ماهنامه مثلث شماره 26

‫ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺷﺸﻢ ‪ 11/‬ﺩﻱ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻟﻔﻈﯽ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﯽ و ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﯾﺰﺩی‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩﺁﺧﺮﯾﻦﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪﻫﻮﺍﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍی؛ ﺭﺋﯿﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﯽﺩوﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﯿﺮی ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﯽ ﺭوﺣﺎﻧﯿﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ؛ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺖ ﺷﯿﺦ و ﻣﯿﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ؛ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽﯾﺎﻏﯿﺮﺳﯿﺎﺳﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮوﺩ ﺍوﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎی ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎی ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 27/‬ﺩﻱ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻛﺎوی ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮوﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﯾﺰﻙ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﯾﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ وﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮﻫﺎﯾﯽ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﯾﻦﺑﺮوﺟﺮﺩی‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎوﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﯿﺪﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‪،‬ﺣﺴﻦﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻧﯿﺎ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﺗﺠﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺷﺠﻮﻧﯽ‪،‬ﺍﻣﯿﺮﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫وﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﯿﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﯿﻢﻣﺘﻘﯽ‪،‬ﻫﺮﻣﯿﺪﺍﺱﺑﺎوﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮی؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﯿﻢ‬ ‫Ÿ‚‪ɇ» ¾Ìˆu€Ì» µ‬‬ ‫¿\ Ÿ¸‪Ê¿Z¤»Y{ º¸ »Ê‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê·ZnÀm Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʼeZy |¼v» |Ì‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﯾﮑﻢ ‪/‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻱ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﯿﺦ ﺣﺴﯿﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﯾﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭوﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﯽ و ﻣﺪﺍﺣﯽ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﯾﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫»|‪Y ½ZuY‬‬ ‫»Œ€‪¹Y{ µÂ^« •Á‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ‪ 1341‬ﻫﺠﺮی ﻗﻤﺮی؛ ‪ 1370‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮی ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ؛ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮی‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻭی ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺗﻌﺰﯾﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﯽ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻧﻬﯽ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺟﺒﯽ‪ :‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﮐﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ :‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﯾﺎﺯی‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪی ﻓﻘﻴﻬﯽ‪ :‬ﺣﮑﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻋﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻫﻼﻟﯽ‪ :‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﯽ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﯾﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ؛ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﯾﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ 3 ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻡ ﺷـﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑـﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺻﺪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪12..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪14...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪15....................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪18..............‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪19....................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ‪20..........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺰﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪22..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ‪24....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳــﻮﺥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﺳــﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻕ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪40........................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪42...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻲ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‪44.............................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ!‪45................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪46.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‪48......................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪50.....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺪﺩ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺻﻴﻘﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‪60.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪61.........................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ‪64.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪65.............................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪66........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪68............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻡ ﺗﻴﻎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ‪28...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪29...............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪30............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮ ﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪31....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪32...................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪33..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪35............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‪36.................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪37...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‪38.................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪52.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪54..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ‪55..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪56.........................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‪58.............................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺌﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻘﻞ‪70..............................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪71....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪72..............................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‪76.......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺩﻳﻦﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ -‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ‪-‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸـﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‪78.............................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‪80............................................‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪82................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪84........................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪86.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫»ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ؟« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‪88.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪90.........................................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪91....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪92...........................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷـﻴﻖﻻﺭ‪94...........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺍ‪95....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‪96............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪97........................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻯ‪98......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﺐ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﻮﻯﺍﷲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻟﻤﺎﺳــﻮﻯﺍﷲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣــﻖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻜﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﻋﺎﻟﻢ« ﻭ »ﻣﻬﺬﺏ« ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ)‪،(1‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻣﺎ‪،‬ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥﺍﷲﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪،‬ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻼ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ« ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﻼﺷﺪﻥﭼﻪﻣﺸﻜﻞ‪،‬ﺁﺩﻡﺷﺪﻥﻣﺤﺎﻝﺍﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷــﺮﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻮﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺎﺫﺑﺎﷲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﻭﻭﺑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﻭﻭﺑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ؛ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻠﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻣــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻴــﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﺒﺨﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺷــﺎﭘﻮﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ‪18‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻴﺎ ‪ -‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ 1‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1356‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺭﻯ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺧﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﺍﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺁﺳﻴﺎﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦﺑﺮﺗﺮﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺁﺳﻴﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻓﻮﺗﺒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻟﻘﺐ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 98‬ﻭ ‪ 2006‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ 20100‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺍﺯ ﺻﻌــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﻣﭻﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 1388‬ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻃﻦﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1998‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺧﻮﻡ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1999‬‬ ‫ﺑﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭگ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﺍﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤ‬ ‫ﺩﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 250‬ﺑﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ - 2009‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻧﺪﺱﻟﻴﮕﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 29‬ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫»»ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﮋﻳﻮﻧﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻨﻰ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸــﺮﻃﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺗﺮﭘﻮﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻟﻬــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺷــﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻣﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻣــﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻋﻠﻨــﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺯﻧﮓ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻦ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻜﻮﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺭﻣﺰ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻰ‬ ‫ﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺟ ﻣ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻼﻣ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﻓﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘ ﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥﻓﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧ‬ ‫ﺭﺭﺍﺍﺍﻣﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ – ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﻭﻧﻘﻴﻀــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ )ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ‪ -‬ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ(ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﺎﺳــﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺪﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪10‬ﻋﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴــﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻧﺎﻣﺠــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺷــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀــﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨــﻢ؟ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﻨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ؟ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺑﺎﻓﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺐﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺭﺍﻫﻪ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺷﻨﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ /‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺳﺖ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺛﻘﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﺩﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻻﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻴﻮﺏ ﺷﺎﺥﺷﻤﺸﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻻﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻰﺳــﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﺑﻠﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺳﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻔﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻢ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻻﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺰﻭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻌﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﺶ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺳــﺘﺮ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﺸــﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ‪-‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻰﺭﻣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﺨﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺭﻣﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪10 ،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸــﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔــﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ؛ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ؟ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑــﺮﺕ ﺩﻭﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺭﺩﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺍﺯﺷــﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻰﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﻛﻦ«‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺝ ﻓﻮﺝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻼژﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻃﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻰﺷﺮﺕﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﺳــﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻟﻮﻛﺎﺭﻧﻮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺪﺍ ﻭ ﮔﺸﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺠــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﻛﺎﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻰﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻢ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻼﻧﻰ –ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﺮﺩﻯ‪ -‬ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻼﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺟﻬﺘﻰ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻢﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳــﻼﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻥﻛﻨﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻰﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﻋﺎ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻴﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰﭼﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚﻫﺪﻑﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰﻛﺸــﻒﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ؛ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻪﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺳــﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﻥ« ﻭ »ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻝ ﺍﺑﻲﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻴﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ »ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒﻴﻴﻦ« ﺍﺛﺮ »ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﺮﺝ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺮ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﺪﻱ‬ ‫– ﺭﺣﻤﻪﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ – ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫــﺐ ﺣﻘﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻋﺸــﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺘﻤــﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻳﻔــﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻀــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻥ)ﻉ( ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ« ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺁﻝﻋﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫»ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻜﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦﺍﺑﻦﻋﻠﻲ – ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ »ﻓﺮﻡ« ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ – ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻮﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺘﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﻔﻮﻑ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻤﻮﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ«‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺷــﻔﻲ ﺳﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈــﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﺁﺩﻡ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺟﺴــﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺧــﺪﺍ – ﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟــﻪ – ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ – ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ – ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺴــﺤﺎﺭ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺑﻮﺫﺭ – ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ– ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ »ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺑﻮﺫﺭ« ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ« ﻟﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﻨﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺺ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ »ﻃﺮﺣﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ« ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺻﻴﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﺟﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﻠــﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻴﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ »ﺁﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ« ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ »ﻫﺒﻮﻁ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ »ﻛﻬﻦﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ«ﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ﻛﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ« ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻧﺜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ‪ .‬ﻧﺜﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﺳــﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺜﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻗﻄﻌــﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺜﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻘﺎﻥ ﻧﺜﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ«‪.‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓــﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﻧﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ« ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺵ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺣﺐ ﺷــﻴﻌﻲ« ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺵ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ...» :‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﺧﻢﺁﮔﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑــﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ‪ «...‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎﻱ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫)ﺁﺯﺭﻡ( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ »ﺳــﺨﻨﻮﺭﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻘﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺵ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ)*(‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻱﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﺎﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺴــﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀــﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻃﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺏﻣﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺟﻠــﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺷــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﻮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻛﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ«‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ »ﺣﺬﻑ«‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﻟﻨﮕﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪*.‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﺎﺝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ )ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺝ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﺎﺝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻓﺘــﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺱﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺸــﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1360‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺁﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 60‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﺪﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﻳﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺮﺕﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ‪ 45‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ‪ 45‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨــﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺝ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﺎﺝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﻖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳــﻲ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺻﺪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺸﻤﺖﺍﷲﻓﻼﺣﺖﭘﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔــﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺿﺨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪5+1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﭘﻴــﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻨــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿــﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷــﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺒﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﺍﺯﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈــﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫‪1/6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ )ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ( ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ » :‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﭘﺲﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﻠﻲﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩﺭﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ‪ 35‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺴﻞﻛﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕﻣﻜﺮﺭﻭﺻﺮﻳﺢﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕﺭﺳﻤﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺎﺕ »ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ« ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨــﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﭘــﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻗﺸــﻘﺎﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺧﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ؛ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﺸــﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪»:‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺪﺍﻭﻣﺖﺩﺭﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶﺑﺎﺗﻮﺩﻫﻨﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱﺧﻮﺩﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮﺿﺮﺭﻭﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱﻣﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻛﺮﺩﻩﻭﻣﺠﻠﺲﺭﺍﻫﺮﺷﺶﻣﺎﻩﺍﺯﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻊﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩﺩﻭﺍﻳﻦﻃﺮﺡﻧﻴﺰﻣﻘﺮﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﻭﻩ‪ -،‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺠﻒﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪23‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﻄــﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻄﻨﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻛﻼﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗــﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴــﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗــﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺿــﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺷــﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺎﺳــﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﻫﺪﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿــﺎ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻧﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﺍﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻻﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻼﻭﺭﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺑﺖ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺟﺪﮔﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷــﺄﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺑﻪﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟــﺰﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻫﻢﻣﺜﻞﺗﻤﺎﻡﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱﻣﻬﻢﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢﻳﻚﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﺍﺻﻠﻲﻫﻤﻪﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﺳﺖ؛ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬ﺍﻭﻛﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻇــﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺶ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻔﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻲ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻣﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺴﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻋﺴــﮕﺮﺍﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﺮ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺩﻣﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬــﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺻﺤﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ»ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 59 - 60‬ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﭽﺴﺒﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻳــﺎ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺧﻄﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴـﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳـﺐ ﺧـﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧـﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻧﻜﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗــﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘـﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟــﻮژﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯﺑﻪﻫﻢﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻭﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﺩﺭﻳﻚﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺿﻠﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺌﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺻﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺒﻘــﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ»ﻧﻪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﺼﺪﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼـﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺷﻤﺎﺍﺯﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻭﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺁﻥﺑﺮﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ »ﺭﺍﻯﺁﻭﺭﻯ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳــﺶ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺒﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺮﺑﺎﺳــﭽﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒﺑﻨـﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻧﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺳــﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻊ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺣﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻴﭗﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪ 1285‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ 1299 ،‬ﻭ ‪1300‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 1320‬ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧــﺎﻥ‪ 1332 ،‬ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ‪1342 ،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪ 1357‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ 1376 ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 1388‬ﺍﻣــﻮﺍﺝ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﻨــﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﺮ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺻﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﺶ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭼﻪﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻠﻂ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﺮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺑﺮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫‪18‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻲﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻭﺣﺪﺕﺭﺍﺩﺭﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲﺩﺭﻙﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻭﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸــﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻼﺹ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻼﺹ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ‪18‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲ ﮔــﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺹ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻃﻴــﻒ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ژﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﻠﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺄﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﻠــﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧـﮕﺎﻩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻧـﻮﻉ ﺁﺭﺍﻳـﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺗــﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺟﺒﻬــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﺶ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫــﺪ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴــﺮ ﻫﻢﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﺯﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘــﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺻــﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑــﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺟﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻲﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺿﺮﺑــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲﺍﺯﻧﻈﺎﻡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﻮﺟﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﻟﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺳــﻮﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﻮﻳــﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺖﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺍﻱﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﺩﺭﺍﻱﺩﺍﺩﻩﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩﺑﻪﻓﻜﺮﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺍﻣﺎﻫﻨﻮﺯﺑﺮﺍﻱﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﺯﻭﺩﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻭﺳﭙﺲﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳـﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻧﻬـﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣـﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳـﻠﻴﻤﻲﻧﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻋــﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻢﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺣﺬﻑﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺁﻗـﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﻣـﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳـﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧـﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺫﻳـﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﺗﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﻴﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺳــﻨﺠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ 180‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺴـﻠﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﺋﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ )ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ( ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨـﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗـﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱﺑﺎﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﺍﺑﻪﺻﺤﻨﻪﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷــﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫـﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳـﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﭼﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺮﺍﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﺷﺸـﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢﮔﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺑﺎﻝ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺣﺸــﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀـﻮ ﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔـﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 40‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 17‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤـﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳـﻤﻴﺖ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷــﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺶﺳﺒﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺣﺮﻑﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫‪،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣـﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺿﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ ،110‬ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗــﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤـﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷــﻜﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﻘﻴــﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕــﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸـﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏـﺎﺯ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺴـﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻋﻮﺕﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪،84‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 92‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻔﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ« ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺳــﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1370‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫‪ 1372‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1373‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘــﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻭﺍﻝ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻭﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤــﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﮔﻬﻰﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻔﺺ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻛﺸﻜﻰ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻻﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻌﺮ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 24‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 84‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 5‬ﺧــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1383‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤــﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧــﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ 237‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪ 259‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ْ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋــﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 161‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ‪ 50‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺷــﻨﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﻴﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲﻭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱﺁﻗﺎﻱﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭگﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖﺑﻪﺩﻋﻮﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳـﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻣﺠﻠﺲﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱﺭﺋﻴﺲﻗﻮﻩﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺩﺭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺑﺎﻣﺜﻠﺚﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻧــﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺷﻤﺎﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪﻫﺪﻑﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺍﻳﻦﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﺑﻌﺪﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺮﺧﻲﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺟﻨﺒﻪﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻠﺲﻧﻘﺶﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺮﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻣﺠﻠﺲﺑﺎﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﺟﻨﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲﺧﻮﺩﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻛﻤﻚﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﺑﻪﺩﻋﻮﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺑﺎﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻧﻴﺰﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻛﻨﻢﺍﻳﻦﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱﻣﺠﻠﺲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺟﻨﺒﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﺑﺮﺍﻱﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪﻭﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﺟﻨﺒﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲﭘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺍﻳﻦﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﺟﻨﺒﻪﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩﺑﺎﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺩﺭﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﺑﻪﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻭﺩﻋﻮﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻧﺶﺍﺯﺍﻭﺩﻋﻮﺕﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﻨﺪﺵ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﺯﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﺩﺍﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻡﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺍﻓﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳــﺮﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺫﻳﻼﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﻳﻦ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ‪85‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﻭﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦﻭﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻭﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 25‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﺍﻓﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺵ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻭﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭﭼﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦﻭﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺯﺻﻔﺤﻪﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻣﺤﻮﺷﻮﺩ«ﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺭﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﺍﺯﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪﻳﻚﺯﻥﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪﻣﻦﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱﻫﺴﺘﻢﺍﻣﺎﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺭﺍﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﻢ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲﺍﻳﻦﺯﻥﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻒﻭﻛﺴﻲﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲﻳﻚ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻲﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺠﻴﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻦ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎء‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺎﺽ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ( ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻭﻛﺴﺐﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻭﻣﻄﺎﻣﻊﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺑﻪﭼﻴﺰﻯﻓﻜﺮﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﺧﻮﺩﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻛﻠﻤﻪﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻛﻪﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰﺑﻪﭘﺎﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰﺑﻨﺪﻩﺍﺯﻭﺣﺪﺕﻛﻠﻤﻪﻭﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﺳﺨﻦﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢﻭﻋﺎﻣﻞﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐﺑﺸﺮﻭﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺩﻭﺭﺷﺪﻥﺍﺯﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﺑﻴﺎﻥﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﻻﻳﻰﻭﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪﺑﺎﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪﻭﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﻪﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﻛﻪﺣﻮﻝﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﺍﻭﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻧﻴﺰﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﺸﺴﺖﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻭﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰﺍﺯﺟﻨﺲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻰﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺣﻀﺮﺕﻋﻴﺴﻲ)ﻉ(ﺳﻲﻭﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ‪ 300‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ 500‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏﺑﺮﺧﻲﺍﺯﺁﻧﻬﺎﻛﻪﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲﺑﺎﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺷﺠﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻳﻪﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟« ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻦ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﺩﺑﻪﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖﺗﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻣﺠﺮﻱﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺯﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺑﺎﺫﻛﺮﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲﺑﻪﻣﻦﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻢﻣﻮﺟﺐﺣﻤﻠﻪﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺣﺎﻻﺑﺎﻳﺪﮔﻔﺖﻛﻪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﺑﻪﻣﻦﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻭﺑﺮﺧﻲﺍﺯﺣﻀﺎﺭﺧﻄﺎﺏﺑﻪﻭﻱﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﻋﻼﻡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺰﻧﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺎﺽ‬ ‫‪ 400‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺁﻳﺎﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ 400‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬ﻛﻪﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥﮔﻔﺖﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﻣﺎﺟﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻦ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪«.‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺷــﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻝﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪﻳﺎﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺏﺩﻫﻴﺪ«ﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝﺷﻌﺎﺭﻣﺮگﺑﺮﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻲﺑﻪﺟﻬﺖﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺑﻪﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕﻣﻜﺮﺭﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﻴﺰﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺧﺪﺍﺷﺎﻫﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺩﺭﻭﻍﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﻧﺸﻮﺩﻣﻦﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬ﭼﻮﻥﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷــﻨﮓ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻭﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺍﺯﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻣﻦ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻡﻛﻪﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻦ ﻟﻢﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻋﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ 23 ‫ﻓﻼﺵ ﺑﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫‪ 23‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ :1388‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟« ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻝﺧﻮﺷــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻌﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺗﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﺭﺷﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮﺭﺍﺗﺤﻤﻞﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﺭﺻﺪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺻﻒﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻟﻔﻈــﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤــﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴــﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳــﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 23‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﺋﺰﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳــﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻡ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ )ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ( ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻄﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﺴــﺎﻟﺖ ﻏﺎﻳــﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻓــﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺵﺑﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻔﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺴــﻤﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ )ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩﻭﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪﺍﻋﻼﻡﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺗﺎﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡﺷﺪﻛﻪﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻼﻫﻢﮔﻔﺘﻢﺟﻮﺍﺑﻢﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﺑﻪﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥﺗﻮﺍﻡﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖﻭﻏﺮﺽﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ )ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ( ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﻃﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺻﺎﻟﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣــﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ )ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ) ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 85‬ﻃﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ« ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻣﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴــﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟــﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ » :‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ؛ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺧﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺧﻮﺍﺹﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﺹﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻡﺑﻪﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻡﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪﺑﻪﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕﺑﻪﺳﺎﺣﺖﺍﻣﺎﻡﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ(ﺩﺭﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﺎﺁﻥﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉﻋﻈﻴﻢﻛﻪﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥﺩﺭﻃﻮﻝ‪30‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪﺻﺤﺒﺖﻛﻨﻴﺪﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕﺑﻪﻋﻜﺲﺍﻣﺎﻡﻭﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺭﻭﺯﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻌﻨﻲﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪﻭﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺑﺮﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺧﻮﺩﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﻩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ » :‬ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ 26 ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻡ ﺗﻴﻎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻡ ﺗﻴﻎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 17‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 24‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪200‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ‪ 24‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﻏﻀﻨﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻓﺮ ﺳﭙﻨﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﻡ ﺭﻫﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻨﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺩﻙ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻭﺭﺩﻙ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺁﺻــﻒ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﺭﺍﻋــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺯﺍﺧﻴﻠﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ‪ 17‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺩﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺣﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﺗﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻭﻕ ﻭﺭﺩﻙ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ‪ 16‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ‪ 17‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺯﻳﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺷــﺶ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻴﻔﺖ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 17‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻟﻤﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻏﻠﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻫﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻒ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻛﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﺳﻰ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺮﻧﺖ ﻛﭙﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ‪ 302‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻧﺖ ﻛﭙﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 57‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 26‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ 55 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪ 44‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺩﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺭﻧﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 302‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ‪ 50 ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭﻛﻴــﻼﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺶ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻼﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ‪ 44 ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» .