ماهنامه مثلث شماره 28

‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﯽ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﯽ ﻧﻮﻩﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦﻫﺎی ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ‪28‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﺑﯽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍی ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮپ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ و ﮔﻔﺖوﮔﻮﻫﺎﯾﯽ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻧﻮﺑﺨﺖ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﮐﻮﺛﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪی ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻠﯽ‪ -‬ﺩﺍﺭﯾﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮی‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﯽ ﻧﻤﻴﻦ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﯾﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﯾﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯی‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﮐﭽﻮﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﮑﺮﯾﻤﯽ ‪ -‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﯽ‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﯽﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﭘﺮﻭﯾﺰ ﮐﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻫﺸﺘﻢ ‪ /‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﯿﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺗﺎ وﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎیﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﯽﻋﺮﺍﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻤﺮﻍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭوی ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﯽﻛﯿﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭوﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻧﯽ؛ ﺍﯾﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﯾﺎ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﯽ ﻋﻠﯿﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩوﻟﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ‪ :‬ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ‪ 27/‬ﺩﻱ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫وﺍﻛﺎوی ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮوﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻬﺮﯾﺰﻙ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﯾﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ وﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮﻫﺎﯾﯽ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﯾﻦﺑﺮوﺟﺮﺩی‪،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦﻛﻮﻫﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﮋﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺎوﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪی‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﯿﺪﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی‪،‬ﺣﺴﻦﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﯽﻧﯿﺎ‪،‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﺗﺠﺮی‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﯾﯽ‪،‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮﺷﺠﻮﻧﯽ‪،‬ﺍﻣﯿﺮﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫وﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷﺘﯿﺎﻧﯽ‪،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﯿﻢﻣﺘﻘﯽ‪،‬ﻫﺮﻣﯿﺪﺍﺱﺑﺎوﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮی؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ وﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﯿﻢ‬ ‫Ÿ‚‪ɇ» ¾Ìˆu€Ì» µ‬‬ ‫¿\ Ÿ¸‪Ê¿Z¤»Y{ º¸ »Ê‬‬ ‫¿‪Ê·ZnÀm Ä»Z‬‬ ‫‡‪ʼeZy |¼v» |Ì‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ /‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﯾﮑﻢ ‪/‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻱ ‪ 100 /1388‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪1000 /‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﯿﺦ ﺣﺴﯿﻦ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﯾﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭوﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﯽ و ﻣﺪﺍﺣﯽ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﯾﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫»|‪Y ½ZuY‬‬ ‫»Œ€‪¹Y{ µÂ^« •Á‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ‪ 1341‬ﻫﺠﺮی ﻗﻤﺮی؛ ‪ 1370‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮی ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ؛ ﻣﻴﺮﺑﺎﻗﺮی‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻭی ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﯾﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺗﻌﺰﯾﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﯽ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﻧﻬﯽ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺟﺒﯽ‪ :‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﮐﻮﻓﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﯾﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )ﻉ( ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‪ :‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﯾﺎﺯی‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪی ﻓﻘﻴﻬﯽ‪ :‬ﺣﮑﻢ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﻋﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻫﻼﻟﯽ‪ :‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﺘﯽ‬ ‫‪MOSALAS.IR‬‬ ‫‪ISSN: 2008-5281‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﯾﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯿﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﯽ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﯾﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﯾﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ؛ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﯾﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ؛ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ 3 ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﺣـﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻠـﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟـﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳـﺒﻪﻧﺮﺥﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯﺩﺭﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﻬﻢﻧﺸﺎﻥﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩﺻﺮﻑﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻰﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻃﻰﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻧﺮﺥﺍﺯ‪9/10‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺷﺮﻭﻉﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻟﺖﺩﺭﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝﺑﻪ‪ 3/11‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 2‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪12..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪14......................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪15......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪16.............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪17..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟‪18................................................‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪19..................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪20................................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤـﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳـﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳـﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤـﻲ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪21............‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪22..................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪23.......................................‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪24..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻲ‪33....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪35..........................................‬‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪36...........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿــﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﻛﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‪38.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ‪40...............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪42............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪44........................................‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪46...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪48............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲﺩﺭﺟﻠﺴﻪﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ»ﺁژﺍﻧﺲﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ«ﺩﺭﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﭘﺮﺳـﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻚﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺑﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺗﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪62.................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ؛ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍ‪63........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻳﻲ‪64...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ؟‪65....................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪68....................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪69..............................................................‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪70........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪26..........................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪27..........................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪28......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪29................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ »ﺁﺗﺸــﻜﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻭ »ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ« ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ« ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺝﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪50..........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪52....................................................‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‪55....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪56..............................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ!‪58...................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪59......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ‪72......................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪73..........................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﻮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪74................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪76...........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺭﻫﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‪78................................................‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﻠﺪﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺷﺪ‪80.......................................................‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪81...........................‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺁﺟﻮﺭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﺠﻲﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺑﻚ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺩﻳﻦﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪:‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ -‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻄﺤﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻠﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﭘﻮﺭ ‪ -‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻃﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻮﺳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻴﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ -‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺑﻮﺷﻪ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻠﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ :‬ژﻳﻼ ﺷﺎﻛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻭﺩ ﺣﺸﻤﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ‪-‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﭼﺎپ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ‪ :‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﻙ ‪ ،121‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪88140544 :‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪84............................................................‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪85........................‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ‪ 13‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‪88....................................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪90.........................................................................‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻞ ﺳﺒﺰ‪92................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ؛ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪94......................................‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪95......................................................................‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ‪ 7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪96...........................................‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‪97...........................................‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ‪ :‬ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫‪30008312‬‬ ‫‪ SMS‬ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻭﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺰﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺯﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﺯﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﭙﺎ ﺧﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻏﻨﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻘﻄﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺝ ‪ ،14‬ﺻﺺ ‪183-184‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺎﻃﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ .15‬ﺹ ‪243‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻥ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﻭﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺧﻮﻳﺶﺑﺮﺟﻬﺎﻥﺯﻳﺮﺳﻠﻄﻪ‪،‬ﺍﺯﻫﻴﭻﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺍﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯﻭﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭﺵ‪،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﺧﻮﻥﻣﺮﺩﻡﺑﻲﭘﻨﺎﻩﺭﺍﻣﻲﻣﻜﺪﻛﻪﮔﻮﻳﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻋﺮﺍﻕﺭﺍﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺗﺎﻣﺎﺭﺍﺑﺎﺣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻱﺍﺯﭘﺎﻱﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻣﻊﺍﻻﺳﻒﺍﻛﺜﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲﻫﻢﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻴﺰﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺭﺳﻤﺎﺑﺎﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﺪﻭﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱﻣﺎ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥﻭﺩﻻﻭﺭﺍﻥﺍﺭﺗﺶﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺝ ‪ ،13‬ﺹ ‪84‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧــﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺘﻚﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﺘﺸــﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻗــﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴــﺖ ﺩﻩﻫﺎﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑــﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﺒــﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ‪ 50‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ« ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺩﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﺭﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ژﺭﻓﺎﻱ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻲﻭﻳﻜﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻱﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻛﻪﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻜﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪﻭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﮔﻲﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻪﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺼﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻲﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ؟ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻘﻴﻪﺍﷲ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺣﻨﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﻩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﺒﺮﻱﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﺒﺮﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻋﺒﺮﻱﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻳﻌﻮﺕﺁﺣﺎﺭﻭﻧﻮﺕ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫــﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕﺻﻠﺢﻣﻴﺎﻥﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦﻭﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺍﺯﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻭﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﻦﻧﻴﺴﺖﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﻮﻗﻒﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﻳﻠﻲﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻠﻮﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺸــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻠﻲﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻟﻮﺳﻜﻮﻧﻲ ‪ 73‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﺩﺭﻳﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ )ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ( ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬــﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺻــﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻲﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﻮﻛﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪90‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﻨﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻛﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴــﺘﻠﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﻛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠــﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴــﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻄﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻔﺮﻯ ﻓﻠﺘﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳــﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ژﺋﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻳﭙﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺠــﺰﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 56‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻢ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﺠﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻃﻴﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﻍﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻛﻢﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ‪22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻰﻭﻳﻜﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮ ﻭ ﺛﻮﺍﺏﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺴــﺖﻋﻬﺪﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻋﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫــﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺪﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺸــﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ‪«.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻀﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺯﻻﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑــﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻢﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺯﻻﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﭼﻲﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﻲﺍﻥﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺳﻮءﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﭼﻪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲﺭﺍﺩﺭﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺤﻤﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻴــﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟــﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷــﺘﻢ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻼﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺿﺎﺑﻄﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻــﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻰ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻧﺎﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻼﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺁﺩﻡﺭﺑﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻓﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻏﮕﻮ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﻭﺗﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 8‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺘــﺮﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﻮﺧﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻳــﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1982‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺭﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻯ )ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪17‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫــﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﻳﻨﻮﮔﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫــﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺿﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣــﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﻄــﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺣﺮﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻭ ‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻴﻴﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ »ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺮ«ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻛﺎﺭ»ﺳﻴﺎ« ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ»ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻨﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ »ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺮ« ﺍﻓﺴــﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻴﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﻠﻮﻍ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ‪ ،GMC‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 1982‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1975‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻩ ﺑﻘﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺑﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺮﺍء‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻡ ‪ 16-‬ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻠﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 12/43‬ﻇﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺳــﺪﺱ ﺑﻨﺰ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺳﺒﺰﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻟﻤﺮﺻﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺳﺪﺱ ﺑﻨﺰ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻋﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ؛ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ‪ 8600‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﺠﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻻﺑﻲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﭘﻮﺩﺭﻱﺭﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 63‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 17‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻧﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺰ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰﻣﻴﺮﻓﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺫﻫﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﻚﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺿﺮﺭﻯ ﻧﺼﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻛﺎﺫﻳﺐ ﻧﺸــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭﺳﻊ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩﻯ – ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻏﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‪ -‬ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﻫﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺍﻳﻀﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﻊ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﺘﻌﻄﻴﻠﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻝﺁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻨﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻃﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰﺍﮔﺮﺑﻪﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯﻋﺠﻴﺐﻭﻏﺮﻳﺐﻫﻢﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ‪ 11‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻳﺎ ‪16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺪﺩﻯ ﻫﺴﺖﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻋﺖﭘﺮﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯﻫﻤﻪﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕﺭﺍﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪﺑﺎﻳﻚﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ–ﻣﺜﻞﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‪-‬ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ – ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﺒﺮﻳﻢ ‪ -‬ﺣﺘﻰ ‪ 10‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺪﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺳﺮﺷﻜﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻥ ﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‪،‬ﺩﻭﻧﻔﺮﻛﺎﺭﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻭﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻋﺎﺋﻠﻪﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺗﻮﻯﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻼﺷﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﺎﻥﭘﺮﻛﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﻮﺭﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﭘﻰﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﺘﻌﻄﻴﻠﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﺶ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻛﺮﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻚﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫)‪ (week end‬ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺄﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻔﻆﺷــﺄﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻋﺎﻃﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻋﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺳــﻴﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺭﻗــﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴــﺶ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻰﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺭﻣﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪﺳــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺷــﺐ ﺷــﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻤﺎﺭ« ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺧﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﻟﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻃﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺭﻣﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺧﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪SwIÃw‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺁ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴــﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﺦ ﺁﺧــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺤﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦﮔﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻢﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻴﺦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺦ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮگ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻤﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺭﺳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴــﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻣﻘﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻔﺴﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻣﺘﻬﻢﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﮔﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﺗــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺩﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﺹ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻴــﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻋﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟــﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ »ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﺪ! ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﺶ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ! ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ« ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ« ﻭ ﻳﺎ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻴﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻜﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒــﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﺕﺍﺵ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕﺍﺵ! ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺧﻼء‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﻮﭼﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » :‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺿﻠﻌﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻛﺪﻳــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﭽﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻰ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻰﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥﻋﻀﻮﻣﻮﺛﺮﺁﻥﺑﻮﺩ(ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺑﻮﺫﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺳﺴﺖ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ـ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺶ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ]‪ [...‬ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ]‪ [...‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻬﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺤﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﻯ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻗﺒﻼ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻫﻮﻳــﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴــﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺳــﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻰﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺗﺎ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑــﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻧــﻮ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫــﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺰﻡ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺁ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺁ« ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺑﻰﺛﻤﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺁ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺶ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻭﺟﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺐ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺐ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺁ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳــﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺁ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛــﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺪﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺮﻭﺁ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ؛ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍ؛ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺁ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪22‬ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺑــﺮ ﺭﺥ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻄﺎء ﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸــﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ]ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍ[ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺸــﺐ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫــﺎ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳــﺄﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻤﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛــﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳــﻰ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻮﺭﻯﺭﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺟﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﺶ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ «.‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳﺐﺗﺮﻭﺁ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻏﺮﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻧﻤﺮﺩﻩﺑﻠﻜﻪﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﺁﺗﺶﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﻛﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﻕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼء ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗـﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻣﻮﺟـﺐ ﺍﻓـﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﺷـﺪ ﻭﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺍﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑـﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﺶ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫـﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬـﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﺻـﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸـﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 70‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ 70‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷـﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴـﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫـﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷـﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴـﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻨــﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣــﺪﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺶ ﻛﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ -2 ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻳﻜﺴـﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻼﻑ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻼﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺰء ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰء ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻉ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺗﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻴﻔﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷــﻜﻮﺭﻯﺭﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﮔﻨﺠﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﻴﻨﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠــﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻣﻮﻯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴـﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻲﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ‪ 29‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃــﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺎ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﻭ ‪ 68‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠـﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼـﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﻮﺭﻯﺭﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻــﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺧــﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ‪13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻔــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﺘﻚﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻏﻴﻆ ﻭ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺋﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪5‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴــﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 110‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻻ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣـﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ 30‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻔــﻰ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧــﻰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘــﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴــﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸــﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻨﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺨﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 88/11/15‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻛﺘﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺱ( ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺩ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻧــﻮﻩ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ »ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ!« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ! ﻛﺎﺵ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤــﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﻴﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ »ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﻗﺪﺳــﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺗﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺒﻌﻮﻩ‪ ...‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ - «.‬ﺁﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 68‬ﺁﻝ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺎﺋﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺤﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻔﺎﻯ ﺳﻘﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴــﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺣﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ)ﻉ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪« .‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ‪.‬ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﺲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻣــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ« ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ! ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﻫﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳــﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻏﻴﺮﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧــﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒﺁﻣﻴﺰ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺸﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ«‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ«‪» ،‬ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺭﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻛﺘﺒﻰ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ؟!«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻧﺠﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﭙﺎﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻧﺠﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ‪ 200‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﻄﺢ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻗﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻗﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺻﺪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳـﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺮﺩﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻻﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘـﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧـﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻟـﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ » :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷـﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸـﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴـﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؟ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺳــﻄﺤﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸـﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻮﺱ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳـﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴـﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺤﻮﺍﻯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳـﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺗـﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳـﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸـﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺧـﺺ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸـﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻤﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻰﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻰﺗﺮﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺰﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳـﻢ ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ «.‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﻦﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﭙﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ،57‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﺷﺼﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸــﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 42‬ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻈﻤﺎﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷــﻤﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻗﺒـﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺼﺖ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳـﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴـﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻰﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢﭘﺎﺳﺦﺭﺋﻴﺲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪﻭﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻭﺯﻳﻦﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣـﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸـﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢﺍﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﺠﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﻋﺎﻅ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻻﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 12‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ « .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷـﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻛﺮﻣﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﺮﺩﺑﺎﻳﻚﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰﻣﺠﺪﺩ‪،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﺷﺼﺖﺑﺮﺍﻯﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳﻰﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊﺭﺥﺩﺍﺩﻩﺩﺭﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻰﻛﺸـﻮﺭﭘﺲﺍﺯﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺩﻫﻢﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺷـﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻣﻠﻰﺭﺍﻩﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖﺍﺯﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﺗﻤﺴﻚﺍﺯﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺼﺮﻳﺖﻣﺮﺩﻡﻫﻤﻪﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺩﺭﺫﻳﻞﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻫﻪﻓﺠﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻘﻞﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﺖ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳـﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻳـﺎﻡ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷــﻚ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻔﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳـﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳـﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴـﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ‪22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧـﺎﺹ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨـﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﻋـﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪،‬ﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﺮﺍ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠـﺐ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺎﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪﻓﺠﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺴــﻤﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻓــﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻰ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻧﺨﺒـﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷـﺎﻋﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﺸـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸـﺘﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴـﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺯﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻨــﻰﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻲﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴـﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻄﺌﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺒــﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴــﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜــﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳـﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﺪﺩ ﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳــﻮء ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻛــﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸـﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺴــﺮﺩ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲﺑـﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻘﺒﻮﻻﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺸــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸـﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕــﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒـﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴـﺮ ‪ 78‬ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻜﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ؛‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴــﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧــﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗــﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻀﺶ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺟﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗــﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺳــﻬﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺟﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 18‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﺨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻔﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴـﺖ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸـﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻏﺮﺑﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳـﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺷـﻜﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳـﻜﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻭﻡﺁﻧﻜﻪﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻇﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺤﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰﻛﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻭﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥﻭﻣﺮﺩﻡﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴــﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥﺷﺪﻧﺪﻭﻋﻤﻼﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺗﺸـﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ 15‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺰﺑــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ – ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﻴﭻﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰﺑﺎﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕﻭﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺏﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ‪ 12‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪ 58‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻛﻪﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻰﺑﺎﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻭﺗﻼﺵﺑﺮﺍﻯﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺑﻪﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚﻏﺮﺑﮕﺮﺍ‪،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰﺩﺭﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﻭﺟﻨﮓﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊﺗﺮﺍﺷﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﻮﻗﺖﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰﻛﺎﻣﻼﻏﺮﺑﮕﺮﺍﺑﻪﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺒﺪ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺷﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ 37‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺸــﺒﺪ ﻗﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻏﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰﺁﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥﻗﺼﺎﺹﺭﺍﻳﻚﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﻴﺎﻧﻪﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺩﺭﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﺳﺎﻝ‪ 60‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺎﺹﺑﻪﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﭘﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻼﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻧﻮﺑﺨﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﻧﻮﺑﺨﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳـﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴـﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑـﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴـﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1368‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠــﻰ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﺍﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺘﻮﻗــﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﺠــﺪﺩ ﭼﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻒ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻞﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋــﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 69‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷـﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻯ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺿﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ؛ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﺟﻨﮓﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ؛ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻭﻳﮋﻩﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻣﻌﻨﺎﻛﻪﺳﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕﺩﺭﺧﺪﻣﺖﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺭﺧﺪﻣﺖﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﭘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻭﻣﺼﺮﻑﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻣﺼﺮﻑﺗﺎﺣﺪﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻣﻨﻔﻰﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢﻛﻪﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺟﻨﮓﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﭼﻨﺪﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﺍﺩﺭﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺨﺘﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻏﻴﺮﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﻢﺧﻴﻠﻰﻭﺍﺭﺩﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻰﻣﻦﺧﻮﺩﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬ﻧﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﻭﻧﻪﻓﻀﺎﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦﺷﺎﺧﺺﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦﺷﺎﺧﺺﺑﺤﺚﺍﻳﻦﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩﺑﺤﺚﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺩﻫﻴﻢﻭﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﺷﺪﻛﻪﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺭﺷﺪﭘﻴﺪﺍﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯﺭﺍﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﭘﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡﺩﺭﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺧﻮﺩﺵﺑﺤﺜﻰﺭﺍﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪﻣﺜﻼﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺟﻨﮓﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺪﺗﻰﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢﻭﻫﻤﻪﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕﺭﺍﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦﺍﺯﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺧﺎﺻﻰﺭﺍﺑﺮﻣﺎﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﻛﺎﺭﻭﺗﻼﺵﺩﺭﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺧﻴﻠﻰﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻭﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐﻧﻜﺮﺩﺑﻠﻜﻪﻳﻚﻧﻮﻉﺩﻧﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﺭﺍﻫﻢﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻛﻪﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﺯﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺧﻮﺑﻰﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻭﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻣﺎﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯﻫﻤﻪﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰﻭﻛﻢﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﺮﺩﻥﻭﻛﻢﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﺶﺣﻞﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻏﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰﻭﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﻫﻢﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯﺩﺭﻣﺸﻰﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺷﺖﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥﺑﺎﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﭼﭗﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺﺩﺭﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻳﻰﻛﻪﺁﻧﺠﺎﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻞﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻭﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕﻭﺁﻧﭽﻪﺭﺍﻳﻚﻓﺮﺩﺑﺪﺍﻥﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺳﺖﻛﺎﻣﻼﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐﺷﺪﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺩﻻﻳﻞﻫﻢﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺭﺍﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﺎﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﭼﭗﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭﺟﺎﻯﺧﻮﺩﺵﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﭼﺮﺍﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺑﺎﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﭼﭗﻣﻮﺗﻠﻒﺷﺪﻧﺪﻭﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺗﻰﺩﺭﻋﺮﺻﻪﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﺷﻮﺩﻳﻌﻨﻰﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﻜﻞﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩﻳﻌﻨﻰﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪﻭﻟﻰﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﺶﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻪﻻﻯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻗﺸﺮﺧﺎﺻﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻣﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﻗﺸﺮﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻛﺎﻣﻼﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﺣﺘﻰﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺭﺷﺪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬ﺩﺭﭼﻨﺪﺳﺎﻝﺍﻭﻝﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺑﺤﺚﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮﻻﻧﻪﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖﻣﺎﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕﭘﺎﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪﻇﻬﻮﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖﻭﺩﺭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭﻓﻀﺎﻯﺣﺎﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻥﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻣﻮﺿﻊﺿﺪﻏﺮﺑﻰﺷﺪﻳﺪﻯﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫــﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻯﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪﺍﺯﻃﺮﻳﻖﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻭﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪﻓﺮﺩﺭﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚﻭﺍﺩﻯﺧﺎﺻﻰﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻭﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺯﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﺍﺷﺮﻭﻉﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪﻣﻦﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥﻛﺎﻣﻼﺑﺎﺁﻥﺗﺼﻮﺭﻗﺒﻞﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻫﻢﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻛﻨﺎﺭﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﻏﺮﺏﻳﻚﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﺗﻤﻠﻖﺁﻣﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﺩﺭﺩﺍﺧﻞﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺮﻭﻉﺷﺪﻛﻪﺍﻳﻦﺗﻤﻠﻖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﻓﺮﺩﻯﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺭﺍﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻭﺭﻭﻯﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻧﻘﺪﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺑﻪﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﺗﻨﻬﺎﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺩﻭﻡﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻭﻝﻛﻢﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﻤﺪﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻳﺮﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯﻣﺎ‪،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺩﻭﻡﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻧﺴﺒﺖﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻠﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﻠﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺣﻤﻼﺕﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪﻯﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲ ﻃﻠﺒــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉﻧﻘﺪﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺳــﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞﻭﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﺭﺍﺩﺭﺟﺎﻫﺎﻯﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪﻧﺸﺎﻥﺍﺯﭼﺮﺧﺶﻓﺎﺣﺸﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﻣﺠﻠﺲﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺧﻄﻮﻃﺶﺭﺍﺍﺯﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦﺍﺯﺟﺎﻧﺐﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺷﺎﻫﺪﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰﺩﺭﻫﻴﭻﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﺑﻠﻜﻪﺍﺯﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰﺟﺪﻯﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱﺩﺭﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﺸﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﻠﻮﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪®±µ²H¸ÃM‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ؛ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺳــﻪﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ‪ 80‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺸــﻰ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻨﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫)‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﺗﻮپﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧــﻪ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 850‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪«.