﺻــﺪﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﻼﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻮﺑﻴﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺪﺍء ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻳﺎﺗﻆ«‪» ،‬ﺷﻔﺎ«ﻯ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ »ﺷﻮﺍﺭﻕ ﺍﻻﻟﻬﺎﻡ« ﻻﻫﻴﺠﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ »ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ‪ -‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔــﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻼﺳﻔﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﺑﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻤــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻮﺯﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗــﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿــﺎ ﻗﻤﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺮﻥ ﻧــﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴــﻦ ﺟﻠــﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴــﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ »ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘــﺎﺩ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣــﻼ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺯﻧــﻮﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨــﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗــﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ«‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑـﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽـﻪ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳــﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺳﻤــﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺳﭙﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻘﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩﺁﺑــﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻳــﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻲ ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﻧﻮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺐ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘـﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﭘﺎﺳـﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔــﻰ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳــﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼــﻚ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﺍﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ« ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺷﻜﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﭘﺴﺮﺑﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘــﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣــﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻻﻟــﻪﺯﺍﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺳﭙﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺼﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻳﻚﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻋﺼﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻋﻴﻦﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻋﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒــﻮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ :‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫــﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻔــﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺮﻩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻗﺪﻣﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻋﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﮔﺎﻣــﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﺑﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻨــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﺎﻣﻰﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻯ ﻛﻮﺭﺑﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﺗﺴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﺷﻬــﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ« ﻭ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺸﺮ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺑﺮﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﺷﻬﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫــﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﻄﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺻﻞ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳــﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﺳــﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠــﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺷﻬﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻜــﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛــﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻘــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩژﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳــﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ]ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ[ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﻭﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣــﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻧــﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟــﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻮﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫)ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪« .‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 358‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻤــﺮﻱ )‪. 969‬ﻡ(‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﺴﻄﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠــﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻭﺑﻦﻋــﺎﺹ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻟﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ »ﺳﺎﻣﺮﻩ« ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﻃﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺷﻬﺮ«‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴــﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴــﻮﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪.358‬ﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ(‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻃﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻗﺼــﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬــﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣــﻊ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪.359‬ﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 361‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ]ﻛﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻄﻢ[ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻌــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼــﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺟــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻫــﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ «‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺼــﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺴﻄﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻦﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ« ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻪﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﺩﻩ ]ﻫﻔﺪﻩ[ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﻛﺸــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻤﺮﺑﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻌﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘــﺲ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ‪ -‬ﺻﻠﻲﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﻭﺍﻟــﻪ‪ -‬ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺫﺭﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ »ﺫﺭﺍﻉ ﺳﻮﺩﺍء« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻼﺋﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﻘﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺠﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻦﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻗﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻨﻔــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪﺍﻟﺴـﻼﻡ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 136 -158‬ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﻮﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻــﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ؟ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣــﺪﻭﺭ ]ﺩﺍﻳــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺼــﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺑــﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻴــﺖ ﺳﻮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕــﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ »ﺷﻬﺮ« ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪» ...‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ]ﻫﺎ[ﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ]ﻫــﺎ[‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﻠﺒﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬــﺮ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺩژ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻌــﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﺎﺭﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻃﻮﺍﻳــﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻲ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻼﺯﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴــﻼ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻼﺯﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ]ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ[ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺴﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺰﻭﺍﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ -1 :‬ﺧﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻮچﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ...‬ﭘــﺲ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ -2 .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴــﺲ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻠــﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ]ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻱ[ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﻘــﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ‪ -‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﺸﻤﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨــﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺳﺴﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋــﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪» ...‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻛﺸﺘﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻗﺎﻳــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺨﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻮچ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ]ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ[ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺰ ﭼﺮﺍﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮچ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺰﺑــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﺭﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﮔﺰﻳــﺪﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ« ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻲ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻤﻲﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻤﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻭﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻭﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻛﻞﺷﻬﺮ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﻢﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻭﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺗﻮﺍﻟﻲﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺯﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﺭﺍﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻛﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﺑﺎﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻋﺠﻴﻦﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺘﻲﻣﻨﻈﻢﺭﺍﺷﻜﻞﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻛﻪﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍﺍﻳﻦﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﻭﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ»ﺷﻬﺮ«ﺭﺍﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺍﻳﻦﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕﻫﻨﺪﺳﻲﻭﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭﭼﻨﺪﺷﻬﺮﻣﻬﻢﻭﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﺍﻳﻦﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪،‬ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‪،‬ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩﻭﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻼﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻐــﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ»ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ«ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﺑﻮﺟﻌﻔــﺮ ﻣﻨﺼــﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻓﻪ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺼﺮﻩ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻭﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱﻛﻪﺁﻥﺭﺍ»ﺑﺎﺏﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ«ﻭﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱﻛﻪﺁﻥﺭﺍ»ﺑﺎﺏﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ]ﺧﻨﺪﻕ[‬ ‫ﭘﻨــﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺫﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺫﺭﺍﻉ ﺳﻮﺩﺍء« ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﻭﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩﺑﺎﺭﻩﺷﻬﺮﺭﺍﺑﺎﺧﺸﺖﻫﺎﻱﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲﺑﺎﮔﻞﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺭﻭﺳﻂﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺑﺰﺭگﻫﻤﺎﻥﻛﺎﺥﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬ﻭﺩﺭﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱﻛﺎﺥ‪،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺷــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ‪ «...‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫]ﻱﺷﻬﺮ[ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲﻛﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪﺩﺭﺁﻥﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪] .‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ[ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﭼﻬﺎﺭﺑﺨﺶﻛﺮﺩﻭﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲﻫﺮﺑﺨﺶﺭﺍﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﻣﺮﺩﻱﺍﺯﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻭﮔﺬﺭﻫﺎﻱﺭﺍﻩﺩﺍﺭﻭﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻛﻪﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺫﺭﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ »ﺫﺭﺍﻉ ﺳﻮﺩﺍء« ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺫﺭﺍﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪﻭﻣﺤﻠﻪﺍﻱﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻫﺎﻭﺣﻤﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪﻭﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﺗﺎﺍﺯﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺑﻪﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥﻭﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺸﺎﻡ ﺟﻌﻴﻂ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻓﻀﺎ‪-‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱﺍﺯﻛﻮﻓﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍﺩﺭﻛﻮﻓﻪﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺍﻱﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪﺩﺭﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲﻧﺎﺯﻙﺗﺮﺍﺯﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱﻛﻮﻓﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪﺟﻌﻴﻂﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻓﻀﺎﻱﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲﺑﺎﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‪-‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺷﻬﺮﺻﺮﻓﺎﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪/‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﻭﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱﺑﺎﺩﻳﮕﺮﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺶﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟــﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮔﺸﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱﻛﻪﺍﺯﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ»ﻛﺮﺧﺎﻳﺎ«ﺍﺯﻓﺮﻭﻍﻓﺮﺍﺕﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺝ ﻭ ﺁﺟﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺲﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﮔﺸﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺗﺎﺩﺍﺧﻞﺷﻬﺮﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺷﺪﻩﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪﺩﺭﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘــﺮ ﺷﺎﻩﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩﺁﺏﺁﻥﻗﻄﻊﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺟﻠﻪ ﺟــﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺟﻴــﻞ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ ‪« ...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺗﻤــﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫)ﺛﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ /‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ( ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑــﺮ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲﺍﺯﻛﻮﻓﻪﺑﻮﺩﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﺩﺭﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﺷﻬﺮﻣﻜﻨﻮﻥﻭﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‪،‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪،‬ﻣﺎﻣﻮﻥﻭﻣﻌﺘﺼﻢ‪،‬ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 223‬ﻣﻌﺘﺼﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻓﺴﻄﺎﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺳــﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺴﻄﺎﻁ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤـﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ )ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ( ﻧﺸـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪ ﺳـﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋـﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨـﺪﺱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴـﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻜﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳــﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻰﮔــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻄﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻄﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻌﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌــﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺯﺍ‪ ....‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻴــﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻫﺎﺭﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ« ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﻠﻮ ﻫﻀﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻴﺰﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻨــﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻨﻨﺪﺝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺒــﺮ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻴﺰﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺑﻨﻴــﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻳــﺎ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺭﺍﻣﺴﺮ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤــﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻚﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺯﺍ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪﻃﻮﺭ؟ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺎﺷـﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﻓﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﮔﺴﺘــﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺯﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹﺗﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳـﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻏﺮﺑـﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫـﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳـﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳـﻄﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔـﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ( ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻧـﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳـﻞ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻚ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻨﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴــﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻴــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴــﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ 15‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻟﻮ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺻﻴﻘﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱﻭﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ‪ 26‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺴــﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 26‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭﻓﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ )ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ‪ -‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﻣﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ( ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻨﺎﺯﻯ )ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻮﻧﮓ( ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻓﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻇــﻢ ﻧﻈــﻢﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻭﺟﺒﻼﻍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺷﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭﻓﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻐﻞ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻓﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺴــﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻧﻰ ‪ 1140‬ﻣﺪﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴــﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻟﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻧﺶ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1359‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1359‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻋﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1360‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴــﻜﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﭽﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1360‬ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1360‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1361‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻡﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻤﺮﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺣــﻖ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣــﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﺷــﺪﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ‪ -‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻙﻣﻨﺪﻭﻳﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1363‬ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻙﻣﻨﺪﻭﻳﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺮﻭژ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،64‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1332‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1368‬ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﺮﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪68‬ﺗﺎ ‪79‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1379‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ )ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ (1380‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ‪15‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺴــﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳــﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺧﺴــﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯﻭﻓﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ؛ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﭽﻮﺳﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻭﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻱﺳﻴﻜﻞﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻳﺒﺎﻓــﺎﻥ ‪ 120‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻱﺳــﻴﻜﻞﺭﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤــﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻱﺳﻴﻜﻞﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻜﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻦﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻙ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﻢﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻳــﻚ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻀﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺦﻧﻤﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﻧﺴــﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﻴﻜﻠﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻬــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﺦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻴﻢﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﭼﻴــﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻫــﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳــﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫‪ 180‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻲ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻪﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻞ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺐﻟﻮ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﺷﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﻨﺨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻭ ﺣﻼﻟﻴﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸــﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳــﻴﺒﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻓــﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﻴﻜﻠﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑــﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺁﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺯﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻱﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﺶ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺑﻲﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﻴﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪10‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺑﻮﺩﻭﻧﻤﻮﺩﺁﻥﺗﺎﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺑﺮﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﻓﺸﺎﺭﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﺮﺩﻡﻭ‪...‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖﻭﻓﻀﺎﻱﺗﻴﻢﺭﺍﺑﻬﻢﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻲﭼﻮﻥﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻫﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱﺣﻜﻢﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩﻟﺬﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻫﻢﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻢﺷــﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧــﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻙ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻠﻮﺕﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷـﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻀـﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﺪﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻯ ﺣـﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ 90‬ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻭﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮﺍﺕﺭﺍﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺧﻮﺩﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺍﺯﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻯﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥﺍﻣﻴﺮﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰﺩﺭﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻤﺪﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻯﺭﺍﺑﻪﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺻﻤﺪﻛﻪﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺭﺍﺑﻪﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﺍﻣﺎﻭﺍﻋﻆﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺑﻮﺩﺑﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰﺍﺵﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻛﺎﺭﻯﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﺣﺘﻰﺑﺎﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻣﻮﻓﻖﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪،‬ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻭﺍﻋﻆ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯﻛﻪﺣﺎﻻﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻰﺑﻪ ﺻﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻭﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎﻧﻮﺩﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻫﻰﻛﻪﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪ 5‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﺭﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺯﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻯﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻞ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻣﻦﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡﻛﻪﻏﻴﺮﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺷﺒﻜﻪﺳﻮﻡﻭﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕﻫﻢﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﺁﻣﻴﺰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻋﻠﻤﻰﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪﺩﺭﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻳﻚﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰﻛﻪﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯﺍﺯﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻂ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﺭﺍﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺧﻮﺏﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩﻭﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻪﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻯﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻟﻴﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﺤﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻤﭙﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻤﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﺍﻡ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭﻝﻣﻰﺭﻭﻯﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻣﺎﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺷﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰﺍﺯﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶﺣﻞﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺷﻤﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦﺣﺎﻻﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰﺩﺭﻛﺎﺩﺭﺗﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪﻭﺍﺻﻼﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺍﮔﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺑﺒﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪،‬ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻯﺩﺭﺗﻴﻢﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻯ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻓﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ 73‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻠﻮﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1986‬ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴــﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺷــﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮ ﮔﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳــﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫‪ 47‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﭘﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴــﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 170‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻻﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ )‪ (PP‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺋﻮﺳﻜﺎﺩﻱ )ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺳﻚ(‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺌﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1976‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺁﺳﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮ ﺭﺍﺧﻮﻱﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 707‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻱﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ )ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ( ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﭘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﺎﻝﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﭘﺮﺱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝﻧﻴﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺳﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺪﻭﻟﻮﺱ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻠﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ؟«‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻟﻴﮕﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻧﺪﻭﻟﻮﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗــﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺩﻳﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2010‬ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻻﭘﻮﺭﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺒﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺵ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1334‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺒﺪ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﺎﻭﻭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺒﻮﺭﻥ ‪ - 1956 -‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ 63-67‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﻓﺮﺩ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ 57‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ - 1997‬ﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1361‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 19‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1367‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1377‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1327‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1371) 1992‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ( ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 74‬ﻭ ‪ 82‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1351‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 81‬ﺑﺎ ‪ 92606‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