‬ﻓﻴﻀﻲ ﺯﺩﺭﺍﻥ« ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳــﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪» ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺘﺎﺵ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪» ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﻱ« ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ‪» ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ« ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪» ،‬ﺍﺭﺳﻼ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ« ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ‪» ،‬ﻏﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻳﻼﻗﻲ« ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ »ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻋﻠﻲﺻﻔﺮﻱ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺯﺍﺩﻩﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺭﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟــﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨــﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺟﻬﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﺪﻡﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻤــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻮﻃﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳــﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻦﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻦﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 120‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫‪ 1800‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﮓﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻜﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻰﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﻫﺎ ﺟﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺤــﻮﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗـﺎ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺼﺎﺏ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴــﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻰ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻧﻘـﺶ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥﺭﺍﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﺧﺎﺭﺝﺍﺯﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺣﻞﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻡ ﺗﻴﻎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 17‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﻛﻠﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳـﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺷــﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﻳﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ 17‬ﻧﻔـﺮ ﻭ ﺳـﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨــﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﻛﻠﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ‪ 17‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺣــﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻑﻫــﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺷــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ – ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗــﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺘﻰﻛﻪﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻯﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺷﺎﻳﺪﺍﻳﻦﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯﺍﺯﻭﺯﺭﺍﺗﻮﺳﻂﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﺩﻳﺪﻩﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ‪ 10‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺑﺎﻳﺪﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻭﺷﻜﺴﺖﺭﺍﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮﻭﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺷــﻚ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﻯ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺋﻰ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ »ﻳَﺴﺎﻭﻟﻰ« ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﭘﻠﻪﭘﻠــﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻟﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺴﻠﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻰ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﻮﺋﻰ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗــﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻋﺸﻴﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺰﺑــﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺴــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﻰ ﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍ ِﺷﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻮﺋﻰ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫»ﺑ ُﻦ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ»ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷــﺶﻣﺎﻫﻪ »ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺷــﺪ »ﻟﻮﺋﻰ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ«ﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ‪ 1/5‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻟﻮﺋﻰ ﺟﺮﮔﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 1500‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 1/5‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ‪ 55/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫‪ 16/3‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴــﺐ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ‪ 14‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴــﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺰﻥ ﻭﻣﺎﻓﻴــﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻙ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻬﻴﻢﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ »ﺗﻔﻨﮓﺳــﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ« ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ« ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﻏﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸــﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ »ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﺳــﺎﻻﺭ« ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ »ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﻻﺭ« ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﻮﻡ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻤــﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻰ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﻧــﺲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﻮﻓﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥﺗﺮ ﺩﺭﭘﻰ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻼﻃﻢ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﺒــﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﭘﺲﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻒﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺿﺪﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳــﺖ« ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘــﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ« ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻟﻮﺍ ﺳــﺮﺑﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺯﻳﺮﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺼﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳــﺲ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﻼﻥ‬ ‫)ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ( ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻒﻭﻣﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ‪ NGO‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲﻭﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﺯﻋﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻰﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺍﺷــﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﻯ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ »ﻟﻮﮔﺮ« ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ »ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻔﻮﺭﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺟﺎﻥﻫﺎﭘﻜﻴﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﻠﻰ« ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻤــﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻢ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷــﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻠﺦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ »ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻋﻄﺎ« ﺑﺎ »ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ« ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻲﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺯﺑﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ«‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﭘﺰﺷﻚ »ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻚ– ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﻧﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺰﺍﺭ« ﻭ »ﺗﺨﺎﺭ« ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ« ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻜﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰﺑﻪﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯﺷﻜﺴﺖﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺏﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2008‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺷﻴﺐ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻜﻢ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳــﺲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻨﺎ )ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 6‬ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻼﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ »ﻣﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﻛﻠــﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ »ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﺍﻙ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ« ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻑ ﻛﻨــﺪﻯ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺫﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻓــﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﻰﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃــﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﺎﻡﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨــﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ )ﻭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ‪ 52‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 47‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺳﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺧﺮﺩ )ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ( ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫)ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ( ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫‪ 60‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺼﺘﻢ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ‪ 41‬ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﻫﺮﻧﻮﻉ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪2012‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺾ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻨﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ژﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﺍﺵ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻒ )ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ( ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻓﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﻴﻨﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻣﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕﺯﺍﻳﻰ )ﻓﺮﺑﻬﻰ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ )ﭼﺎﺑﻜﻰ( ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺟﻔﺮﺳــﻮﻧﻰ – ﻭﻳﻠﺴــﻮﻧﻰ )ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﺮﻡ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻨﻰ – ﺟﻜﺴــﻮﻧﻰ )ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺳــﺨﺖ( ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎ ﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‪77‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 31، 60‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗــﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 1962‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴــﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺷــﮕﺬﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 2008‬ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ ﺗﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦ‪ 88‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴــﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻦ‪ 81‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺗﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‪ 50‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ 47‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱﺍﻳﻦﺣﺰﺏﺣﻀﻮﺭﭘﻴﺪﺍﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺮﺳﻲﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻛﻨﺪﻱﻭﻃﻲﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‪ 1953‬ﺗﺎ‪ 1960‬ﺩﺭﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺟﺎﻥﺍﻑﻛﻨﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻱﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﺍﺳﺖﻭﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻭﻱﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩﺩﺭﻣﺎﻩﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﻛﻪﺑﻴﻢﺁﻥﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩﺗﺎﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱﻛﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳــﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﺍﺯﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﺑﺎﻳﺪﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻲﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻲﻛﻪﺑﻪﻧﻮﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱﺟﻬﺖﺷﻜﺴﺖﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2012‬ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻊﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻰ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ ‪ 52‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 47‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ 41‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ )ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﺑﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﺪﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﻞ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺧﻴــﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ‪ 60‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 59‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ‪ 52‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪ 47‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﺶ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﻞ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺶ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺪ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪﻧﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻐﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺳﻰﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻮﻛﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻧﺴﻰ ﭘﻠﻮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻭ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﮔﺮﻡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻮﻛﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﮕﺰﺍﺱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ«‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺳــﺘﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﮔﻮﭘﻮﻟﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﺩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻠﻰﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻭﻭﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦﭘﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫»ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻟﺰﻟــﻪ ﻫﺎﺋﻴﺘــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﻤﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 19‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴــﻖ ﻛﻠﻤــﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳــﺖ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩ؟ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ ‪ -‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳــﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺿﺪﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﻨﮓﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺏ ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ 41‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ )‪Super‬‬ ‫‪ (Majority‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟــﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷــﻐﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2008‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦﭘﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺳــﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﮕــﺮﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤــﻖ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ ‪ -‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻱ ‪52‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪) 2010‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪(1389‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳــﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻮﺥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻕ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﻳﻦﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻣﺜﻠﺚﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﺑﺮﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻛــﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ ﺗﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸــﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻌﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑــﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻄــﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟!«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﺷــﻨﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜــﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻓﻴﺼﻠﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨــﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ)!(‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺋﻮ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺋﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪ USOAP‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺋﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﺶﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻜﺪﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ )ﻫﺎﻱﺗﻚ( ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﻨﺨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﻜــﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ‪2‬؛ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﺪﺕﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺋﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ )ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ( ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ‪ AOC‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺋﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﺧﻮﺩﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃــﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﻚ ﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼــﻚ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺁﺷﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺋﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ( ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‪ 60‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺳــﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺮﺕﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﻙ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳــﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ؛ ﻛﻼﻑ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻼﻑ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﺪﺗــﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺋﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧــﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳــﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻪﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺩﺭﺻﻨﻌﺖﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻃﻰﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻰ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻓﺮﻭﺩﺑﺎﺩﻳﺪﻛﻢﻭﻫﻮﺍﻯﻣﻪﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﺍﻳﻤﻦ ‪-‬ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ‪ ATC‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪168‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺭﺍﺑﻪﺧﻄﺮﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ؟ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖﻛﻪﺁﻳﺎﺑﺮﺝﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ )ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‪ ATC‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺠﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ‪ Line Up‬ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ 22:30‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻥﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ Approach‬ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻛﻼ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤــﻚ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﺟﺒــﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﻚﺧﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧــﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺗﻨﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻋــﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻯ ‪ 747‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ KLM‬ﻭ ‪ PAN AMERICAN‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻧــﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺷﺪﻧﺪﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻣﺴﻴﺮﺩﺍﺩﻩﻭﺩﺭﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ Tenerife‬ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭَﻥ ﺯِﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭَﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻭﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ‪ KLM‬ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ‪ Over Duty‬ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭَﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ Take Off‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 747‬ﭘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸـﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣـﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳـﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺳـﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻛـﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺪﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺧﺒﺮﻧـﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‪ MD‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟« ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺳــﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 1995‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺗــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻙ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 1995‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺷــﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺳﻬﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ‪ 138‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 45‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ‪ 297‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ‪ 55‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ 418‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ‪ 40‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ‪ 15‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤـﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳـﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳـﺎﻧﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻴﺶﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺮﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻟﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﭼﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗــﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻮﺍﻧﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳـﻲ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺳـﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﭘﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧـﻮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺳـﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌـﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘـﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳـﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪19‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳــﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺎﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 180‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻲ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ – ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻯ ‪] ....‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﺶ ﺧﺶ ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ[ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‪] ....‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﺶ ﺧﺶ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ[ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪] ...‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺶ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ[ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻥﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺗﻠﻔﻦﻣﻲﺩﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯﺭﺍﺑﺎﻋﺠﻠﻪﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‪ :‬ﺳﻼﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻪﺑﻼﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺍﻭﻣﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟ ﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﺶﺧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺍﺳﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺬﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻛﻨﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺶﺧﺶ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻬﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻰﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑــﻪﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﺳﭙﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ 168‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷــﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﻗﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ‪ 18‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ‪168‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﻭ ‪ 33‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ‪ 153‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮ ﻭ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » :‬ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﭘﻮﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﻳﺎﺣﺴﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﺎﻍ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺄﻟﻢ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻫﻢ ‪ 16‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗــﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣــﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 19‬ﺩﻯ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻠﻮﺷﻴﻦ‪ «76‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻛﻲﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 21‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺳﻮﺝ – ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 9‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﺎﺳﻮﺝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 11‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺳــﻮﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻛﺮ ‪ 100‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ )ﻫﻤﺎ( ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻴﺶ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 763‬ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻬﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻟﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﻬﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 223‬ﻓﻮﻛﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺩﻣﺎﻏﻪ )ﻧﻮﻳﺰ(‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ‪ -‬ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨــﮓ ‪ 727‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ 358‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ‪ -‬ﭼﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ 6:15‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺩﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ‪53‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 07:08‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻩﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺺﻓﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ ‪ 154‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺳــﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢﺍﻳﻦﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁﺑﻪﺗﺮﻛﻴﺪﻥﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚﻳﻚﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ‪ 747‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ‪ 117‬ﺳﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪-‬ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻲﻛﺴﻰﺁﺳﻴﺐﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦﺍﺳﺖﺗﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺱ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺗﺶﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﺮﺥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ‪ 180‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺺ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 5‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﻚﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‪ 10‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﺶﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞﺑﻮﺩﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺩﺭﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻛﻤﻚﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ‪ 2‬ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻮﻛﺮ ‪ 100‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪﻫﻔﺘﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱﺁﻧﻜﻪﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺍﺣﻞﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﻚﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﺑﺎﻫﻢﺭﻓﻴﻖﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢﻧﻪﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﮕﺮﺑﺨﺶﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱﺩﺭﺷﻴﻮﻩﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲﺍﻳﻦﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢﺍﻣﺎﻫﻨﻮﺯﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﻣﻮﺭﺩﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﺟﺪﻱﻗﺮﺍﺭﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻭﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺑﻪﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺳــﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﺎﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻲﻋﺪﻡﺑﺎﺭﺵﺑﺮﻑﻭﻧﺒﻮﺩﺳﺮﻣﺎﻱﺷﺪﻳﺪﺩﺭﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲﺭﺥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺴــﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺴــﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴــﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘــﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧــﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭژﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺘــﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻱ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﭘﻮﻟﻒ ﻛﺎﺳــﭙﻴﻦ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ‪ 168‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪455‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪447‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 447‬ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﻮﺩﻭژﺍﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2009‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ‪216‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻭ ‪ 12‬ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ‪ 200-A330‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 31‬ﻣﻪ ‪ 2009‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 19‬ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ 40 .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 6‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ ،2009‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺴــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ‪1090‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 27‬ژﻭﺋﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 51‬ﺟﺴــﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ‪ 11‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛــﻪ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ A330‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﻮﺩﻭژﺍﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2010‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ‪ 8330-200‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 2005‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 2009‬ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ‪ 18‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 870‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 17‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ ‪2006‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﺎﺭﻝ ﺩﻭﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ‪A321-211‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﺰﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 31‬ﻣﻪ ‪ 2009‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ‪ 24‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﮔﺎﻟﺌــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﻮﺩﻭژﺍﻧﻴــﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 19‬ﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 31‬ﻣــﻪ ‪ 2009‬ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﺩﻭﮔﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺷــﻔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﻚﻭ‪ 33‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﻨﻮﻳﭻ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ‪ 656‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺣﻞ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﻣــﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻳــﻮ‪.‬ﺍﻥ ‪ 873‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ‪ 50‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ‪35‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻋﺘﺶ ‪ 865‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 48‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻘﺺ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﺩﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻛﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 4‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2009‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﻪ ﻭ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 14‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﻨﻮﻳﭻ ‪ 5‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻭ ‪ 19‬ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻛﺎﺭﺱ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻛﺎﺭﺱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺳــﻨﺞ ﺩﻣﺎﻏﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺖ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﮕﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻋﺖﺳﻨﺞ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ 12 .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺑﻪ »ﻳﺪﻛﻰ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 11‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 14‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 12‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺷﺪﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 13‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺼﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺧﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 14‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ »ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻦ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﺳــﻨﺠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ 447‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﻃﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫» ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 121‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ« ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ‪.‬ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺷــﻔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 560‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻧﺎﺗﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ 447‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺭﺧﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 2‬ﻭ ‪ 20‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳــﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳــﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴــﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺠــﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳــﺮ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 19‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ژﻭﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ‪ CASA235‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻴﭗ ﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﺴــﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﻧﻬُﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺯﻳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﭗ ﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ژﻭﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺴﭙﺮﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ« ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺳــﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺭﺧــﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺍﻝ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ« ﻭﺳــﻂ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻻﺷﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻡﺍﻳﺮﻻﻳﻨﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 1300‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧــﺪﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ« ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ 974‬ﺍﻳﺮﻛﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳــﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﻭﮔﻠﻮﺑﻮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﻻﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ژﻭﺋــﻦ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ 20‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴــﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻻﺷــﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 650‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺷﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﭽﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﻭ »ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻠﺴــﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ 447‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ژﻭﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﺭﻛﻮﺁ ﭘَﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ 4‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 700‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺿﺪﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﮔﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﮔﺸــﺖﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ژﻭﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﮔﺸﺖﺯﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﺟﺎﺋﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 5‬ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﺎ ‪ 7‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ژﻭﺋــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍ ِﺭﻭِﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ژﻭﺋﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ 447‬ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ 34‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﻛﺎﻭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻒ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ‪ 6‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 100‬ﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ژﻭﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 550‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 5‬ژﻭﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 13‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﻨﻮﻳﭻ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ 447‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ژﻭﺋﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺧﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﻭﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳــﻞ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫)ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ( ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ 447‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸــﻢ ژﻭﺋﻦ‪ 5 ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ ،447‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ »ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ«ﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﮔﻢﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺖﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 11‬ﻭ ‪ 14‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﻨﻮﻳﭻ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺭﺧﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ‪ 447‬ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺴــﺪ ﻣﺬﻛﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﻟﻪﭘﺸﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻟﭗﺗﺎپ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﺴﻴﻨﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻴﻒ ﭼﺮﻣﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ژﻭﺋﻦ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 17‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 2009‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 50‬ﺟﺴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ‪ 17‬ژﻭﺋﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 400‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺻــﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯﺑﻪﺷﻌﺎﻉ‪ 80‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﺭﺍﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬ﺗﺎﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﻴﮕﻨﺎﻝ »ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻳﺎﺏ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ ،2009‬ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‪ 20‬ﺁﮔﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ 2009‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫‪ 75‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﻨــﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻜﺎﺋﻮ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻛﻠﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﺮ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ‪ 368‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪6/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﻪﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﻭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻟﻔﻆ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻜﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺤﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻨﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 89‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 60‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻲ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ »ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺻﻔﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻚ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻚ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧــﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳــﺖ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺵ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻂ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻂ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮕﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻟﮕــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻــﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻰﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1393‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻔﺖﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺵ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ‪12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﺳﻪﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠــﻲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﮔﻲ« ﻳــﺎ »ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ 120‬ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﻘﺎﻁ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 1389‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺑﻲﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 31‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺲ ﻃﻤﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱﻻﻳﺤﻪﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ 1389‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻭﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻛﻨﺪﻭﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﭘﻨﺠﻢﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﭘﺲﺍﺯﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﺩﺭﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻣﺠﻠﺲﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺧﻼء ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 216‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1389‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻨﻮﺍﺗﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 1389‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ‪ 45‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ‪ 1389‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴــﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 1389‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 89‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨـﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 1389‬ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ‪ 1389‬ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 60‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 89‬ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ 1389‬ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧــﺮﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 1389‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﺗﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ‪ 15‬ﺁﺫﺭﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1388‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ 1389‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣـﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻜـﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﺟـﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫـﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﻏﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻧﻘﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻤﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻀﻤــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺴــﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﻬﻨﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻧﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺸﺪﻥﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻣﺸﺨﺺﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺭﻩﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺭﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻭﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪﺑﺎﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺿﻰﺑﻴﺶﻧﻴﺴﺖﻭﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮﻧﻮﻋﻰﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻫﻞﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻭﺣﺘﻰﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﺑﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﺩﺭﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻭﻓﺮﺻﺖﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺑﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﺍﺯﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺣﻖﺳﻮﺍﻝﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻭﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠــﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪﺭﻭﺯﺵ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲﺍﺵ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 15‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻠﻮﺗﻲ ﻛﻢﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ »ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ«ﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ) ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻠﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪» (.‬ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ«ﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﺶ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺍﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﻲ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫)ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﺷــﺨﺼﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻓﻴﻠﻢﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ( ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﻭ »ﺩﻋﻮﺕ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ« ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜــﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧــﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺳــﺎﺧﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ(‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ »ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ« ﻭ »ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ« ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻴﻚﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮ ﻓﻬﻢﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﺠﻜﺎﻭﻱﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺻﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ« ﺗﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟــﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻤﻲ« ﻳﺎ »ﺳــﻴﻢ ﺁﺧﺮ« ﻛﺮﻡﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺒﻮﻥﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﺼــﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺝﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯﺍﺯﺁﺏﻭﮔﻞﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻯﻛﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ )ﺑﺎﻳﺪ( ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺫﺍﺗﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺧﻮﺩﻧﻴﺰﺑﺪﻝﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯﻛﻪﺑﻪﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠــﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ‪ -‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﻠــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺘــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ -‬ﺩﻳﺪﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻢ ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ‪....‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ – ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ – ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ« ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺗﺮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﭼــﻮﻥ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻚﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ( ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺭﺍﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄــﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﺵ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻰ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻳــﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ – ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩ – ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ )ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻴــﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ – ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫– ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﭙﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺗﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺋﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘــﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻲﻭﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺑﻪﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻙﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻤﻨﻴﺴــﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺰﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺳــﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻧــﺞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠــﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻲﻣﺎﻧﺘﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘــﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻗﺼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻃﻔــﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻪﺁ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻚﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻌﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺸــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﮔﺮﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻌﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﺟﻨﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻛﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺩﻭﺷــﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺧــﺮﻭﺱ ﺟﻨﮕــﻲ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺼﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ – ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺮﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣــﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﮔﺮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ – ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺺ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻡﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴــﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﻡﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻰ )ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﻰ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ )ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ( ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴــﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ – ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ – ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ‪/‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻚﻗﻄﺒﻰﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻚﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭﻫﻢﻛﻪﺑﺎﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﺶﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢﺍﮔﺮﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪...‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺗﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﺷــﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺘﺮﮔﺎﻭﭘﻠﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻴﺎﺑــﻰ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻳﺎﺑﻰﺍﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻃﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻫــﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻤــﺪﻯ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷــﻜﺎﺭﭼﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻣﻮﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻫــﺎ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷــﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﻰﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻭﻳﻞﭘــﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻰ‪ /‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯﺗﺮ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﺁﺩﻣﻲﭼﺴــﺒﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑــﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻛﺪ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧــﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻞﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺭﺍﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳــﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؟‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ‬ ‫»ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ« ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺩﺍﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﺴـﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺷـﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ »ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺑﺘـﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﺮﺍﺗﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ! ﻣﺸﻜﻞ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺳـﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴــﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲﻣﺸﻜﻞﺍﺻﻠﻲﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺯﻛﺘﻮﻣـﻲ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﺧﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺯﺥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﺥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺯﺥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺯﺧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺁﺗﺸــﻜﺎﺭ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻤﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻨﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒــﻼ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻮژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ!‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺧﺴـﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺶ ﻟـﺬﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻼﻝﺁﻭﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ«ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺑﺎ»ﺧﻮﺍﺏﺗﻠﺦ«ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟـﺬﺏ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻪﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﺹﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ«‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳــﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10-15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳــﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺮﺳـﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱﻧﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬ﺗﻮﻱﭼﺸﻢﺑﺰﻧﺪﻭﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﺳﻄﺢﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳــﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻃﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻫﺴـﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧـﻲ »ﺧـﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴـﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺩﺭ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻡ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴــﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻌــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻲﺍﮔﺮﻳﻚﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﭘﺸﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻲ ﭼﻬـﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ؟ ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫»ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺣﺘــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣﺮگ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺮﺍﻫــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔــﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ! ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻼﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﻪ ﺑﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺕ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﺮگ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳـﺪ؟! ﻣـﺮگ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻪ!« ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫»ﺧـﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ »ﺁﺗﺸـﻜﺎﺭ« ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ»ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ«ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺁﻳﺎﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻨﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺑﻮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﺮﺍﺗﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴــﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ »ﺧــﻮﺍﺏ ﺗﻠﺦ« ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺮﺍﻝ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮﺍﻏﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ »ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺵ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺕ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮچﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻍ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺮﺍژﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻡ ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣــﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﻨﺎﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳــﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ »ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺩﮔــﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻝ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻤﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺫﻭﻗﻰ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻗﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺤﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺪﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﻣﻔﺘﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠــﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻙ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺘﻤﺸــﺎﻫﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻙ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ ﺑــﺮﻭﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ؛ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑــﺮﻭﻙ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﻙ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻠــﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻴﮋﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﻣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﻜﺎﺷﻔﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺘﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻣﺎﺯﻭﻑ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻮﻓﺴﻜﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻔﺘﺶ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻤﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻙﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺠﻨﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ!!! ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳــﻰ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻪﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺮﮔﺲﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻛﻒ ﭘﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻋﺸﻖ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؛»‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ »:‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲﺧﻮﺷﺨﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺪﺩ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺻﻴﻘﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ(ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻭﺍﺯﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺗﺄﻣﻠﻰﺩﻗﻴﻖﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺏ»ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪﺍﻻﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻨﺰﻳﻪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻪ«ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ»ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪،‬ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﻯﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺗﺤﻔﻆ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟــﻒ( ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕــﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﺮ )ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﻀﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺱ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻨﻜﺎﺑﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻌﺪ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪﺍﻻﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ »ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻗﺒﻴﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻟﻎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﺭﺙ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨــﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﻲ )ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭽﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ؛ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ »ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰﺳﺮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩ ﺩﻳـﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴـﺖ ﺑـﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴـﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷـﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑـﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲﺳﺮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻤﻲﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ )ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ( ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻩﻭﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻝﺑﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﺎﺛﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻــﻒ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻓﺘــﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧــﻰ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻛﻔﻦﭘﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺘﺤﻌﻠﻰﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺪ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳــﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺘﺶ ﺍﺣﺸﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻌﺘﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪1290‬ﻕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻂ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ؛ﺑﺎﺻﺪﻭﺭﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲﺑﺰﺭگﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲﺍﺯﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥﺁﻥﺭﺍﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻚﺟﻨﺒﺶﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟـﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘـﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻋـﺪﺍﻡ ﺷـﻴﺦﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧـﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻟﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪.1307‬ﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺿﺪﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ . 1309‬ﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕــﻮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰﻭﺑﺪﻭﻥﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪﻭﺑﺪﻭﻥﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰﺍﺯﻋﻠﻤﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﺩﺩﻭﻟﺖﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻭﻭﺍﺭﺩﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻣﺮﺑﻪﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎﻛﻪﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺩﻭﻟﺖﻓﺨﻴﻤﻪﻭﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖﻭﭘﺲﺍﺯﻓﻮﺕﻭﻯﭼﺎپﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﺭﺁﻥﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﭙﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ! ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪.1313‬ﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻇﻞﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺷﺒﺎﺷﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﻴﻠﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗــﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺭﺿــﺎ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺳــﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ)ﻉ( ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﺴــﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷــﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﭙﺮﻡ ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﻌﺪ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺘﺮﺍﺯ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺟﻼﻝﺁﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻏﺮﺏﺯﺩﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺣﺮﻣﺖﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺧﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳـﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 15،14‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﻣــﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟــﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻛﻢﻛــﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻰ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃــﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷــﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻧﮓﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺒﻞﺍﻟﻤﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻳﺪﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻒ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺒﻞﺍﻟﻤﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻞﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ( ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 2500‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2500‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮔﻠﮕﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻄﺒﻞ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﺒﻞ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺑﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﭼﻘﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻒ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫)ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻳﻦﺳﻨﺪﻳﻦﻛﻪﺩﻭﺳﻨﺪﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ(ﺩﺭﺻﻒﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺘﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﻨﻢﺑﻪﺑﺮﺧﻰﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺁﻥﻣﻮﻗﻊﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺍﺳــﺮﺍﻓﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻠﻚﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻤﻴﻦﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺒﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺿﺪﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻫﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﺎﺑﻴﻞ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﭼﻰﻫﺎ ﺟﺰ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻪﻛﻼﻣﻲﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1256‬ﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻩ ﻛﻤﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺠﻔﻲ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1295‬ﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1309‬ﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻢ« ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺤ ًﺂ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺗﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺗﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺴﻴﻮ ﻧﻮﺯ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻤﺎﺳــﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ‪ ،1323‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻧﻮﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺭﻣﻀــﺎﻥ ‪ 1323‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨــﺰﻝ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎً ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 23‬ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻻﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫‪ 1326‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺎﺧﻮﻑ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﻫﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻘﻌــﺪﺓ ‪ ،1327‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻭﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 8‬ﺭﺟﺐ ‪ ،1328‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺳﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻠﺨﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻴﺦﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺣﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺠﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﺎﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﺪﺛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻰ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛــﻮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ)ﻉ( ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 6‬ﺍﺧﺬ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻻﺑﺎﺣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻧﻬﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 8‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 9‬ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 10‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 11‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺍﺟﺘﻬــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺧــﺬ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺟﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 6‬ﺍﺧﺬ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 7‬ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻻﺑﺎﺣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪- 8‬ﺩﺭﻧﻘﻞﺣﺪﻳﺚﺟﺰﺑﻪﺷﻴﻌﻪﺍﺛﻨﻲﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱﻋﺎﺩﻝﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 9‬ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 10‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 11‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﮕــﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪.1033‬ﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺣﺪﺍﺋﻖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻓﻴﺾﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻚ )ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻗﻢ( ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺫﻛــﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻌﻨــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻰ؟« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﺟﻮﻫﺮﻯﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦﺩﭼﺎﺭﻣﺸــﻜﻞﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺼﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷــﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﺪﺛﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻱ )ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﻨﻰﻋﺸــﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻋﺸــﺮﺗﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺨﻮﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ )ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ‪ (1304‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪،‬ﺁﻗﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ )ﭘﺴﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ( ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ )ﺍﺯ ‪1304‬ﺗﺎ ‪.1320‬ﺵ( ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ )ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ( ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ )ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻊﺫﺍﻟﻚ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﺋﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﻮﺝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺳــﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ )ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ( ﭘﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺿــﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻜﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻘــﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﻗﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﻠﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺿﻮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮپﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﻠﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺘﺎﺏﺁﻟﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳــﺮﺥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﭘﻬﻠــﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ .1314‬ﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻻﺳــﺮﺍﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻤﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻤﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻯﺳﻨﮕﻠﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧــﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻻﻳﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ)ﻉ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ )ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤــﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻃﻴﻦ( ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﺑﻪﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺳــﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒــﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ 43‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1348‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠــﻒ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﻓﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ»ﺑﻴﻊ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺟــﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗــﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫)ﻗﺪﺱ ﺳﺮﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻈﻤﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﺤﺠﻪ ‪.1329‬ﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺳﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ـﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺭﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ‪.1332‬ﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺷــﺘﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ‪.1334‬ﻕ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺁﺷﺘﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫»ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻐﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﻧــﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨــﻲ ﻣﺨﻔــﻲ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺮﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﻴــﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ]ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ[ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴــﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴــﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﻤﺼﺎﻡﺍﻟﺴــﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴــﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻌﺒﺎﻥ ‪.1336‬ﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳــﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻮء ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻘﻌــﺪﻩ ‪.1337‬ﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ‪ 1919‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1299‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎء ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪.1339‬ﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪1919‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺍﻏﻠﺐﻣﺎﻫﺎﺧﻮﺷﻮﻗﺖﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺷﻤﺎﻣﮕﺮﺿﻌﻒﻧﻔﺲﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﺎ ]ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ[‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻋﺰﻟﺶﻛﻨﻴﻢﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥﺭﺍﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﺪ‪ .«...‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞﻋﺪﻡﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖﻛﺎﻓﻲﺍﻭ‪،‬ﻧﻘﺺﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥﺩﺭﭘﺴﺖﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺟﻨﮓﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻛﺮﺩﻭﺩﺭﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪1302‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺴﺘﻮﻓﻲﺭﺍﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫‪ 1302‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳــﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪ 1303‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 7‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،1303‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺶ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳــﻮء ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺿﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺎﻙ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 7‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1305‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﻗﺼﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﺁﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ ،1306‬ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟــﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺬ ﺍﺻﻔﻬــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺪ! ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷــﺐ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ 1307‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭﻱ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺑــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺘﻢ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻑ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻤﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1316‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺷــﻤﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ 1316‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺘﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺁﺛــﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 346‬ﻣﻮﺭﺧﻪ ‪ 8‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1306‬ﻩ‪-‬ﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺴــﻢﺍﷲﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤــﻮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻻﺩﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1287‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺼﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﺑﻪ ﻛﭽﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺍﺭﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻐﻞ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪ ﺍﺑﻲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻫﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻤﺸــﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦ ‪ 6‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻤﺸﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ 14 .