‬ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻭﻳــﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻪﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻥﭘﻰﺗــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺍﻥﭘﻰﺗﻰ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮﻯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺪﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻩﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻓــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻏﻨﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮپ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻃﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴــﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻀﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻏﻨﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻥﭘﻰﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻢ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧـﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 1200‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺳـﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ 3/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﻩﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢﺑﻪﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱﺍﻳﻦﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﺗﺎﭘﻴﺶﺍﺯﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ )ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ( ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴــﺎﻣﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱﺑﺎﺣﻀﻮﺭﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱﺍﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺻﺒﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴــﺎﻋﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓــﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑــﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺩﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻋــﻮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬ﻣﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﻠﻮﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﺍﻧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﺎﺡ ‪ -‬ﭼﺎپ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2011‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪«.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺗﺮﺍﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺗﺮﺍﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺁﺗــﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳــﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻻﻭﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺗﺮﺍﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﻮء ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺨﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺷــﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻨﻪﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺘﻚﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪«.‬ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ‪ 28‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳـﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﻛﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌـﻪ ‪ 12‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈـﺮ ‪ 28‬ﻧﻔـﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ 28‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺍﻟﺴﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 511‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴــﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 37‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ‪28‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻛﻲ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻇﺎﺧﻮ ﺍﻵﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷــﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 2004‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ‪ 2005‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺴـﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗــﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺚ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺣﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺟﻮﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2006‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺩ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌــﺪﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ‪ 2018‬ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 2011‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺮﻛﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ 140‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﺩﺭﻋﺮﺍﻕﺣﻀﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‪50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕـﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ‪ 19‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺭژﻳــﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦﻫــﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬــﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 2005‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻠــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ‪ -1‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ -2 ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ -3 ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻼ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﭼﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺰﺗــﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺴــﺒﺘﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﻢﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻲﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺟــﻮ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﺋﺰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺮﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻌﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 24‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺷــﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 25‬ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 325‬ﻛﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴـﻦ ﺣﻜﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋـﻼﻱ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘـﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﺯﺩﺍﻳـﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺼﺪﻭﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻼﻛﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﻣﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻋﻼﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈـﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳــﺎﻣﻲ ‪ 511‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ‪ 59‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺸــﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 455‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻓﺮﺽﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎﺑﻪﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﺭﺍﻩﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻛﻨﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ‪ 455‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 177‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 177‬ﻧﻔﺮ ‪ 145‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻗــﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻟﺢﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻚ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺑﻪﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺎﻣـﻞ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺜﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘــﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ 78/5 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ‪ 28‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺼــﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺜﻲﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ‪ 70‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺯﺑﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 134‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻱ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻢﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺳـﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺼﺪﻭﺑﻴﺴــﺖﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺮﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ 10 .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﻲﻭﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 305‬ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫـﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺗﺎ ‪2011‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳـﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕـﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺳــﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 45‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ‪ 2011‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺜﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺣﺸــﻲﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺩﻣﻨﺸــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ 74‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐـﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 275‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ‪ 320‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪50‬ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ‪ 28‬ﻧﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺗﻚﺣﺰﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 35‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺜﻰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1968‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺚ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴــﺎﻣﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻌﺜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺜﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﺸــﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ‪518‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 177‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ‪ 28‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 28‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺜﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸـﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﻲﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﺶ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻗﻄﺐﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 11‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 11‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 250‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ‪ 325‬ﻛﺮﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 11‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘــﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﻮﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﺷــﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ‪ 48‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﭘﺸــﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻂ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻔﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻰﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻞ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻄﻖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺵﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻳﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2004‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇــﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﺳــﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻳﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺶ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺮﺳــﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷــﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻳﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷــﭽﻨﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ )ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪﻭ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯ( ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷــﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻋﺼﺒﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﻧــﻮﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳــﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳــﭻ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺰﺩﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳــﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷــﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺐﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷــﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧــﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻮﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺷــﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻜﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻧﻮﻛﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻬــﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺘﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ‪ 59‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻰﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻀﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2017‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ« ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻰﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨــﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ »ﻗﺤﻄﻰ« ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺍﻭﻥ‪-‬ﺍﻭﭘﺎ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰ )ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑــﺮ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺷــﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷــﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻚ ﻭﺍﺳﻠﻮﺍﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺍﻛﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷــﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺑﻰﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺱﺗﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﺷــﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺱ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻛﺎﺷﻮﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺳﻔﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2004‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺱﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻛﺎﺷــﻮﻳﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷــﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳــﭻ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷــﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﻭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻛﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺷﭽﻨﻜﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﻪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﭘﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻨﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 6/4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﺸــﻢ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﭘﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1979‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫــﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎگ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣــﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻻﻱﻻﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺗﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔــﻮﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟــﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﺒﺮﻧﺘﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻴــﻼﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻃﻲ ﻧﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪21‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳــﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﻭﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻼﻥﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑــﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻐــﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷــﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺫﻛﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ ﺳــﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪jI~T¤H‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸــﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋــﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﻮﻳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺤﺴــﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1330‬ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1329‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1332‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1337‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ژﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1351‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻛﻠﻰ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻــﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻛﺴﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﮔﻤﺮﻛــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻲ؛ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻮﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺭﻓــﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 1389‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1393‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ‪ 44‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ »ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﺎﺑﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻣﺤﻮﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫‪ 1404‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﺳﻴﻜﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﻜﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 11‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﻜﻮﺩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺗــﺎژ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺴــﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﺳــﻴﻜﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1350‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺴﺎﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯﻋﻤﻠﻰﻭﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻯﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓــﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ‪163‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫‪ 85‬ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺴــﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳــﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤــﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺫﻯﺭﺑﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 164‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ‪ 60‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 100‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 60‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 100‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻــﻰ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﻤــﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻘﻒ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﻻ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﻜﻮﺩﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘــﻖ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ‪ 15‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻜﺲﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻻﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺰﻭ ‪ 2008-9001‬ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮔﻤــﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺰﻭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ‪ 80‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻜﻮﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 90‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻳﺴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘــﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺴــﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘــﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ؛ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻂ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻻ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺫﺍﺗــﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻌــﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤــﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻡﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻢﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻢﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻢﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﺾ ﺑﺎﺳﻜﻮﻝ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴــﺖ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻛﻢﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺷــﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑــﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 25‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 486‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﺎﻟــﻎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 832‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 95/68‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫــﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 4/32‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 979‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 51/61‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥﺭﺿﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ‪10/39‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ 8/98‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺯﺍﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻬﻤﻲﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 14/98‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺳــﻬﻤﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 12/40‬ﻭ ‪ 11/47‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،88‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻮﻕﺍﻟﺠﻴﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳــﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻀﺮﺭ ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﺑﺎﺁﻥﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯﻛﻪﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﺎﺻــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻋﻀﻮﻧﺎﻇﺮﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ‪ 10‬ﺍﻟﻰ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ WTO‬ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ 164‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 60‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺸﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺘﺮ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺴﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴـﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳـﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﻛﻞ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒـﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﻤﺮﻛـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴـﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺠـﺪﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ‪ 130‬ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ‪ 130‬ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 130‬ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻠﻮﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤـﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣـﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗـﻰ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺠـﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺸﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺴـﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﻪﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺳـﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳـﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣـﺬﻑ ﺭﺳـﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻗـﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳــﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺏ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻗــﻒ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﻤﻠﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤــﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺳﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺎﺋﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻔﺎﺳـﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻋﻤــﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺏ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﮔﻤﺮﻙﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻢﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻢﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻢﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺗﺨــﺎﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌـﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣـﻮﺍﺯﻯﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘــﻰ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 300‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ‪ 115‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ 43 ،‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ 24‬ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ 207‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺯﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨــﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘـﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳـﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 29‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﺸـﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ 25‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‪ 486‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪80‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﻦ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤــﺮﻙ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻛﺎﻻ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼــﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 979‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 573‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ‪ 299‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ‪ 100‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣـﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﺳـﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﻳـﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳـﻖ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸــﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﺸــﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﭘﻮﻟﺸــﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺼﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻱﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺎﻻﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪﻛﻪﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺛﺮﺩﺭﺑﺤﺚﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕﻛﺎﻻﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕﻣﺮﺯﻱﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱﺩﺭﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖﻭﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﻛﻨﺘـﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁ ﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺶ ﻫـﺎ ﻱ ﻣﺮ ﺑـﻮ ﻁ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫـﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗـﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻳـﻦ ﺑﺮﺯﮔـﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴـﺲ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘـﺎﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻱﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺮﺧﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻪﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻏـﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴـﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥﺷــﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﻭﺷﻤﺎﭼﻪﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ 600‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪ 110‬ﻗﻠﻢﻛﺎﻻﻱﻣﻬﻢﻭﺣﺴﺎﺱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪﻟﻴﺴﺖﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ‪ 710‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﻓﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺿــﻊ ﻧﺮﺥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻓــﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳــﻚ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣــﻖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈــﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺧﺘــﻼﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺻــﻮﻻ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﺧﺬ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗــﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﺗﺼﺪﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻔﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،87‬ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ‪ 11/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ‪ 10/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ 8/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ )ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ( ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑــﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ‪105‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 182‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺳــﻪﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 139‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 425‬ﺷﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ‪ 63‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 11/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ 10/9 ،10/9 ،11/9 .