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮﻡ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻦ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 21‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 80‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﺗﺼﺎﻧﻴﻒ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﺸــﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺯﻫﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻧﻴــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸــﺮﻑ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﻤﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻛﺎ ﻛﻼ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻐﻔﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺟﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﺠﺞ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺟﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺳﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺸــﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻓﻖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻻ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﻻ ﺑﺎﷲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ،1346‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏـﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳـﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳـﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻛﻪﺷﺎﻳﺪﺍﻭﺝﺁﻥﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﺷﻴﺦﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱﺩﺭﺣﻀﻮﺭﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖﺩﺭﻋﺎﻟﻢﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 42‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷـﻴﺦ ﻓﻀـﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻـﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤــﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧــﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺷــﻚ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷـﻴﺦ ﻓﻀـﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻃﻴﻔـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﻣـﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷـﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ )ﺭﻩ( ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺳـﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﺍﻯﻛﻪﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺩﺭﻣﺘﻦﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺣﺎﺿﺮﻭﻣﻮﻟﺪﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻭﺗﺤﻮﻝﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰﺧﻮﺩﻭﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﮕﺮﺵﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺟﻬﺎﻥﻭﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥﺁﻥﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲﺟﻬﺎﻥﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟــﻮژﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ »ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ« ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻰﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺡ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﻐﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ »ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴــﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫»ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪) «.‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ :‬ﺹ‪(13‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻄﻬــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺍﻭﻳــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ« ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ »ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ« ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ -1:‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ )ﻛﺸﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻕ(‪ -2 ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ )ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ(‪ -3 ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺣﻰ )ﺷﺮﻉ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺣﻰ(‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‪) .‬ﻧﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﻟﻬﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺹ‪(143‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻰﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻊ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﻄﻤﺢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ »ﻓﻄﺮﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻗــﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒــﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﺙ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺻﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﭘﻰﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﺮﻯ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻰﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﻂﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻇﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﻓﻄﺮﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ »ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺪ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫»ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﻳــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫)ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ :‬ﺹ ‪(41‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺷﻤﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔــﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ »ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‪ -‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ -‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ«‪) .‬ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ :‬ﺻﺺ‪(66-65‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑــﺮ »ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣــﺎﺩﻯ«‪» ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧــﺖ« ﻭ »ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎءﺍﷲ« ﺩﻻﻟــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦ »ﻏﺎﻳﺖ»ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻪ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻰﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻃﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻮﺍﻟﻢ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﻏﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺚ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﺥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺯﺥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺘﺼﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺴﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺸﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻫﻮﺍﻻﻭﻝ« ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻫﻮﺍﻻﺧﺮ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﺖ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪) .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﺍ‪:‬‬ ‫‪18-19‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻀﺞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﺑﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺴﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﺴـﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺱﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ »ﻛﺎﻧﺖ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻫﮕﻞ« ﻭ »ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ« ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ »ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ«‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ »ﭘﺮﻭﺱ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ »ﻓﺮﻳﺪﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻡ« ﺳﺒﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻔﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﮔﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﺮﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﺒﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﺴﻢ« ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫»ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎ« ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ«‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻳﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﺒﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺾ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺵ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀــﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ »ﻧﻔﺲ«‪» ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ« ﻭ »ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﮕﻞ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﮕﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﻣﻼﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﮕﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺸــﻴﺶ ﺷﺪﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﮕﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻜﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻫﮕﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺑﮋﻛﺘﻴﻮ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ »ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫‪71‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴــﻴﺢ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﺱﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺖ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻫــﮕﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻓﻜــﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴــﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻣﺤﻮﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﺒﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ »ﻓﻮﻳﺮﺑﺎﺥ«‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻫﮕﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﮕﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﮕﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﮕﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﮕﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﮕﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻓﻮﻳﺮﺑﺎﺥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻻﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺶ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺋﺮﺑﺎﺥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺴــﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻀﺎﺡ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﻜﻮﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸـﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔـﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻻﻳﻨﻔﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﻜﻮﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﻜﻮﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔـﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﻤـﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠـﻰ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻔﻰ‪ -‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻦ«‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺎ«‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ – ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﮋﻓﻬﻤﻰﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻔﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 1789‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻛﺒﻴﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ«‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻣﻠﺖ« )‪ (Nation‬ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻯ )‪(State Building‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻯ )‪ (Nation Building‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ »ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺑﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻣﻠﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﻣﺎ«ﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ »ﻣﻠﺖ« ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﻮﺯﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺎ« ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ »ﻣﻠﺖ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ )ﻣﺎﻫـﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳـﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪(...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺗﺒﺪﻳـﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧــﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻣــﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺑــﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﮔﻰ« ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫»ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻣﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ -‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1990‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﺍژﻳﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻳﻨﻴﺴﺘﻰ‪ -‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻚ ﻟﻮﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ »ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻳـﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ »ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ«ﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺘﺴـﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﭘﺎﺩﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ«ﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺑﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻓﻄﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﺯﻯ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑــﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺯﻳﮕﻤﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﻭﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ »ﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺖ« ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ« ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳـﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺳـﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻤﺸــﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻰﻫﻮﻳﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ژﺍﭘﻦ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﻣﻴﺠﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺼــﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺷــﻚ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻧﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺷﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻀﻌﻴــﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫)ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻮﻙ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺭﺍ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ -‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ )ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺮﻫﺎ( ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﺮ )ﻭ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ( ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﺁﺳــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻬﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻔﻆ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫)ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺷﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸـﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻘــﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ژﺭژ ﺩﻭﻣﺰﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﺰﻳﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﺰﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪» ،‬ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ« ﻭ »ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻟﻰ« ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺹﺑﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ »ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ«ﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ -‬ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ( ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺸﻬﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ »ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ« ﺟﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ »ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ«ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ »ﺧﻮﺩ« ﻭ »ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ؛ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻬﻨﻤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﺣــﺎﻝ«‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺗﻮﭘﻴﺎ«‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺴــﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ«‬ ‫)ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ( »ﺭﻧﺞ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﺎﺑــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎ« ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ« ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﻰ »ﺧﻮﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺴـﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﺎﻫـﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺨﺸـﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳـﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﺍﻳﺪﻩ« )ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ( ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ »ﺍﻳﺪﻩ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ »ﻣﻠﺖ« ﻳﺎ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ«ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻐﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺮﺭﺍﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲﺗﻼﺵﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻣﻮﻓﻖﺷﺪﻧﺪﺍﺯﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡﺧﺸﻦ‪،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ»ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩﻥ«ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﻬﺖﻧﻴﺰﻣﻦﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻩﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡﻭﻓﻜﺮﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢﻛﻪﭼﻨﻴﻦﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﺷﺘﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺯﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺩﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳـﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧـﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻘﻮّﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ »ﻣﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ«‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺶﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻬﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺰﻳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺳﺎﻝﺍﺧﻴﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰﺑﺎﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺍﻯﺑﻴﺎﻥﻋﻠﻢﻭﺗﻔﻜﺮﻭﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ‪ 99‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻬﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺴــﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺼﻨﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻــﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻯ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻨﻌﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ )ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻯ ﻧﺴــﻄﻮﺭﻯ( ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺯﺭﻭﺍﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﺋﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﻌﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺯﺭﺗﺸــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻢﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ »ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳــﻚ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻮچ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻟﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻟﺸــﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﻠﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗــﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻼﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺭﺗﺸــﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺎﻳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺎﺭﺱﺯﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎ‪،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﻗﻮﻣﻰﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍﺍﺯﻳﺎﺩﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻭﺍﻳﻦﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ »ﻣﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻰﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺢ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺒﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲـﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖﻭﺑﻪﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ»ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﺪﻭﺷﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺁﻥﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢﻛﻪﺩﺭﺁﺛﺎﺭﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﻭﺷﻬﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲﺑﺎﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱﺧﺎﺹﺁﻥﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ »ﻣــﺎ«ﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ« ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟــﻢ« ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧــﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺷﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻮﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻟﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ )ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻕ(‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﻳﻜﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ« )‪ .(Onenes‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ »ﻓﺮﺩﻱ« ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺗﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ »ﻣﺎ«ﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﺴﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ /‬ﺑﻲﺳﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔُﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‪ /‬ﺑﻲﮔﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕﺁﻣﺪﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﻩ‪/‬ﺷﺪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﭼﻮﻥﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺠﻨﻴﻖ‪/‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ :‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫)‪(URBAN DESIGN READER‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣَﺘﻴﻮ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺍ ِﺳﺘﻴﻮ ﺗﻴﺴﺪِ ﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪:‬ﺁﺭﻛﻴﺘِﻜﭽﺮﺍﻝﭘﺮﺱ)‪(ArchitecturalPress‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‪) 2007 :‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ(‪ 384 ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺩﺭﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞﻋﻠﻤﻲﻭﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ‪ 37‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺗﺠﺴــﻤﻰ ‪ -‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻰﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪» ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺨﺖﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼــﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨــﺞ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ )ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ( ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ‪» ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺴــﺎﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﻗﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﺴــﻨﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ« ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻀــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ‪ -‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺎﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒــﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧــﻮﺍﻉ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ )ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ( ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻪﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ‪ -‬ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺛﺎﻟــﺚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻬﺮﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ‪ -‬ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺼﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ »ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻭﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ )ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ( ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳــﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻤﺢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻰﻭﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻰ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺗﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻨﺎﺑﻬﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪» ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻴﻤﻰﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺨﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ؟ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺮﺳﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺴﮕﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬــﻰ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ )ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ( ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺍﺵ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ‪ -‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘــﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺫﺭﻩﺫﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ‪ 70‬ﺗﻦ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺳﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 560‬ﺗﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 260‬ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺎﻥ‪ 285 ،‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ‪ 452‬ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺠﺎﻟﺘﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 640‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ 0/57‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫــﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ‪ 29‬ﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ« ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ« ﻫﻢ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 23‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 29‬ﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ 26‬ﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ »ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ« ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 23 :‬ﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ »ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻫــﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ«‪ 24 ،‬ﺩﻯ »ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫــﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪ«‪ 25 ،‬ﺩﻯ »ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1374‬ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻙﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻨﻰ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ »ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ «74‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫــﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ »ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 192‬ﺗﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ‪ 695‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺘﺮﻭژﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺪﺭﻭﻛﺮﺑﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 16‬ﺗﻦ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ‪ 7‬ﺗﻦ ﺁﺯﺑﺴــﺖ ﻟﻨﺖ ﺗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ«‪ 26 ،‬ﺩﻯ »ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ«‪ 27 ،‬ﺩﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮﻫﺎ«‪ 28 ،‬ﺩﻯ »ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 29‬ﺩﻯ »ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ«‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 26 :‬ﺩﻯ »ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ«‪ 27 ،‬ﺩﻯ‬ ‫»ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ«‪ 28 ،‬ﺩﻯ »ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘــﺎﻙ«‪ 29 ،‬ﺩﻯ »ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘــﺎﻙ«‪ 30،‬ﺩﻯ‬ ‫»ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ« ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻙ«‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ »ﻣﺘﺮﻭ« ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻪﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦﺭﻗﻴﺐﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﻯﺍﻯﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕﺁﻥﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻣﻬﻢﺷﺪﻩﻛﻪﺩﺭﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 800‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ 88 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1388‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳــﻴﻜﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔــﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1379‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 7‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﻭﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥﻋﺮﺻﻪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻪﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖﻫﻮﺍﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺘﻰﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺟﺴﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﺻــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﻳﺰﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺳﻜﻮﭘﻲ ﻧﻘﺸــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑــﺎﻝ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫــﻮﺍ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺠﻬﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻃﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻏﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺴــﻴﮋﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﺰ ‪» 1386‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳــﺖ – ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ – ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ – ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳــﻴﻜﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ – ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﺳﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺳﻮﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ؛ »ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﭘﻰ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫»‪7‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻰﭘﻰﺍﻡ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩﻭﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘــﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻭﺭﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳــﺪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫــﻮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 300‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌــﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻨﻰﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ 26‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﮋﻭ ﺁﺭ‪ -‬ﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ‪30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ‪ 79‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪25‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ 16 ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1372‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ؛ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘــﻪ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟــﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1379‬ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫــﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺮگﻭﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺳﻘﻂﺟﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺫﻯ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ‪ 35‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺪﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪88‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻣﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 87‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒــﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺻﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؛ »ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ‪ «5‬ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫــﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻤﭗ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﻛﻨﺴــﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺰﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺳــﻤﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﻼﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 80‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1350‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﻭ‪ 2‬ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺩ ‪ 250‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩ ‪ 360‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﻛﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 88/10/22‬ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﻣــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ » :‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ »ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺮگ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺸــﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧــﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 140‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ‪ «2‬ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ »ﻛﻨﺴﺘﺮ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧــﻰ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻛﻨﺴﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫــﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﻳﺰﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 48‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺩﻛﺶﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﮕﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘـﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻔﺴـﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻴـﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔـﻰ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸـﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸـﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷـﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ »ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﮔﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺩﻯ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸـﺎﻭﺭ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫـﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﺳـﻴﺪﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻘﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1355‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟــﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ‪ 70 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ‪30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪ EURO3‬ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪EURO2‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳــﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻫﻨﺪﺳــﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 87‬ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ‪ 97‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮋﻛﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 91‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ‪ EURO5‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻊﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ‪85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪ EURO2‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷﺸــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪﻓﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑــﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻃﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻥﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺒــﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪ« ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣـﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻤـﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ A‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ »ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪ 38‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ »ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ »ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 38‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪.A‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧــﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫــﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻮﺷــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺤﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻓﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﺮگ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﺸﻖ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨـﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴـﺪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴـﺮ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇـﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﺍﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ‪10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳــﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﺩ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻤﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴــﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺰﺍﺡ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﻟﻮﻳﻰ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻻﻳــﺶ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻫــﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﻤﭗﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻼ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺟــﻊ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫــﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺘﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺷﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﺳـﺮ ﻛﺮﻩﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ! ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺁﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺴـﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪-‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻔﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺸﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺪﺫﻫﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺮگ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺑﺮگ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﺟﺪﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺰ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟!ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻜﻮﺳﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯﺗﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻓــﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻃﺮﺯ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺁﺗﺸﻔﺸــﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ‬ ‫»‪ «Popocatepetl‬ﻭ »‪ «Iztaccihuatl‬ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻜﻮﺳﻴﺘﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻯﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﻟﻔﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺘﺮﻭژﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺪﺭﻭﻛﺮﺑﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻧﻮﻛﺴــﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻚﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻜﺰﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻗﻢ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻼﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 5‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺷــﺐ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﺴــﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷــﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴــﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺒﻮﻻﻧﺲﻫــﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪460‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺯﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻪﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1952‬ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭﺩﻯ ﻏﻠﻴﻆ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﻓــﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻜﻢ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ :‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 7‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ‪ 7‬ﺷــﺐ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻮﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﺩﻫﻰ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 200‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳــﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ‪ -‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﺴﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻯﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﻟﻔﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺩﻭﺩﻛﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄــﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫــﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1985‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1996‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺫﻏﺎﻝ ﺳــﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1996‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺳــﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺮﭼﺴــﺐ ﺯﺭﺩ« ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﺒﺰ )ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ( ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩ )ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1992‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ( ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺩ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ‪ 2008‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪350‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻜﻦ ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﻪﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻜﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺯﺭﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻭ ‪ 12‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔــﻮﻯ ﺳــﺒﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ؟ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﻰﻧﻘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺼﺪ ‪ NGO‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ« ﻭ »ﺩﻫﻜﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻜﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻮﻍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﺸــﻢﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﭙﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1974‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ‪ 9‬ﺑﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1992‬ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﺑﻰﻫﻤﺘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺭﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﺩﻫﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﺴﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻧﺸــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔــﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭﻛﻼﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺭﻓﺘﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 1/2‬ﺑﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ » ‪ «No Dizel‬ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺰﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺰﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺰﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﺰﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨــﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﻈــﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ژﺍﭘﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻴﻮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﻮﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻯﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ –ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻢ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﺗﭙﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻮﺩﺳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ‪25‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1980‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪760‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻬﺘﻦ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺑﻪ‪6‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻭﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1899‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺼــﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺗﻼﺵﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖﺣﻔﻆﻭﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﻓﻀﺎﻯﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻮﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻼﻧﺸﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷــﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪3/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1991‬ﺑﻪ ‪13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2001‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8000‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1951‬ﺑﻪ ‪125000‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 1991‬ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 235000‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1975‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 4236675‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 2004‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫــﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﮔﺰﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪23‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1970‬ﺑﻪ ‪72‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 2001‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻜﺸﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻪﭼﺮﺥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺰﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ‪ CNG‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻮﻛﺴــﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺑﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻱﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﻟﻔﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‪ 1997‬ﺗﺎ‪ 2005‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺑﺎﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺑﺮﺍﻯﮔﺎﺯﺳﻮﺯﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﺮﻗﻰﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺫﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦﻧﻜﺘﻪﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖﻛﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﺷﺎ ﻣﺰﻳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫـﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣـﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﻻ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ 37 ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 40‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳـﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳـﻤﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑﻴـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻢ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ‪40‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘـﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧـﻞ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺘﺸـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳـﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘـﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻰ ﻋﻠﻤـﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔـﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓـﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻫـﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋـﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 37‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳـﺎﻟﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫‪ 35‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 37‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺗــﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻯﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺘﺮﻭژﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻯﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺪ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴـﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻰ ﺷـﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻻﻥ ‪ 14‬ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺶ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ 20‬ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺸـﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﻝﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧـﺮ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 10/3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 640‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 0/57‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ 520‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ‪ 0/46‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱﻧﺎﺷﻲﺍﺯﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﻮﺍﻱﺷﻬﺮﻱﻧﻴﺰﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 260‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭﻭ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭﻳﺎﻝﻭ‪ 0/032‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺﻣﻠﻲﺑﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻝﻭ‪ 0/02‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ 390‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭﻳﺎﻝﻭ‪ 0/04‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺼﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪200‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺴـﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻮﻣﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 78‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷـﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴـﻂ ﺯﻳﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗـﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻼ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺏ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 62‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺼﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪ 0/17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ‪ 0/06‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ 55‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﺩﻻﺭﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ 430‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭﻳﺎﻝﻭ‪ 0/05‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﺑﻪﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﻮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺗﺎﺳﺎﻝ‪ 2016‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 16‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪ 70‬ﺗﻦ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺳــﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 560‬ﺗﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻬﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 260‬ﺗﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 285‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ‪ 452‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲﻭﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻭﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﮕﻲﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩﻣﺪﺕﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱﺩﺭﺳﻄﺢﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻀﺎﻱﺗﻨﻔﺴﻲﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‪،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻋﺎﻣﻞﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺫﺭﺍﺕﻣﻌﻠﻖ)ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱﻫﻮﺍﻱﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ(‪95،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻣﻨﻮﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻛﺮﺑﻦﻭ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‪ 75‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﻲ‪ 55،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻱ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﺪ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ‪ 46‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱﺭﺍﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ؟« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺁﺗﺸﻔﺸﺎﻥ؛ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺗﺨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻴﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ؛ ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻰ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ )ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘــﻮﺭ( ﺩ ﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ؛ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺗﺸﻔﺸﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭگ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﺳــﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻰﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪ 105‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ‪70‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺨﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﺳــﻨﺠﻰ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺐ ‪ 51‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ 33‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ‪ 11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐﺳﻪﻭﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ‪SMS‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎﺑﻴﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠــﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺱﺍﻡﺍﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺱﺍﻡﺍﺱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ‪ SMS‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺯﺍﺭﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ‪ SMS‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ‪SMS‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧــﻊ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻗﺴــﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ SMS.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺷﻔﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﺫﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺐ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ » ﻣﻦ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻰﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺷــﻔﻖ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ‪110‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺟﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻳــﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺣﻜﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 45‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 45‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ »:‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ 60،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 45‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪100‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ‪ 45‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ‪ 70‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻭﺑﺎﻛﺴﺮﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥﺣﺎﺿﺮﺩﺭﻃﺒﻘﻪﺩﻭﻡﻭ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺑﺪﻭﻥﺑﻠﻴﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥﻓﺮﻭﺵﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪«.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪﻛﻪﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﺮﺧﻰﺍﺯﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺣﻀﻮﺭﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯﺭﺍﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻭﻗﻮﻣﻰﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺣﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1349‬ﺷﻤﺴﻰ‬ ‫)‪ 1970‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﺑــﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪-1381‬‬ ‫‪ 1380‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1388‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1354‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﺨﺖﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﺨﺖﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ‪ 1354‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ‪ 1356‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﺨﺖﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪ 1357‬ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺣﺬﻓﻰ‬ ‫‪ 1356‬ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺍﻧﺰﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﻣــﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫــﻪ ‪ 1360‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1365‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺪ ﺷــﻴﺦﻻﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﻯﻓﻜﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿــﺎ ﺑﺎﻍﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﺩﺍﺵﺿﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﻮﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻰﺍﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺤﺎﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑــﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﮔــﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻢ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺫﺭﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴــﮓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﻨــﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓــﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃــﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‪-‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺸــﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃــﻼﻉ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ‪ -‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻜــﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﮕﺮﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﮕﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻤﻴـﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗـﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺳـﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳـﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺷـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺳﺴـﺘﻲﻭﺭﺧﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﺎﻥ ﻧﻘـﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻲﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳـﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﮕﺎﻩﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎﺑﻪﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﻭﺑﻠﻮﻍﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﭘﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻧﻔﺮﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺑﻪﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 50‬ﻭ ‪ 60‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒــﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ‪SMS‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳــﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 110‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳـﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧـﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎﻩ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺟــﺎﻱ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘــﻮﺭ« ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘﻮﺭ« ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻳﺎﺷﺎﺳﻴﻦ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﺷﺎﺳﻴﻦ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﻪﻓﻜﺮﻱﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻞ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴـﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ؟! ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠــﻎ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 62‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﻴــﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﻛﻬﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗــﺮ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳــﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺟﻮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳــﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔــﺮﺩﺍﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺮگ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﮔﺮگ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺭﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴــﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ‪ 110‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓــﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻘــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺷــﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴــﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻳــﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺩﺏ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻏﺸــﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 70‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺷﻔﻖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷـﻜﻮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳـﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸـﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧـﺎﻡ »ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃـﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 70‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﺸـﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺷـﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳـﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺷﻔﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒـﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻧﺤـﻮﻩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘــﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﮔﻤﺸــﺪﻩ ﺩﻳــﺎﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻱﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻤﺒﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺗﻜﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻻﻻﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞﺍﺯﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺷﻮﻳﺪﻓﻜﺮﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔــﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻴﺘــﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔــﻆ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﻗﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺖﻛﻮﺷﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨـﺪ ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻓﺮﻭﺷـﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ‪ 110‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ‪ sms‬ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻚﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺷــﺶ ‪ sms‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺐ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺳــﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 80‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺟﻮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷـﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻼﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺩﻟــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺎﻥﺗﺮﻛﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮگ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺞﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﻪﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺼﺮﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥﺷـﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺧﺎﺑﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﮕﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﮔﺮگ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺳﻨﺒﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻜﺎﻓﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮگ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺷﻌﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺒﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺿﺪﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﮔﺮگ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺠﺎﻉ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺄﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺗﻴﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺮگ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﮔــﺮگ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺣﺮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫــﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﮕﺮﻡ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﺳﭙﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘﻮﺭ »ﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ« ﺍﻭﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷـﻴﻖﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺷﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻲ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻐﻞﺩﺳﺘﻲﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃــﻮﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﻳﺎﺩﺕ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸــﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳﺪﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻟﻊ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺗــﻮپ ﻻﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ....‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺸــﻮﻕ ﻋﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻭﻳﭻﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻘﻒ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻇﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺒﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻘﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ژﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ »ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸــﻴﻢ«‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻴﻖﻻﺭ‪ ....‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ »ﻋﺎﺷﻴﻖ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺷﻴﻖ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻥ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻐﺰﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺸــﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻴﻖﻻﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ‬ ‫»ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺸــﻘﻲ ﻧﺠﻴﺒﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻨﮓﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺷــﻴﻖﻻﺭ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺰﻳﻞ ﺁﻟﻤﺎ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫‪ ....‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﺎﺷﻴﻖ« ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫»ﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ »ﻋﺎﺷﻴﻖﻻﺭ« ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻧﻢﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ‪» ،‬ﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ« ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ«‪ ...‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ »ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘﻮﺭ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪...‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ژﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻋﺎﺷــﻴﻖﻻﺭ« ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪....‬‬ ‫‪» - 3‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ؟« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﺟﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻋﺸﻖﺑﻪﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺑﺎﻗﻲﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﺑﺮﺍﻱﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪﻋﺸﻖﺑﻪﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎﻥﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺱﺍﻡﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﺸﮕﻼﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘﻮﺭ؛ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪347952‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﻧﻮﺑﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪،‬ﺳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺳــﻰ« ﻳﺎ ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘــﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻰﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ‪ 40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺪﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳــﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺧﻄﻴﺐ )ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻰ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﻤﻴﺸــﻪ )ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻏﻤﻴﺸــﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺸﮕﻼﻥ )ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺸﮕﻼﻧﻰﻫﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﺸــﻤﺎﻝ )ﺁﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪40‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﻯﻫــﺎ ﻳــﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﺘــﻰ( ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫)ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ( ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﻣﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺭﺕﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﻩﺳﻰ )ﺩﺭﻩ ﮔﺮگﻫﺎ(‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ‪ 70‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻳﻞ ﮔﻮﻟﻰ« ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺒﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻌﺎﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠــﻖ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺠﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺮﮔﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻦﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻗﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ »ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 24 -2‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‪ 18 ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﻀﺎﺭﺏ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻀﺮﺏ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﺁﺫﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻠﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺩﺩﻫﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 67‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻏﺸــﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ ‪ 30‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 5‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻙﺗﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ )ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺠﺐ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﻮ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨﺘﻰ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺍ ؛ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻫﺮ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﺧﺎﺑﻰﻫﺎ« ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳــﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴــﻢ »ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴــﺰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘــﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺰ«‬ ‫)ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ( ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﻳﺎﺷﺎﺳــﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﺧﺘــﻮﺭ« ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺁﺑﻴﺘﻪ«‬ ‫ﻭ»ﻗﺮﻣﺰﺗﻪ« ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺮﻳــﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷــﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ( ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺍﺳــﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﻮﺟﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ( ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﮔﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺗــﺎ ‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳــﺘﻮﺩﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﻡﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﻴﻤﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺧــﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺱﺍﻡﺍﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ‪.‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺱﺍﻡﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻞ ﺍﺱﺍﻡﺍﺱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺮﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 70-60‬ﻫــﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﮕــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺗﻌﺼﺐ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺸــﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳــﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!ﻫﺸﺖﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺗﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻚ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﺷﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﮓ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ‪ 10‬ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ‬ ‫‪ 9‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﻒ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ‪ 2008‬ﭘﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻀﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻙ ﻫﺮﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧــﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻌﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺽ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﻌﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻃﻌﻤﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦﻭﺯﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭼــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿــﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ‪ 213‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻀﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 263‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺿﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻛــﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻬﻮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖ؛ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴـﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳـﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸـﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳـﺪﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻧﻴـﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼـﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗـﺪﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺸـﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ؛ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﻧــﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ»ﺁﻳﺎﻥ« )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻜﺸﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨــﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ‪ 15‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ‪ 28‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﻤﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻫﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ‪ -‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻪﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺗﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴــﻞ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻢ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﻥ؟ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻭﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪﻟﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻝ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﺴﺘﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻮﻣﺎﺗﻮﺗﺮﻭﭘﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺷـﻤﻨﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﭼـﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳـﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺭﺩﻭﻣﻮﺭﺩﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲﺑﻘﻴﻪﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‪ 210‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻀﺮﺏ ﺯﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‪ 215‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔــﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ‪ 250‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺿﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﺩﺭﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻣﻦﺭﺍﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ‬ ‫)ﭘﺴﺮﺵ(ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻦﺳﻮﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻣﻦﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻢ‪.‬ﻛﺴﻰﻧﻴﺴﺖﻣﻦﺭﺍﻧﺠﺎﺕﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻳﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﺩﻭﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺵ ﺁﺭﻣﻚ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﺩﻭﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻡ ‪ A‬ﻭ ‪ B‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﺮﻡ ‪ A‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻡ ‪ B‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻜﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻰﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺧﺮﻡﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ -‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺶ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺐ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﺪﺵ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻜــﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻳﻴﺞ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ....‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠــﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ....‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ؟ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪» :‬ﭘﺎﻧﺰﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻣﻜﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﻰ ﭘﻮﺵ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﺦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺴــﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ! ﺟﺮﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺒــﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ! ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻــﻒ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯﺍﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ؟! ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻴﺎﻝ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻓﻰ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻰ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﻛﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﻠﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﭙﺶ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﺎﺵ ﺁﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﻤﺎﺭﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻮﻩﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻳﻴــﺞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮕــﻰ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﺗﻴﻤﻰﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﻞﺁﻟﻮﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ‪ A‬ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ‪ A‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ‪ B‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ‪ B‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ‪ B‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ‪ B‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻــﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ‪ B‬ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ‪ B‬ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ‪ B‬ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻣــﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2009‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2008‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 11 ،2 ،12 ،3‬ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