‬ﻭ ‪12/1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪84‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ‪ 10/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﻭ ‪86‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈــﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻــﺮﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪85‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ‪ 426‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 712‬ﺷﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪0/2 ،84‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ 11/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 86‬ﻭ ‪،87‬‬ ‫‪ 18‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ )ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 600‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ‪ 400‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻠﺒﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 11/6 ،10/2 ،11‬ﻭ ‪ 12/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‪9 .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺴــﻬﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ‪ 434‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 275‬ﺷﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺮﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪0/6 ،85‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 10/6‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻛﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪9/8 ،9/9 ،10/5‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 11/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛــﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻻﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﻗﻔﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺶ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 85‬ﻭ ‪ 86‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﺳــﻴﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺐﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪112‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 390‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 87‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 86‬ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ‪ 0/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 10/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ‪ 9/5‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 12/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 87‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 9/6‬ﻭ ‪10/12‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻳــﻚ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ«ﻭ »ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻤﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺳــﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺯﻭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤــﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ »ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 1/6‬ﻭ ‪ 1/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻧﻰ ﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ 11/2‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ‪ 11/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧــﺮﺥ ﺁﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 10/9‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻰ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ 0/4 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ 21/9‬ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﺖ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ 84‬ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ‪ 1/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10/9‬ﺑــﻪ ‪ 12/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؛ »ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 85‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 1/4‬ﻭ ‪1/9‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ‪ 11/6‬ﻭ ‪ 12/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 86‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ )ﺩﺭﺻﺪ(‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫‪ 87‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9/9‬ﻭ ‪10/2‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 86‬ﻭ ‪ 87‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 11/9‬ﻭ ‪12/5‬‬ ‫‪11/9‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 86‬ﻭ ‪ 87‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪10/9‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪10/9‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ)ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ‪ 8/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫‪12/1‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪85‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬ﻳﻜﻰﺍﺯﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺭﺳﻤﻲﻳﻌﻨﻰﺍﻛﻮﻧﻮﻣﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪10/2‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪85‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 12/1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11/6‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‪85‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ‬ ‫‪12/1‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪85‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜــﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫‪10/5‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪86‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪9/9‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪86‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪9/8‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‪86‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪11/9‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪86‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪9/6‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪87‬‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫‪10/2‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪87‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ » :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫‪9/5‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‪87‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ‪ 11/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ‪17‬‬ ‫‪12/5‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪87‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‪88‬‬ ‫‪11/2‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪88‬‬ ‫‪11/3‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪10/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 8/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺣﺎﻛﻢﺑﺮﻓﻀﺎﻱﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺑﺎﻋﺚﻏﻔﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘــﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻨــﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﺒﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻱ ﺍﺯ‪ 11/3‬ﺑﻪ ‪ 8/4‬ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧـﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬــﻢ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻼﻙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻣﻦﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴــﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺧﺬ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ‪ 40‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 85‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪ª¹ÀoÎ‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﺗﺴــﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ« ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ« ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺝﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﺋﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ -‬ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺠﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺬﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟــﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻬــﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺲﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺖﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧــﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﺗﺴــﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ »ﺁﺗﺸــﻜﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻫﻴــﭻ« ﻭ »ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳــﺮ« ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﭘــﺎﺩﺍﺵ« ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳــﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻟﻔﻈــﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺗﺸــﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮژﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋــﻲ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻛــﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧــﻮﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 89‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪» .‬ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳــﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﺨﻨﻲ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ« ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺮﺍﻓــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻜﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ« ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺵ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻠﻈﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ »ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ« ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺐ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻴﻦﺗﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﻣﺘﻔﻖﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺷﻚ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺯﺭﺷﻚ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻫﻴﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻢﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷــﺐ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﺭﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺗﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﻚ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ! ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺩﺭﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥﺟﺎﻳﻲﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪﺍﻣﺎﻳﻚﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ« ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺳــﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﻮﺯﺍﺭﺳﻴﻒ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻛﻴﻔﺮ«‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﮔﻠﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺰﺩ ‪90‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ« ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻨﻴــﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳــﻚ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺸــﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﻧﺎژ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻟﻄﻔــﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﺐﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳــﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﻩ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ« ﻛــﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﭼﺮﺧﺸــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻃﻬﺮﺍﻥ – ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﻧﺸــﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ« ﻭ »ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ‪،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻼﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴــﻮﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪» .‬ﺷــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻍ« ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻔﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ‪ 27‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻤﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﮔﺮﺍ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﭘﺮﺳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ« ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺁﺗﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻮﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﭘﻴﺰﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ‪ ....‬ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ!‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻫﻴﭻ«‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻛﻒ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻ«‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧـﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺸـﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴـﻴﻦ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﻫﻴﭻ«ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖﻳﻜﻲﺍﺯﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ‪ 10/5‬ﺷﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺳﻲﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻼ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺶ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤــﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺕ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ )ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻱﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟــﻪ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺫﻳﺘــﻢ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺑﻪﻣﺸﻜﻞﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻛﻒ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺳــﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻛﻒ« ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻳــﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﺩﻡ« ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﻞﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ )ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ( ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻼﻳﻘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠــﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ( ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸـﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻧﻮﺭﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ( ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﺒــﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻــﻼ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﻣﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺗﺎﻥ »ﺁﺩﻡ« ﻭ »ﺑﻴﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻜﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻡ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﺁﺩﻡ« ﻭ »ﺑﻴﺴﺖ« ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﭼﺸﻤﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻇﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸـﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴــﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸـﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﺍژ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻛﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ )ﻣﻬﻜﺎﻡ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﻥﺟﺎ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺰﺩﻙ ﻣﻴﺮﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻼ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ »ﺁﺩﻡ« ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺜﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ )ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺴـﺖ« ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴـﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻲ ﻭ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ(‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺑـﺰﻭﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣـﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺣـﺎﻻ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸــﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺑﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ )ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ( ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻤــﺪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻــﻼ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱﺑﻬﺎﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻭ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍژﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻐﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺩﻟﻴﻞﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻜﺎﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻜﺎﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸــﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪..‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﺟﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜــﻲ )ﻛﻠﻴﻪ( ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﺗﺴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺍﻟﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴـﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﻭﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻱ ﺷـﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﺑﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺚﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺎﻥ »ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩﻱ«‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺶ ﻫﻴﭻﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﭘﻮﭼﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ »ﺍﻭژﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻲﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺰﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭﺷــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻫﻴـﭻ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫـﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳـﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﺩﺭﺭﺷﺘﻪﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺷﺪﻩﻭﺣﺘﻲﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸـﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩﻭﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺛــﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺘــﻪﺁ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺮ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ )ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ( ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻢ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺲﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳـﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻲ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠـﻢ »ﺑﻴﺴـﺖ« ﻭ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴــﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫)ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ( ﻭ ﮔﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺮﺡ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ )ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ(‪ .‬ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﮕــﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧــﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺻــﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺐ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒــﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ )ﻛــﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ(‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺳﺮﺣﺮﻑﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺳــﺒﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ )ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ )ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣــﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻛﻠﻮﺯﺁپ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ )ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ« ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺪ( ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻘﻄــﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺳــﻠﻴﻢ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻛﺴﺘﺮ ﺳــﺒﺰ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻨﻮ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪» ،76‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ« ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ؟!« ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ »ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ »ﺑﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﻨــﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ«‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ« ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻮﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺵ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﭘﺴﺖ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﻧــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ»ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖﻭﻫﻢﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱﺭﺍﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ»ﺧﺎﻙﺳﺮﺥ«ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦﺳﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﺩﻭﻟﺖﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ«ﺭﺍﺑﻪﻓﺠﺮﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻭﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﺑﻲﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻲﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﺮﺩ‪،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺩﭼﺎﺭﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻛﻪﺣﻠﺶﺷﺶﺳﺎﻝﻃﻮﻝﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺭﻓﺘﻦﺳﺮﺍﻍﺩﻭﺍﻳﺮﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐﻭﭘﺮﺳﻪﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋــﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤــﺎﻕ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﻨﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ«ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝﺑﻌﺪ‪،‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ»ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻭﺩﺭﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺗﺤﺖﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﺭﺍﺑﻪﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦﻣﺘﻬﻢﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ )ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳــﺪﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣــﺰﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠــﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨــﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺳــﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ« ﻭ »ﮔﻮﺯﻥﻫﺎ« ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﻦ« ﻭ »ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺷﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻱ«‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ »ﺩﻋﻮﺕ« ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ »ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻛﺮﺧﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻮ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﻛﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻤﭙﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ )ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏــﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺸــﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺐ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺼﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻛﻮﭘﺎژ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﺴﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ »ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ« ﻭ »ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑــﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ »ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ؛ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ‪ 8‬ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻦ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ؟ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﻭ »ﺩﻋﻮﺕ«‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻫــﻢ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫»ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ« ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﺑﻲﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺷﺶ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻮﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﻛﻴﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ »ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺸﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻋﺼــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻫــﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻣﺲ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻌﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ »ﻋﺼﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ« ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟــﻪﺩﺍﺭ« ﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛــﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻨــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻛــﻮﺩﻙ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺴــﺨﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴــﺢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸــﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﻧﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﻰﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺭﺍﻋــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻛﻢﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﺎﺷــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺴــﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻗﻬﺮ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟!‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻢﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺳﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﺮگ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﻮﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ »ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﺮگ« ﻛﻢﻟﻄﻔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳــﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘــﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴــﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫــﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘــﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴــﺰﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑــﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﻘﺪﺭﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺯﻣﻬﺮﻳﺮ« ﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨــﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺻﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺗﺸﻜﺎﺭ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺠﻤــﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤــﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺒﻬﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳــﺘﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺝﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟــﺶ ﻛــﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺨﺘــﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻳــﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﻫــﺎ« ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳــﺰﻩ ﻛﻮﭼﻮﻟﻮﻳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠــﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ‬‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ )ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺴــﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻧﺶ ‪ -‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ‪ -‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ »ﻋﻠﻲ ﻗﻮﻱﺗــﻦ« ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ )ﻣﺎ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ( ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ )ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ( ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ(‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ) ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺎﻥ »ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﺋﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺼﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ) ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،(...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸــﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ )ﺷــﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻍ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ »ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪...‬ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡ ﻃﻲ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ؛ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫)ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺴــﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻮﺑﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺼﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ )ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ( ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷــﻐﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺻﻨﻒ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ )ﻧﻮﻋﻲ( ﭼﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ - 10‬ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ‪ -‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﻭﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺣــﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ )ﻣﺎ( ﭼﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺸــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻚﺍﺳﺒﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻬﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﻟﺮﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﻭﺍ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ« ﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷــﻐﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺟﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ« ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‪....‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺶ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ‪ -‬ﺍﺻــﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤــﺪﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬‫ﻓﺴــﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ »ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎ«ﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ »ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ )ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ(‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗــﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ( ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻــﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺷــﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫)ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ -‬ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ( ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻧﻴﻦ« )‪ (84‬ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻥﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎ«؛ﻣﻦﻓﻴﻠﻢﺍﻭﻟﻲﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍﻫﻨﻮﺯﺑﺎﻳﺪﺑﺪﻭﻡ‪.‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺟﺪﻳﺪﻡ»ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺩﺭﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ«)ﻛﻪﺗﺎﭼﻨﺪﻱﺩﻳﮕﺮﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺍﺵﺁﻏﺎﺯﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ(‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﺪﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ )ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ( ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﺠﻠﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ )ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﺪﻧﻪ« ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ(! ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ )ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﭘﻼﻧﻲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺿﻲﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ »ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎ« ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻــﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤــﺮﺩﻱ »ﻋﻠــﻲ ﻗﻮﻱﺗــﻦ«؛ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳــﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫» ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻲ«؛ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ »ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﻠﻲ«؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﻲ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ( ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻱﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ »ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ« ﻭ »ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ«‪....‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎﻯﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 59‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ »ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺯﺩ«‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﻴــﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ )ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﭼﻬــﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠــﺎﻩ( ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻠﻴــﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﻰﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓــﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮﻯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﺯﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﮔُﻞﺩﺭﺷــﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻠﺘﻬــﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣــﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺯﺩ« ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺷــﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺴــﺎﺡ‪ «1361-‬ﻭ »ﻃﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ‪ «1363-‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻯ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺯﺩ« ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻣﻠﻚﻣﻄﻴﻌﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻤــﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﺮﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﮔﺮﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 79‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ‪ 84‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﻄﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺳــﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺷﻚ ﺗﻤﺴﺎﺡ« ﻭ »ﻃﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴﻮﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﺮﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺳــﻠﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﻣﻠﻚﻣﻄﻴﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺷــﻚ ﺗﻤﺴﺎﺡ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ »ﻃﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻰ« ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﻴﺘﻰﺟﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺸﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﺷــﻴﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ «1361-‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻓﻴﺎﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭘﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ »ﺣﺴﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻰ )ﺍﻭﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺪﻟﻰ(‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﻃﻨﺰﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1367‬ﻫﻢ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺗﻴﻎ ﺩﻭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ‪ «53‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﺳﻤﻨﺪﺭﭘﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺵ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺯﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﺁﻣﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺕ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻰ‬ ‫»ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻤﻨﺪﺭﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻛﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺨﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﻓﺠــﺮﻯ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪ )ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﭘﻮﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪ( ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺷــﺐ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﺮﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﻴﺘﻰﺟﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺠﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 70‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 72‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 73‬ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺒــﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﺳﻤﻨﺪﺭﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﺴﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺐﻟﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 74‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺑﻬــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻯ )ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﻃﻮﻏﺎﻯِ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻴﻦﺗﺮﺍﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻰِ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﺮﺟﻰ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 75‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﺎﺗﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻙﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﻗﺼﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫»ﻧﺴﻴﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 77‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﻔﺎﺧﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ )ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺕ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ(‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻰﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺁﺑﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 78‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 80‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 81‬ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺷﺐ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ« ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﻳﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺵﺳﺎﺧﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺷــﻜﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﻮﻻﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺑﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺤﺮﺧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 83‬ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻘﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺳــﺖﻛﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻨﻰ ﻛﻤﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ )ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ( ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﭘﺮﻳﺪﺧﺖ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘــﺪﻡ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻫــﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﻔﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫)ﺳــﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻯ‪ (79-‬ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻟﻴــﻼ )ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺟﻮﻳﻰ‪(75-‬ﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞﻫﻢﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﻠﻮﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ »ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻋﻘﺎﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺗﻘﻰﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻣﺰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫)‪ (1374‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 86‬ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﺠﺮ ‪ 87‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ« )ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻰ( ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﻡﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﺠﺮﻯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﺿﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﻟﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﺳﺮﺥ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﻚﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻰ‬ ‫)ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﻳﺪﻝ‪ ،(1361-‬ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 74‬ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ )ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻠــﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،(1362-‬ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻴﻠﻰﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺮﻍﺣﻖ )ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ‪ (1366-‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺭﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫)ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯﺟﻮﺯﺍﻧﻰ(ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪59‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻏﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ﻻﻛﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮگﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺯﺩ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﺠﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ« ﻧــﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫)ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻮژﻯ )ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 85‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻧﻪ( ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻴﺒــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺣﺎﺗﻤــﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ( ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺳــﻢ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻯﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰﻛﻠﻴﺪﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘــﺮﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳــﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺷــﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺭﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻰﺳــﺎﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﻚﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 86‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻪﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻛﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑــﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ( ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻰ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻀﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪¾zÄkºH‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻚﻛﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺑﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺗﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻭﻓــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺧﺮﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ« ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ »ﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻼﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺩﮔﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻼﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ »ﺩﮔﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻨﺪﻩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟــﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺒﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ)!( ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻨﺖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ«ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪» - 2‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔــﻮ« ﻭ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻠﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻂ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ« ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ »ﺗﺤﻤﻞ« ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ«‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮﻱﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻚ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲﺷــﺪﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﻫﺴــﺘﻲ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﮔﺮ »ﺩﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﻣﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺛﻘﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﻣﻌــﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ -‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ )ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻕ ﺣﺴﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺮﺷــﻤﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﮔﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ« ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴــﺰ« ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺩﮔﻢ ﺷــﺒﻪﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻴﻠﻴﺴﺘﻲﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﻛﻨــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻫﻢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲﺍﻱ »ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻔﺼﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺑﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻠﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﺰﻭﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺪﻧــﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳــﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ »ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻳــﻦ« ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺧﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺟﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ »ﺩﻳﻨﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ« ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟!‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ »ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻻﻳﻞِ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺻﻮﻝ« ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻻﻫﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺟﺘﻬــﺎﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ«‬ ‫)‪ (dynamic‬ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻏﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ؛ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻛﭽﻮﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ« ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻏــﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳــﻚ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺟــﻊ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺖ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﻠــﻖ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ»ﻣﻌﻀــﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒــﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﻠــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺍﺯﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴــﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻴﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺳﻨﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺫﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻚ« ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺗﻪ ﻛﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻩﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﻚ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻻﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ‪ 53‬ﻧﻔﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭﮔﻠﺴــﺮﺧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﻪﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻠــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﺶ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻕ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺸــﻞ ﻋﻔﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﻣﻼﺯﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺦ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻠﻜﺘﻮﺋﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺗﺴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ »ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ« ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺗﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛــﻪ »ﭼﭗ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺳــﻨﺠﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻻﻳﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻴﺰﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣــﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ »ﺳــﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻴﻨﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻳﻜــﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻃــﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺴــﻠﻂ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ 57‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻻﻧﺰﺍﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺿﺪﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ »ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﭘﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻣﻲ« ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳــﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨــﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪60‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺣﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﭼﺎﻣﺴﻜﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻴﭗﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿــﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻯ ﻋﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻭﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻗﺒﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ )ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ( ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻰﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ« ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﮕﻰ ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ‪ -‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺸـﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ »ﺁﺭﻯ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﻧﻪ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ )‪ (Context‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ »ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻳﻰ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻰ« ﻣﺎ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﺳﺤﺎﺑﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺳﺤﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺨﺸﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻨﻴﻒﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﺜﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻜﻴــﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ،...‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮﻳــﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻗﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻇﺮﻳﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺻــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺼــﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫)ﺑﻪﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ‪ -‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ‪ -‬ﻃﻔﺮﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮﻳﻪﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈــﺮﻯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﺳﺤﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺨﺸﺐ‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﺨﺸﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ »ﻧﺎﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰِ « ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻮﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮕﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻮﻉﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯﺩﻳﻨﻰﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﺳــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬــﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛــﻒ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻠﺒﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨــﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟــﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴــﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳــﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺎﻅﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺑﺎﻛﺎﺳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻭﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺿﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤــﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﻬــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨــﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﺳــﺤﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﺨﺸﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺳــﻠﺒﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻬﻴﻠﻴﺴــﻢ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻤﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺴﺖﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﺒﻊ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻀﻤﺤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻢﺳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺳــﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻓﻬــﻢ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫)‬ ‫( ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻯ؛ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳــﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﺵ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ »ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻳﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ« ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ »ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻳﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺗﻤﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬــﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫــﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﻗﻤﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﺫﺭﻯ«‪» ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ »ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻪ« ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺺﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺮﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻦﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧــﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻋﻘــﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻭﺣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻨﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰﺍﻧﺘﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴــﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ )ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ(‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳــﻚ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﺎﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﻘﺤﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﺤــﺎﺏ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣِ ــﺪﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪» ،‬ﻛُﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑ ِ ِﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻉ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑ ِ ِﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻛُﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑ ِ ِﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿــﺎﺕ ﺳــﺘﺮگ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺑ ِ ِﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻉ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ »ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ« ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔــﺮﻭﺽ ﺍﻧﺘﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻠﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻦﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻣﻀﺎﻋــﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤــﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻂ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﺭﻳﺘﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻳــﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ« ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺳﭙﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺎﻧﺎ ﺁﺭﻧﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻠﻰﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﭘـﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ »ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ« ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯﺍﺯﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯﺭﺍﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯﺁﻧﻬﺎﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻼﻣﺎﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎﺗﻰﺍﺯﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯﻭﻗﻮﻉﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢﻛﻪﻣﺮﺩﻡﺻﺮﻓﺎﭼﻬﺎﺭﻳﺎﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪﻣﺎﭼﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊﺍﺯ»ﻧﻜﺒﺖﻳﺎﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ«ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚﻧﻴﺎﺯﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ؟ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ »ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺳــﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺳﺤﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﻘﺢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳــﻠﻴﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺰﺭگ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴــﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻠــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ »ﻛُﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑ ِ ِﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻉ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑ ِ ِﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺎﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺴــﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤــﻮ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﺗﻌــﺎﺭﺽ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳــﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻧﺺﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯﮔﺮﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺮ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ )ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ( ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﭙﻬﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﻘﺢ ﺗﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺒﻪﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋــﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﮋﺍﻧﺪﻳــﺶ »ﺗﺤﺠــﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﭘﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ« ﻭ »ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﻓﻜﺮﻯ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷــﺌﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻮﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳــﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺌﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴــﺪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﮔــﺮﻭﻩ »ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﻳﻦ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻫﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻔــﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻮﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭘﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﻪ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻭﺍﺳــﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﻭﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺷــﺮﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﻰﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻳــﻞ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻰ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ(‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭘﻴﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫»ﺣﺠﻴﺖ« ﻭ »ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷــﺌﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ »ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟــﺖ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜــﺮﻯ )ﻭﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻴــﻞ( ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﭘﻴﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﻟﺸــﺮﺍﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻯ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧــﻼﻑ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﻢﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺵ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ »ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟«‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻛــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ« ﺯﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻏﻮﺍ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻏﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺖ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪» ،‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ«؟ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ »ﺫﺍﺕ« ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺫﺍﺕﺯﺩﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﺍ »ﺣﻖ« ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺫﺍﺕﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻣﻨﺶ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻬﻴﻠﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻏﺎﻳﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؟!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻴــﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺴــﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺐﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺑﻂ ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ؟ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫»ﻧﻔﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻭ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻏﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺒﺴــﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﻖ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕﺯﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮچﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴــﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﻻﻟــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ »ﺍﺻﻠﻲ« ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ »ﻣﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ« ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ »ﺧﺪﺍ«‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ »ﺍﺻﻞ« ﻭ »ﺫﺍﺕ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﺯﺩﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻨﺦ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﻘﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ؟ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺳــﻤﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻮﺗﻮﭘﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻠــﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻــﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ »ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻏﻮﺍﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺖ ﺗﻜﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻻ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦﻣﻦﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪﻛﻪﻛﺴﻲﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ»ﺧﺪﺍﮔﺮﺍ«‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ -‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺫﺍﺕ« ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪﺁﻥﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﻧﻔﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ »ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ« ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺎﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﺍﻳﻦﺍﻣﺮﺭﺍﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪﺍﺳﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺳﻄﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻼﺻﺪﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻳﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞﺯﺩﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ« ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻧﺸــﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻭﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﺭﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻭﻝ)ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ(‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ )ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ( ﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺎﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫• ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺘﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺻﻒﺁﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨــﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺠــﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﺠــﺪﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻭﺟﻼ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑــﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏــﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑــﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺠــﺪﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺴــﺎﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺠــﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴــﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺠــﺪﺩ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ )ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ( ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ )ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻄﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺸــﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺖﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻯ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻌﻄﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﻳﺚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻔﻄﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﻮﺩﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺦﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺠﺪﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺠﺰﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ‪ -‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷــﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺻﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻞﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻡ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺪﻭﻟﻮژﻯ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ ﻣﺘــﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﻭﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣــﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﺯﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥﻏﺮﺑﻲﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﻭﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪﺻﺪﻭﺭﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱﺣﻀﺮﺕﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲﻋﻠﻴﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻣﺮﺗﺪﻛﺘﺎﺏﻣﻮﻫﻮﻥﺁﻳﺎﺕﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲﺭﺍﻩﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥﻫﻤﺎﻥﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥﺭﺷﺪﻱﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﺣﻀﺮﺕﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(ﺩﭼﺎﺭﻣﺮگﺷﺪ‪،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻫﻨﻮﺯﺣﺬﻑﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩﺻﺪﻭﺭﺍﻳﻦﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱﻓﺘﻨﻪﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥﻣﻮﺭﺩﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ)ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ(‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻓﺎﺿﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ »ﺣﺎﺝﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷــﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺛﻮﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ »ﺣﺎﺟﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﻛﺖ ﺗﺮﺧﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ »ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻗــﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ)ﺭﻩ(« ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ »ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳــﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1325‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀــﺮ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﺷــﻢ ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ »ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺟــﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻳﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝﺷــﻴﺦ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ)ﻋﺒﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻰ(ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻼﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1335‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1345‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺝﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1354‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸــﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺞﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ…(‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ)ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ( ﻭ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﺖ ﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺒﺰﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺷــﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ)ﺹ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻃﺒﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳــﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻰﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ)ﻉ( ﻭ‪ ،...‬ژﺭﻑﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ‪ ،...‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺍﻻﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ(‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ‪،...‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ :‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨــﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭﻻﺩﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ)ﺱ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ)ﻉ( ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺗﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ)ﺱ( ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺯﮔﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ )ﺣﺞ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺴﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻂ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،1363‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ‪ 20‬ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻡ ﻗﺮﺽﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻀﺎﻋــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﻴﺰﻳﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺷﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻩﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﺳـﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﺎﺩﻡﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻴﺪﻩﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑــﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﺹ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﻣــﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷــﻴﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺪ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻗﻄﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺯﻳﺒــﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ )ﺳــﻼﻡﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ( ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﺖﻛﻮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 79‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳــﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻜﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﻲﻋﺼﺮ )ﻋﺞ( ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺳﺨﺖﻛﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﺮﺛﻤﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﭙﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﷲ« ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺷــﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺗﺎﺷــﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫»ﺗﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪12.‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﺎﺝﺳﻴﺪﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻋﻠــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻫﻢﻟﻄﻒ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ‪ -‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺗﺒﺮﻳــﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳــﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧــﺪ ﺍﻧﺸــﺎءﺍﷲ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻟــﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣــﺎﺝ ﻣﻴــﺮﺯﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﺁﻗــﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧــﻲ« ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧــﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻡ؛‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻤﺎﻥ ‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﷲ ﺭﺏﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﺶ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻨﮓﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ )ﺳﻼﻡﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ( ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ‪ 1345‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻲ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﻲﺍﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﻗﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴــﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ« ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺣﻔﻈﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻌــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼـﻪ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺳـﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳـﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺟﺲ)ﺱ( ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪﷲ ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺒــﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻄــﻒ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ( ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺆﺳﺴــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻓﻜﻦ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ )ﻋﺞ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑﭙــﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴــﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ)ﻉ( ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻮﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﻮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺧﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫـﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺳــﻢ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﺭﺍ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ« ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺎﺭﻡﺍﻻﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ)ﻉ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴـﻪ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ)ﺱ(‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻓﻮﻕﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻕﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳـﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧـﻲ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢﷲ ﺩﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻮﺍﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺎ«‪ -‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺕ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻤﻚﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣــﻦﻛﺎﻥ ﷲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﻟﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﻮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﺮﻓﺎﺗﺤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﭼﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﺒﻚ ﻛﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳـﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷـﺎ ﻧﺸﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻦ)ﻉ( ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﻲﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳـﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺧﺼﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷـﻰ )ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ( ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺸـﻴﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺏ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷـﻰ)ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ( ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻢﺍﷲﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻗﻢ ﻣﺸــﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳــﻴﺪﺗﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﻢ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﺝﺳــﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ‪ 22‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻰﺗﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺻﺒﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﻦ )ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺤﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺏ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺷﻤﻊ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻤﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻧــﺰﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﻊ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻤﻊ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻰﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻣﻦﺁﻗﺎﺗﻘﻰﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﭘﺴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ »ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ( ﺁﺭﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭﺍﻓﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ)ﻉ( ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳــﻴﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺮﺟــﺲ)ﺱ( ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻳــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪﺭﺍﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥﻧﻴﻢﻗﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺷﻴﻌﻰﺗﻼﺵﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻴﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻃﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻢ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺶ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﭽﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺯﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﺗﻠﻤـﺬ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀـﺮ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻘـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓــﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺎﮔـﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺮﺣـﻮﻣـﻪ ﺧﺎﻣـﻮﺷـﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤـﻀــﺮ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺸــﻬﺪ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴــﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈﻢﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﺴــﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫـﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ! ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴـﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷـﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺳــﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻗــﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺷــﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻤﺶ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺲ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﭙﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣـﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫـﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷـﻴﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸـﻰ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﺍﺷـﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳـﻌﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻴﻚ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷــﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ)ﺱ( ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃــﻼﺏ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴــﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ)ﺱ( ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﭼﻴﻨــﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﭼـﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ )ﺱ( ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺮﺍ)ﺱ( ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴـﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳــﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺛﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷــﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻧﺮﺟﺲ)ﺱ( ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﻛﻪﭘﺸﺖﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﺎﺏﺁﻳﺎﺕﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻰﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ_ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰﻏﺮﺏﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﺯﺩﻥﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺟﻨﮓﺍﺳﻼﻡﻭﻏﺮﺏﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻯﻳﺎﻓﺖﻛﻪﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖﺍﺯﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥﺭﺷﺪﻯﺑﺎﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰﻭﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰﻏﺮﺏﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﻫﺮﺻﻮﺭﺕﺍﻳﻦﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﻪﺳـﻮﻯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺠﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥﺍﻳﻦﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺭﺍﺑﻪﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 19‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪ 1947‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺒﺌﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1981‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷــﺐ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺳﺤﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1364‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻨﺪ )ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ( ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1993‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﺮ ﺑﻮﻛﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ )ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻣــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 25‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﺮ( ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﻛﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2002‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣَﻦ ﺑﻮﻛﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﺴﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫)= ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ( ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ »ﻭﺍﻳﻜﻴﻨﮓ«‬ ‫)ﺟﺰﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ »ﭘﻨﮕﻮﺋﻦ«( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ »ﮔﻴﻠﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺘﻜﻦ« )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻳﻜﻴﻨﮓ( ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ‪ 580‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ« ﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪547‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ )ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪26) 1367/7/4‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ (1988‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳــﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ )ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ )ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺣﻰ( ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺤﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺨﻴﻔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 25‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1367‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺎﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺎﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻌﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻮﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﺎءﺍﷲ‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺗﻪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺱﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 26‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 1367‬ﻋﺰﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿــﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ )ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺗﻠﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﺩ( ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ‬ ‫)ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺧﺮﺝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ«‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺷــﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1998‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﺍﻳﺮﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ« ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ )ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺟﻴﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻛﺎﻫﻲ( ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ )ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ژﺍﭘﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷــﺮ ﻧﺮﻭژﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﻧﺮﻭژﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ »ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪1386‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﺮﺱ »ﭘﺎﺩﻣﺎ ﻻﻛﺸﻤﻲ« ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ »ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ« ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ « ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻥﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﺰ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆﺷﺨﺼﻲﺳﺎﺑﻖﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥﺭﺷﺪﻱﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺏﺧﻮﺩﺍﻳﻦﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺭﺍﻓﺮﺩﻱﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ‪،‬ﻛﺜﻴﻒﻭﻣﺘﻜﺒﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﺰﻛﻪﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺣﻪ ﺭﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺿﺪﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﺶ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻁ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 29‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪1367‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ »:‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻰﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢﺑﺪﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ـ ﻣﺪ ﻇﻠﻪ ـ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ‪ ...‬ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭﺍﺻﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻــﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳــﺎ ﺧﻴــﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﻗــﺪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘــﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻲﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧــﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 16‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ ،67‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬ﺟﻴﻤﻲﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃــﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻫﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» «.‬ﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻧﺲ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ »ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ )ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤــﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟــﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻜﻢﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﺠــﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ‪ 1977‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ)ﺹ( ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪»:‬ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﭘﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺬﺑﻮﺣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴــﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،67‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ‪ 12‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺳــﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺰﺩﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢﻓﺮﺳﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﻄﺮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫»‪...‬ﺁﻳﺎﺕﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺶ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺯﻫﺮﺁﮔﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ‪ 45‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖﺍﺯﺟﺎﻥﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥﺭﺷﺪﻱﺭﺍﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺏﺧﻮﺩﺑﺎﻧﺎﻡ»ﺩﺭﺧﺪﻣﺖﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏﺧﺎﻧﻢ«)ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪(87‬ﺭﺷﺪﻱﺭﺍﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1367‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻭﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦﻓﺮﺩﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲﺩﺭﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ 87‬ﭘﺲﺍﺯﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥﺭﺷﺪﻱﺍﺯﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﻔﺮﺁﻣﻴــﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜــﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪»:‬ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﺰ« ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻴﻚ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ »ﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﺰ« ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻮﻛﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻄﺮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬ﺭﺷﺪﻯﺩﺭﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺑﺎﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﭼﺎپﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐﻛﺘﺎﺏﺭﻭﻥﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﺰﻫﻤﮕﻰﺟﻌﻠﻰﺍﺳﺖﺯﻳﺮﺍﺍﻭﻣﺮﺍﻓﺮﺩﻯﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺲ‪،‬ﺑﻰﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻭﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﻦﻭﮔﺴﺘﺎﺥﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﻰ ﺍﺟﻼﺳﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺶ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﺎ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪68‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﻀﻄﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﻤﺪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻔﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﺭﺍﻟﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ -‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﺎﺯﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﺭﻫﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ »ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ« ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﺮﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1368‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻄﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺳــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ )ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣُﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ… ﺑﻌﺪ… ﺭﻓﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻥ! ﭼﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ؟ ﻧﺼﻔﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻥﺷﺎءﺍﷲ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻰ ﻫﺴﺖ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﻻﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻔــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥﺭﺷﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪68‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻭﻯ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ)ﻋﺞ( ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ؟!«‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻋﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮگ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰﺍﺵ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ‪ «.‬ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫــﻢ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﺎﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﺵ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ -‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﻄﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ‪ -‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻗﺒﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ )ﺱ(‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﻨﺪﻟــﻰ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻛﻼﺱ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ! ﺗﻮﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩﻡ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻡ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﺳــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳــﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺎﺯﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻮﺯﮔﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺘﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻔﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭘَﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻀﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺘﻔﻴﺾ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣــﺎﺯﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1968‬ﻡ )‪ 1347‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ( ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻧﺎﻛﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻴﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺒﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﻨﮕﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ! ﻏﻴﺮﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‪ «.‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﺎﺵ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻢ ﺧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ! ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ‪ 1368‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﭽﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1368‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﺮﺱﻭﺟﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷــﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫‪ 50‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﺻﻠﻴﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺸﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧــﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺘﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷــﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻋﻄﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺶﺳــﻮﺯﻯ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺻﻴﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺯﺡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺯﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻼﻭﺕ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺳﻢﺑﻦﺍﻟﺤﺴــﻦ )ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎﺍﻟﺴــﻼﻡ( ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ »ﺍﺣﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻞ« ]ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺴﻞ[ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺁﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ ﻻﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻣﺎﺯﺡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷــﺮﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳــﺮﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 1369‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻔﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻔﺘﻀﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧــﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻳــﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﻣﺒﻨﻰﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺳــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺳــﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻭّﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷــﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻣﺎﻥﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻭﻗﺖﻧﻴﺰﺩﺭﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻯﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﺧﻴﺮﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﺩﺭﺟﻬﺖﭘﺎﻙﻛﺮﺩﻥﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 3‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪1299‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﻠﺪﺭ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ‪ 125‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺳــﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻡ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪1299‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺰﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﺩﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻋﺪ ‪ -‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ‪،‬‬‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻘﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﺩﻛﻮﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺍﺵﺑﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1256‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﺰﺍﻕﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1299‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1299‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ »ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺪ«‬ ‫)ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ( ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷــﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ »ﻧﻮﺭﻣﻦ«‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺳﻮﻡﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1299‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﻚ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻫﻢﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ »ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ« ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻋﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼــﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﻬﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 400‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 500‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻭﺍﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺫﻳــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺼﺐﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ً‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ -1.‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣــﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺳــﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺟﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻬﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪6‬ـ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻮپﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻣﺴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬ـ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬ـ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳــﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪9‬ـ »ﻛﺎﻇﻢﺧﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫــﻢ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ،1339‬ﺭﺋﻴــﺲ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻗﺰﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ـ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼــﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ »ﻧﻮﺭﻣﻦ« ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷــﺎﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻣﻦ ﻃﻲ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻟﺮﺩﻛﺮﺯﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻮﺷــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺰﺍﻕﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ »ﻧﻮﺭﻣﻦ« ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ« ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎء ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻔﻠــﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻻﻗﻴﺪﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜــﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻫﺎﻟــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺳــﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺰﻱﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﺰﻱﺍﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱﺍﻵﺧﺮ ‪ 1339‬ـ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻨﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪1919‬ﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳــﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪1298‬ﺵ‪1919/‬ﻡ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮ ﺭﻳﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﻻﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﻨﺞ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴــﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ »ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1920‬ﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻻﺟﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪1920‬ﻡ )ﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪1300‬ﺵ(‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺑــﺎ ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﻠﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫»ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪1299‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺳـﻪ ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﻗـﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣــﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺷــﺮﻭﻁ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺷﻜﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺷﻨﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 1293‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺭژﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﻼﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻮﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 1299‬ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1293‬ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﺭﺷــﻴﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷـﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬــﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣــﻮﻡ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧـﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪﻭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﻳﻚﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻰ ‪ -‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‪ 1299‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧـﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﻧﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﺎﻧﭽﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1917‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣــﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪ 1907‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1907‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﺳــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1907‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1915‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1907‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1915‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻــﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1299‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳـﺖﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﭽﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻲﺧــﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴــﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 200‬ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻯ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻘﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﻴــﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫــﻢﻛــﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺸـﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘـﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺧـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷـﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﺿﻴﺎءﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺳــﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎء ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧــﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﮕﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ‪ 9‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘــﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1919‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫــﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻤﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧــﺶ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻭﻯ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻫﮕﻞ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺷﺎﻩﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺎﻩﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1303‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺘﻴــﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1303‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﺠــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﻧﺠــﻒ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫــﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸــﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪1302‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1303‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺷﺎﻩﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1299‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻛﻨــﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺠﻰ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒــﺎﻝ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻯ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﭽﻴــﺪﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼــﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1306‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﺝﺁﻗﺎﻧــﻮﺭﺍﷲ ﻧﺠﻔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺷــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴــﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫‪–IµT]H‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ 5‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ 100‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟــﺮﺍﻯ »ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ« ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳــﻬﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻨــﻊ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺑﺴــﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳــﻰ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑــﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢﺗﺮ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ –ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺟــﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﺵ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﭼﺮﺧﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ – ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫»ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ«ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ – ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ -‬ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ »ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ« ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻗﺖ ‪ 5/26‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺷــﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴــﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭼﻚ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ« )ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ( ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ )ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺷــﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧــﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺳﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻓﻪﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻄــﻊ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻳﺨــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻢﺭﻳﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ – ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ »ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ« )ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ( ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴــﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺷﺶ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪،100 ، 620 ، 600‬‬ ‫‪ 200 ، 450‬ﻭ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪ 16/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪ 2/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ‪ 3/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺶ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ )ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪ 200 ،5870 ، 100 ، 3965 ، 500‬ﻭ ‪ 411‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪ 33‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪ 4/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ‪ 6/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 20/5‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 85/2‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪33‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ‪ 6/8‬ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ 40/8‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 184/8‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷــﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗــﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳــﺒﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻤﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻒﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ »ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ »ﻣﺜﻠﺚ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻳﻒﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴـﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﭼﺸـﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻒﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﺻﺤﺒﺖﻣﺎﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ؛ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳـﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ؟ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 80‬ﺗﺎ ‪84‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 80‬ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪33‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﻫﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ‪0/8‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 41‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻚ‪ 4/5 ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ 3/7‬ﻭ ‪4/5‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1380‬‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪6/4 ،4/9 ،3/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳــﻰ ‪ 20/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻫــﻢ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪13/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻮﺯﻳــﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ – ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺴـﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫــﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﻮﺑﺴــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻫﺮﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺩﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،83‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ‪15‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪15 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻢﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻗــﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺑﺴﻴﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏــﺬ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﻤﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ‪63‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠــﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪10‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﺎﺳــﻦ )ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ( ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸــﺎﺭ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎﻳـﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺷـﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳــﺰﻯ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪30/5‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺑﺴــﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻃﺒــﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ‪24‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪55‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻯ ‪ 14‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷـﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؛‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪30 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺣﺼﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳــﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻓﺎﻩﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻐﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳــﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺗﺎ ‪40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺸــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺷﺪﻫﺎﻯ ‪6/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺶ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪،600‬‬ ‫‪ 200 ،450 ،100 ،620‬ﻭ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪ 16/2‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪2/2‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ‪ 3/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ 32‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ )ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ( ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 28‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﺭ( ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 36‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 59‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 13 ،14/20 ،5 ،22 ،24‬ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ‪2/9‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪﺷــﺪﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﺴﺐﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ‪11/4‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪24‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻁ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺁﺧﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1380‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 1383‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫــﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼــﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷــﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺷــﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ‪30‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧــﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺶ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪،500‬‬ ‫‪ 200 ،5870 ،100 ،3965‬ﻭ ‪ 411‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ )ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺯﻭﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪ 33‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ‪ 4/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ‪ 6/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ‪ 38‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ )ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ( ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 57‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ )ﺑﺎﺭ( ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪254‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪،19 ،40 ،45‬‬ ‫‪ 25 ،24‬ﻭ ‪16‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 17‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 27‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﻼﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰﺍﺵ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻃـﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫـﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳـﻂ ﺑﻼﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﺳـﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺷـﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻫﻢﻃﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻑﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘــﻪ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻛﻨﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻛﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫـﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻻﻏﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗــﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ‪ 13‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1386‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻌﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﺒــﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻼﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜــﺮﺩ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘــﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻫﺪﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1384‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻓﻜــﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1383‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘــﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺸــﻖ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻛﻢﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﻴﻒﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻃﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺼﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜــﺮ ﺗﺎ ‪50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ )ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ( ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧــﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﭘﻨﺞﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪ 340‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 15/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ 18/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻏﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻠﻲ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺻﻼﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ )ﺑﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻝ( ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ‪ 19/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻴــﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 18/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 15/7‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪19/3‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﺮژﻳﻚ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ‪20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ‪ 20/5 ،‬ﻭ ‪ 39/8‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤــﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧــﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫــﺎ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻃﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﻙﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ 30 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫)‪ 60/000‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ( ﻃﺒﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 6‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨــﺎﺭﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ‪ 56‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻪﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺤﻜﻴــﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﻧــﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﺴــﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺸﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪﻭﺟــﻮﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﻭﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1386‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺳــﺎﺑﻘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1384‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪1386‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴــﻠﻂ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺸــﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷــﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪) 1387‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 3/3‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ‪) 1388‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑــﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ‪1/5‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺼــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺑﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﮔﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱﺗﺤﺖﭘﻮﺷﺶﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﺑﺎﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ 17/000/000 × 70 = 12/000/000 :‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘــﻲ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻃــﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪= 120/000/000/000/000‬‬ ‫‪ 12/000/000 × 10/000/000‬ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ‪ 20‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺼﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧــﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼــﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺨﻮﺍﻩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐﺗﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﻙ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﻭﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻌﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧــﻖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﻜﻴــﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻲ ﺟﻬــﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺧﻠﻖﺍﻟﺴــﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧــﻮﺍﻉ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴــﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ﻣﺼــﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 88/8/12‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 13‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﻨﻮﺍﺗﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫)ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 53‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ( ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‪ ...‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺒﺐﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪ 200‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﻣﺰﺑــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴــﻚ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺯﺑﺮﻱﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻣﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﻮﺭﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺒﺴﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 84‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ 85‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1386‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺣﺴــﺐ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﺠــﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﻭﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1387‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻗﻮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳــﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻢﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡﻭﻓﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1989‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺬﻑﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫»ﺟﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ« ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻭﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻚ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪12‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺑﻪﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ‪600‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻏﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺩﺳﺖﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺟــﺪﻯ ﻧﻘﺪﻯﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡﺗﺮ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺤﻴﻒ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺳــﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪85‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻫﻚ ﺍﻭﻝ ‪ 350‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﻳﻨﺎﻭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻴــﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟــﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨــﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺞﺭﻭﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﻧﺴﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪) 84‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ(‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪) 88‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ( ﺑﻪ ‪ 38‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 34‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺟﺶ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺴﻂﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻯﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.mosalas.ir‬‬ ‫»‪xpn‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻞ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧــﺎﻡ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴــﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 10‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳــﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺗﻴﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﭼﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺼﻞ« ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﻔﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺨــﺎﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﺍﻧــﺪﻙ ﻓﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼــﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ )ﺳﻴﺪﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻰ( ‪ 600‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫‪ 444‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻔﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳــﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻟﺨﺮﺟﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ »ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻳﺎ ﺳــﻨﮓﺁﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺒــﻮﺏ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ( ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧــﻪ« ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺏ ﺁﺷــﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤــﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺱ»ﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻣــﻮ« ﻳــﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧــﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳــﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺼﻞ« ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻴــﻢ ﺑــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 400-500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒــﺎﻝ ﺧــﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻟــﻎ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺻﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺼﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻴﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﻰﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳــﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﻭ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻫﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻣــﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻻﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ؛ » ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ‪10‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪500‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺫﻏﺎﻝﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﺮﻩﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺷــﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﺭﻩﺫﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺫﻏﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺫﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﻭ ﺻﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻟﻒﻫﺎ ژﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ »ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺸــﺨﺺ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﺸﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻱﻛﺎﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣــﻮﺯﻱ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺧﺴــﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 71‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺭﻳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳــﺮﺧﭙﻮﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ 720‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﭽﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﻭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ‪ 120‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﻠﻐــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺒــﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻓﺒﻚ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻡ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻭﻱ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ‪ 500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣــﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺷــﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻢ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﺑﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻗﻤــﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪500‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻟﻮﻛﺎ ﺑﻮﻧﺎﭼﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 700‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ 17‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺲ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ‪ 300‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳــﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ‪ 400‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﮓﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺑﻘﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﺳﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ؛ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘـﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴـﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑـﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﺸـﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳـﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳـﺎﻝ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳـﻬﻤﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛـﻮﺭﺱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜـﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻨﺪ!ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﻜﺴـﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻴﺮﻳﻦﻓﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﻮﺷـﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴـﻠﻢ ﻭ ‪ ..‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺤـﻮﻩ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢﻫـﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒـﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣـﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 117‬ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻝﻭﭘﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﺪﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃــﻼﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣــﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳــﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳـﺮ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖ ﻓـﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛـﻪ ﺳـﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳـﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛـﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫـﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﻔﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻜﺴــﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﺑﺎﻝ‪،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤــﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ 117‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺮﺱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ‪AFC‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣـﻞ ﻓﻮﻻﺩﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛـﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳـﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟـﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳـﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠـﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳـﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻻﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﻻﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﻛﺶ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ؛ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﭼﻨــﺪﻯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺻــﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺿــﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺭﺩﻳﻔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﻘﻔﻰ‪ 250‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪﺭﻏــﻢ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺁﺫﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻰﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻛﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿــﻊ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺦﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻘﻞﻭﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﺸــﺘﻢ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻰﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴــﻎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳــﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﻆ ﺁﺷــﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷــﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺳﺎﻡ ﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺷــﻴﺦﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌــﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳــﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨــﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳـﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫‪ AFC‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂﭘﺲﻭﺭﺯﺵﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠـﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﺤـﻮﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘـﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷـﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻳـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴــﻚ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﺩﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﻮﺷﻚ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞﺁﺫﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ 17 .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺒﻠﻐــﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺏ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 117‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠــﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺏ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 46‬ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺩ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﻠــﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺼــﺮﻩ ‪ 46‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺏ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 117‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟!‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠــﺎﺕ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﺗﺎﭼﻪﺣﺪﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺭﺯﺵﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺭﺍﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﻭﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1369‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺩﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﻧﺴﺎﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ )ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻨــﮓ( ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ )ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ( ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 154‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕــﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳــﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺴــﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺎ ﺑﺎﻃﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ )ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 60‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ 25‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴــﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 7‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1382‬ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺳــﺎﻳﭙﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ -‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻴﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫– ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ – ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻴﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻻﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﻔﻴﻊﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻘــﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴــﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫــﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟــﺬﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ‪ 6‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ‪ 3/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻏﺪﻏــﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳــﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳــﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺳﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺳــﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ‪ 5‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 1/5‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻯ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴــﻖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺭﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ 98